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Christopher J. Shepherd, Haunted Houses and Ghostly Encounters. Ethnography and Animism in East Timor 1860-1975

Foreword by Douglas Kammen, Singapore: NUS Press/Nias Press in Association with Asian Studies Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series, 2019, glossary, bibliography, index, maps, photographs, xxii + 326 p.
Antonio J. Guerreiro
p. 259-265
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Christopher J. Shepherd, Haunted Houses and Ghostly Encounters. Ethnography and Animism in East Timor 1860-1975, foreword by Douglas Kammen, Singapore: NUS Press/Nias Press in Association with Asian Studies Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series, 2019, glossary, bibliography, index, maps, photographs, xxii + 326 p.

Texte intégral

  • 1 Shepherd first visited East Timor in 2002, then he enrolled in Anthropology at the Australian Natio (...)

1The author of this intellectually stimulating book, Christopher J. Shepherd, an anthropologist, has an experience of fieldwork in East Timor.1 The book addresses the period from the second half of the 19th century to 1975. In a ground-breaking “anthology” of ethnographic writing and practice, Shepherd provides a discursive analysis of fieldwork’s methodology and background on the Eastern region of the island. Ethnographic locations of anthropologists are considered in the line of Clifford and Marcus seminal work, Writing Culture (1986) informing his textual analyses (17-19, 272-275). In doing so, he unwraps subjective motivations and biases in an epistemological discovery of ethnographical approaches of the island’s indigenous societies, based on more than a century of research.

2The book takes on an original format, based on storytelling and narrative, with a focus on Timorese animism in the prism of colonial and post-colonial interpretations that runs through the ten chapters, while the conclusion considers rather theoretical issues and approaches in the study of animism, specifically in connection to East Timor. As the title and subtitle of the book indicate, the main topic is concerned with the anthropology of religion and identity—or “spiritual realm” as Doug Kammen (National University of Singapore) writes in the foreword (xvi)—rather than ethnography, colonial rule and politics per se. However, it takes on the articulation of these topics, following the historical developments that unfolded on the island, the most remote Portuguese settlement in Asia.

  • 2 Henry O. Forbes (1851-1932) arrived in Dili with his wife Annabella in 1882. His field survey was s (...)

3The core of the book is divided in two neat, complementary, parts, ch. 1 to 6 and ch. 7 to 10. The first half dealing with non-professional ethnographers, mostly Portuguese colonial officers, a Catholic missionary, besides an English/Scottish naturalist, while the second half showcases academically trained ethnographers, from the early 1960s to 1975. The distribution of the chapters in Part One, provides the contrasting views and practices of a “Governor” (Alfonso de Castro, in function 1859-1863); the foreign “Naturalist”, H. O. Forbes during a visit to the South of the island in 1885; the “Magistrate” Alberto Osório (early 1900s), the “Captain” José Simões Martinho—he sojourned in Timor from 1909 to 1935; the civil “Administrator” Armando Pinto Correia (1928-1934) and finally, the “Missionary”, Abilio José Fernandes who spent 24 years of his life evangelizing in Timor (1914-1938). The historical sequence, from the 1860s to the 1930s, and the role ascribed to each character as an ethnographer provides a fascinating narrative of colonial representations in line with the consolidation of the Portuguese Empire in Timor during the period. Although Forbes provided a distinct outlook, as a non-Portuguese Westerner.2

4Part Two combines a review of four “foreign” ethnographers, all anglo-saxon. Shepherd wittingly categorizes them too as characters: the “Sentimentalist” (Margaret King, 1960-1961), the “Theologian” (the British David Hicks, 1966-1967), the American Shepard Forman (1973-1974), dubbed the “Apprentice”, and Elisabeth Traube as the “Detective”, an American too (circa 1972-1974). Map 4 indicates the major sites of each fieldwork (148).

  • 3 The conflicts became more and more bloody as the decade progressed, culminating with the Movement o (...)

5The storytelling of ethnographical research that Shepherd constructs is relevant to the situation of Portuguese Timor during the colonial period, although the specific circumstances of the later decades, post WWII, corresponding to a disintegration of colonialism as such and cultural change—taking place globally in the 1960s and early 1970s—, may have been at work. Actually, Shepherd hinted to it in chapter 8, discussing David Hicks’ fieldwork and writings (198), also in the conclusion in regard to the Cold War and to Western domination on the “researched South” (278). Portugal became embroiled in colonial wars in Africa in the early 1960s, as French and British colonies in Africa reached independence.3 Creating an historical narrative of research in East Timor, Shepherd categorizes the ethnographers in terms of a thematic focus, i.e in the first part of the book: an ethnography for empire (The “Governor”, 25-38) to an ethnography of extremes (The “Missionary”,120-146) in the second, the “Theologian” (an ethnography of order, 173-205) to an ethnography of intimacy (The “Detective”, 234-258). This literary treatment of the ethnographic material provides the reader with a background to fieldwork that highlights the interactions taking place between the fieldworker personality, specific conditions and ethnographic writing in each case. In the book, I note that the sharp contrast between the categories of “Colonial ethnography” and “Professional ethnography”, is probably accentuated by the evolution of the discipline, and a time gap, from the late 1930s to 1960s. During WWII and the early post-war period until 1965, when the colonial system survived, little changes took place but those introduced by the colonial elites. East Timor was too far from the motherland.

6Shepherd’s book combines two important topics, especially in the second half, reflexivity in fieldwork and animism in context linking socio-cosmic representations of Timor societies—conceived as Naturalism—, as well as interactions with colonial rule and Christianity as seen through the lenses of the ethnographers, obviously they are part of the process. The narrative imparts a continuity to the book, from the 19th century colonial period until its tragic end in the middle 1970s. As each individual chapter condenses much textual and historical data it would be too long in a review to go into details. Rather, I will focus on the approach chosen by Shepherd and the main points.

7Object collecting for Museum and ethical issues should be mentioned. Shepherd stresses this point in the conclusion (276-277) in regard to Margaret King, the Sentimentalist—dubbed an “Ethnography in Paradise”—with little concern for cultural relativism. Her ambiguity was reflected in her writings. The work of the British-Australian ethno-musicologist was centered on music and dances. It was carried out in two fieldwork stays in 1960 and 1961. Her book, Eden to Paradise (1963), was meant for a popular audience as a travel account, although it was full of ethnographic details and observations on Timorese ethnic cultures. She was also engaged in material culture collecting for the South Australian Museum in Adelaide (163-164), including ritual items—a sacred lulik drum was part of her acquisitions—, textiles and musical instruments (compare Lameiras-Campagnolo & Campagnolo 1992; Centeno & Carneiro da Sousa 2001). The collection was exhibited at the Museum after the book publication (photographs, 7.2, 7.3, 166). During her extensive travels across East Timor, she praised the Portuguese colonial system in charge of the administration. The Timorese concept of the sacred, lulik, applied alternatively to objects, places or peoples, takes a central place in her account. In the course of fieldwork, she found to her surprise that she was lulik too.

8The crucial passage in David Hicks’ book Tetum Ghosts and Kin that gives its title to the book: “Haunted Houses and Ghostly Encounters” (196-199) describes the disruption of the villagers’ life by ghosts’ apparitions and the fear that followed, manifesting itself by various psychological phenomena (dreams, screams, gasping…) until the affected hamlet, Bua Laran (belonging to the “Eel Clan”) was eventually relocated to another place. Hicks’ narrative of events—compared from the 1976, 2004 editions of the book—provides an insight on how animism was perceived in context of the fieldwork and how he felt about it. As Shepherd suggests, the connection of these events to the Viqueque rebellion (1959), in which several hundred people were killed, is significant (197).

  • 4 Shepherd remarks that David Hicks seems to be the only professional anthropologist to describe the (...)
  • 5 “In all of this [fieldwork and institutional strategies developed by the ethnographers] reflexivity (...)

9“Animism” in theory and practice in connection to Naturalism, is the main theme of the book. In this line, the Introduction reformulates recent arguments and approaches (Århem 2016; Bird-David 1999; Descola 2015; Morrison 2015), that are framing the spiritual world of the Timorese. The discussion of “revisited” animism in anthropological discourse, following Kaj Århem, and the typology that the author introduces is based on both empirical and ideological prerequisites (261-272). In this line, concepts such as “homology”, “sacred”, “prohibition”—considered beyond the nature/culture dichotomy—are explored by Shepherd from the ethnographic cases in the book. Interestingly, Shepherd introduces the notion of “transitive animism” as an heuristic tool. Taking on the transition from “old” to “new” interpretations of animism in East Timor’s societies, he reformulates the notion as to include the Timorese’s perceptions vis-à-vis those of the ethnographers. He contrasts then, reflexivity, cultural relativism, and what he terms “meta-ethnographic transformative animism”. In this context, Shepherd reviews the critical turn of so-called “penetrative ethnography” that took place in the 1960s-1970s, and the ambiguous relationships of the professional ethnographers to their “key” informants, or of events occurring during fieldwork, acculturation processes.4 Based on the cases from East Timor, reflexivity would also function as a “mask” for the ethnographer.5 In the final considerations, Shepherd points out to meta-ethnography as way to avoid the pitfalls of relativism, notably by affording a critique of the Us-and-Them dichotomy. Then, he concludes that methodologically, meta-ethnography of animism is better served by narrative than by science. Because, it allows a multiplicity of views about a situation or an object. Then, meta-ethnography based on storytelling permits an alternative pathway to the understanding of animism that can be grasped only empirically through experiences that are narrated.

10Seen in this light, the European superior status and technology in colonial Timor was embedded in a spiritual dimension that would include animistic notions, connoting wealth and power for the natives. Shepherd stresses that under specific conditions, the benefits stemming from the colonial situation may become accessible to the indigenous peoples as the East Timor case illustrates. Then, descriptions and facts reported by the ethnographers in their writings would reflect both subjectively and objectively, the discursive nature of Timorese animism grasped in its context. But it included as well violence and anxieties for the natives, thus the practice of secrecy and magic, as expressed in ritual acts, would be running against the imposed power of potent “strangers” upon their lives. The role of spirit ontologies is made clear in the interactions reported by the ethnographers, especially in regard to agency. With a limited selection of relevant texts, Shepherd manages to convey how Timorese people felt about colonial order and their own, dominated, position within it. As Douglas Kammen recalls in the Foreword (xviii), colonial authorities the Philippines and the Netherlands Indies were suspicious of the natives’ involvement in black magic (guna-guna) as a way of undermining their rule. The same would apply in Timor, where “superstition” according to the colonial authorities was rifle. Accordingly, colonial officers such as Martinho (chap. 4, The “Captain”) chased traditional healers and diviners, the matan dook (93-95). Conversely, he considered “sacred objects” that included Western weapons, helmets and uniforms, rather as “historical” relics (95-96).

  • 6 Frédéric Durand writes that before the annexation of East Timor in 1972, only 28% of the population (...)
  • 7 Perhaps, he had already touched upon these issues in his previous book (Shepherd 2014)? In a recent (...)
  • 8 The Overseas Research Board (see Cinatti 1965, 1969 [1996], Cinatti and Oliveira 1973, 1987, Cinatt (...)

11There are few shortcomings in the book. I note that it does not consider the impact of the Indonesian invasion (Dec. 1975) on Timorese peoples’ animism and customary traditions, notably the conversions to Christianity, especially to Catholicism, that took place during the Indonesian annexation of East Timor—1976-1999, it was renamed then Timtim, Timor Timur—one generation’s time span.6 Possibly, the ban on animism enforced by the Indonesian authorities favored their rule on the peoples of East Timor. The invasion and its bloody aftermath is discussed by Shepherd in connection to David Hicks’ book, Tetum Ghosts and Kin second edition (2004) and Forman’s 1980, 1981 articles (199-200, 278-279). On the other hand, he refers to the Australian National University Anthropology’s so-called “silence policy” in the 1980s-1990s, during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor.7 Another subject that could have been treated with some details is the French-Portuguese anthropological mission Timor’s project (1966/1969-1970) is only mentioned in passing (173-174) as well as Ruy Cinatti’s—a colonial officer trained in cultural anthropology at Oxford (1915-1986)—influential role in allowing ethnographical research in Portuguese East Timor, he was a member of the board supervising research in the government.8 The Cedrasemi’s “Timor project” is also noticeable by its multidisciplinary approach (ethnography, material culture collecting, linguistics and oral literature, ethnoscience, social anthropology). However, as Shepherd remarks, the focus of the research took on other topics than religion or cosmology per se, animistic beliefs/interactions in the spiritual realm, were not part of the research agenda. Clamagirand’s study of Emak house society in structural terms was close to Wan Wouden’s formalisation of how myth, ritual and social structure, notably based on the “house” as a nodal kinship unit, would combine in Eastern Indonesian societies. Actually, a similar approach was followed by Jim Fox and his co-authors in The Flow of Life in which Clamagirand contributed.

12Editing, as the rule with NUS/NIAS publications, is superb. Photographs are well printed and indexed, maps are simple but easy to read, perhaps an ethnolinguistic map of the Eastern part of the island could have been added with profit—showing distribution of AN and NAN speaking peoples. I remark that in the glossary, only Portuguese and Timorese terms and abbreviations are included, leaving aside anthropological terms or notions that may have been useful. A short historical chronology of the colonisation of East Timor is lacking. It would have helped to frame contextually historical events in regard to the fieldworks’ timeline, from the 19th to the 20th centuries. But these are minor points, the book is convincing, well written and well researched, Shepherd sums up an important body of data in each chapter, the bibliography is exhaustive (Portuguese and other sources), while the index is most useful in establishing the range of Timorese notions in relation to the ethnographers’ publications and fieldwork foci (e.g. pomali, lulik, uma, malai…). In brief, it is a recommended read for students of animism, ritual and indigenous beliefs, especially in regard to the evolution of ethnographical though and practice in a changing colonial situation. Both historians and anthropologists will find the book thoughtful. The textual analysis developed by Shepherd outlines elegantly the dynamics of the cultural-historical processes at work in Eastern Timor during the period.

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ÅRHEM, Kaj, 2016, “Southeast Asian Animism in Context”, in Animism in Southeast Asia, Kaj Århem & Guido Sprenger, eds., Oxford and New York: Routledge, pp. 3-30.

BERLIE, Jean A., 2001, East Timor. A Bibliography, Paris: les Indes Savantes.

BERLIE, Jean A., ed., 2018, East Timor’s Independance, Indonesia and ASEAN, Cham: Palgrave-Macmillan (Springer Nature).

BERTHE, Louis, 1972, Bei-gua. Itinéraire des Ancêtres, Paris: Éditions du CNRS (Cinquième série, Documents, coll. “Cedrasemi”).

BIRD-DAVID, Nurit, 1999, “Animism Revisited: Personhood, Environment, and Relational Epistemiology”, Current Anthropology, 40: 567-591.

CARDOSO, Luís, 1997, A Crónica de uma travessia, Lisbon: Publicãçoes Dom Quixote, Lda.

CASTELO, Claudia, 2017, “Ruy Cinatti, The French Portuguese Mission and the Construct of East Timor as an Ethnographical Site”, History and Anthropology, 28 (5): 630-652.

CeDRASEMI, 1979, Le centre de documentation et de recherches sur l’Asie du Sud-Est et le Monde Insulindien, Paris: Laboratoire de recherches, Centre national de la recherche scientifique et École des hautes études en sciences Sociales [Report].

CENTENO, Rui M. S. & CARNEIRO DA SOUSA, Ivo, 2001, Uma Lulik Timur. Casa Sagrada de Oriente, Porto: Universidade do Porto/Cepesa/Fundacion CaixiaGalicia (exhibition catalogue and ethnographical texts on East Timor).

CINATTI, Ruy, 1965, “A Pescaria de Bé-Malai, Mito et Ritual”, Geographica, 1 (1): 32-51.

CINATTI, Ruy, 1987, Motivos Artisticos Timorenses e a sua Integração. Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical/Museo de Etnologia

CINATTI, Ruy & OLIVEIRA, Carlos Ramos, 1973, “A Ilha Verde e Vermelha de Timor de Osório de Castro”, Geographica, 9 (36): 20-32.

CINATTI Ruy et al., 1987, Architectura Timorese, Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical/Museo de Etnologia.

CINATTI, Ruy, 1996 [1969], Um Cancionero para Timor, Lisbon: Editiorial Presença.

DESCOLA, Philippe, 2015, “Beyond Nature and Culture”, in The Handbook of Contemporary Animism, Graham Harvey, ed., London: Routledge, pp. 77-91.

DURAND, Frédéric, 2002, Timor Lorosa’e. Pays au Carrefour de l’Asie et du Pacifique. Un atlas géo-historique, Marne-la-vallée-Bangkok: Presses universitaires de Marne la vallée-IRASEC.

FOX, James J., 1980, The Flow of Life. Essays on Eastern Indonesia, Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

FRANCILLON, Gérard, 1967, Some Matriarchic Aspects of the Social Structure of the Southern Tetun of Middle Timor, Canberra: The Australian National University, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis.

LAMEIRAS-CAMPAGNOLO, Maria-Olimpia & CAMPAGNOLO, Henri, eds., 1992, Povos de Timor, Povo de Timor: Vida – Aliança – Morte, Lisbon: Fundacão do Oriente/Instituto de Investigacão Científica Tropical/Museu de Etnologia (Portuguese-French-English text).

MORRISON, Kenneth M., 2015, “Animism and a Proposal for a Post-Cartesian Anthropology”, in The Handbook of Contemporary Animism, Graham Harvey, ed., Oxfordshire & New York, pp. 38-52.

PALMER, Lisa & McWILLIAM, Andrew, 2019, “Spirit Ecologies and Customary Governance in Post-conflict Timor Leste”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en-Volkenkunde, 175 (4): 474-505.

SHEPHERD, Christopher J., 2014, Development and Environmental Politics Unmasked: Authority, Participation and Equity in East Timor, London: Routledge.

SHEPHERD, Christopher J., 2009, “Participation, Authority, and Distributive Equity in East Timorese Development”, East Asian Science, Technology and Society: an International Journal, 3 (2-3): 315-342.

SHEPHERD, Christopher J., 2014 Development and Environmental Politics Unmasked: Authority, Participation and Equity in East Timor, London: Routledge.

THOMAZ, Luís Filipe F.R. 2008, Pais dos Belos: Achegas para a Compreensão, Lisbon: Instituto Português do Oriente, Fundação do Oriente.

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Note de fin

1 Shepherd first visited East Timor in 2002, then he enrolled in Anthropology at the Australian National University (ANU, Canberra) and did fieldwork on the issue of rural development (2009-2010). He has published a book (2014), an article (2009) and co-authored articles focusing on governance, agriculture and the colonial past of Timor Leste in the context of post-conflict development. Besides East Timor, Shepherd has been engaged in research on the indigenous populations of Peru on similar issues.

2 Henry O. Forbes (1851-1932) arrived in Dili with his wife Annabella in 1882. His field survey was supported by the Governor of Timor, Bento da França, to whom he had a previous contact. He devoted the last chapter (Six) of his book about Eastern Indonesia to Portuguese Timor. Forbes built a house on the Futanaba plateau, a day’s travel from the capital Dili, which served as a base for collecting specimens (botanical and others). During the first phase of fieldwork, his wife worked as an “apprentice naturalist” collecting insects and other items for him. Actually, she wrote a book as well based on her diary (1887). Henry became acquainted with “custom” when he had to make the sacrifice of a pig, when completing their house. Later, he went on a collecting trip across the land, the Governor providing an escort and ponies as transport for the trip. He also carried an official document for the liurai, asking for help. While Anna stayed in the house, during the survey they corresponded by couriers. Then she caught malaria, eventually she was transferred to the Governor’s Palace in Dili to recover. During his field trip, Forbes learns about rituals (burial rites at Sauo 42 ff) and the sacred houses of Turiscai and taboo (uma luli, 44-49). He comments also on conversion to Christianity (Catholic Church) in the kingdom of Laclo (55). After three months they left the island.

3 The conflicts became more and more bloody as the decade progressed, culminating with the Movement of the Armed Forces (MFA) revolution in April 1974. A small country as Portugal could not keep up with the growing costs and human losses of these colonial wars. It was followed by the withdrawal from the main colonies of Angola and Mozambique in 1975 as well from Cabo Verde islands, São Tomé e Principe, while Portuguese Guinea (now Guinea-Bissau), became independent shortly before in 1974. While the territory of Goa had been annexed by India in 1961 with other areas still under Portuguese administration on the Western coast (Diu, Daman). In remote East Timor, the pressure, albeit on an ideological level, was felt too (Berlie 2001, 2018; Cardoso 1997; Durand 2002: 56-68; Thomaz 2008: 31ff).

4 Shepherd remarks that David Hicks seems to be the only professional anthropologist to describe the field politics of acculturation during his research (273).

5 “In all of this [fieldwork and institutional strategies developed by the ethnographers] reflexivity served as much as a means to pursue illuminating analyses of the self in the field as it served as reflexive mask, putting honesty and transparency on display while concealing all manner of unpublishable reflections, sentiments, transgressions and egocentricities” (18).

6 Frédéric Durand writes that before the annexation of East Timor in 1972, only 28% of the population was professing Catholicism (and 68% animism) while in the early 1990s, the number of Catholics rises to 90%. However conversion to Catholicism in the East Timor context took also syncretic hues according to the place and peoples concerned, at the same time it was an a protection against Indonesian repression because of the strong voice of the Church after 1980 (Durand 2002: 142; Thomaz 2008: 408-411).

7 Perhaps, he had already touched upon these issues in his previous book (Shepherd 2014)? In a recently published article (2019), the issue of the revival of spirit ecologies connected to “house-based” practices and spiritual relations with living nature in post-conflict Timor-Leste, are addressed specifically by Palmer and MacWilliam. In the book Shepherd critically addresses the volume edited by J.J. Fox, The Flow of life, 1980 (278-279, and end note 5, 297-298), which was published just before Fox left Harvard to ANU. The Flow of life, addressed social structure and relations in Eastern Indonesia, several chapters focusing on East Timor’s peoples (Clamagirand, Forman, Friedberg, Hicks, Traube), but no mention of the annexation and of the ongoing physical and cultural violence against Timorese people was included.

8 The Overseas Research Board (see Cinatti 1965, 1969 [1996], Cinatti and Oliveira 1973, 1987, Cinatti et al. 1987). The French-Portuguese research programme, composed of five anthropologists was organised under the aegis of the CeDRASEMI in Paris and its director, Professor Georges Condominas, it included the Musée de l’Homme/National Museum of Natural History, that hosted the ethnographic and natural history collections made in East Timor (Berthe, Campagnolo, Clamagirand, Freidberg). Actually, Louis Berthe’s initial work on Buna’ mythology and ancestor beliefs, —an non-Austronesian speaking people—had begun in the late 1950s (Berthe 1972); it must be noted that each individual fieldwork was taking place in specific locations and times (Cedrasemi 1979; Castelo 2017; Lameiras-Campagnolo & Campagnolo 1992). Before them there was also another French professional ethnographer, Gérard Francillon (Oxford University under the supervision of Rodney Needham then at ANU), who researched the kingdom of Wehale in central Timor between the years 1962/1964; he is not mentioned in the book nor his Ph.D. thesis (1967) listed in the bibliography.

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Antonio J. Guerreiro

Anthropologist and museographer.

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