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Notes
The terms “heroization” and “hero cult” can be justifiably used in a broad, inclusive sense, of the phenomenon of the ancient Greek worship of historical persons as a whole; for the holistic comprehension of this phenomenon, it is not always helpful to insist on a strict separation between divine and heroic cult: Habicht 2017, 145-149, 206.
Faraone 1997.
Compare Taeger 1957, 107-108. The qualification “civic” is important; excluded thereby is e.g. Pheidippides as Strepsiades’ personal “saviour” (Nub. 77, 1161-1162, 1177).
σὺ δέ μοι κατὰ δαίμονα καί <τινα> συντυχίαν / ἀγαθὴν ἥκεις ἐμοὶ σωτήρ.
Peisetairos’ bird-metamorphosis: Av. 654-655, 801-808.
ὦ πάντ’ ἀγαθὰ πράττοντες, ὦ μείζω λόγου, / ὦ τρισμακάριον πτηνὸν ὀρνίθων γένος, δέχεσθε τὸν τύραννον ὀλβίοις δόμοις. See Kleinknecht 1937b, 295.
ἔρχετ’ Ἀθαναία νῦν ἀτρεκές· ἀλλὰ δέχεσθε / τὰν θεόν, ὦ κῶραι, τὦργον ὅσαις μέλεται, / σύν τ’ εὐαγορίᾳ σύν τ’ εὔγμασι σύν τ’ ὀλολυγαῖς. Kleinknecht 1937b, 296.
προδρόμους κήρυκας προπέμψαντες, οἳ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἠγόρευον ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, λέγοντες τοιάδε· «Ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, δέκεσθε ἀγαθῷ νόῳ Πεισίστρατον, τὸν αὐτὴ ἡ Ἀθηναίη τιμήσασα ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα κατάγει ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῆς ἀκρόπολιν.»
See Dunbar 1995, 751-752.
Throughout I observe the convention of capitalizing the names of personified abstractions.
Kavoulaki 1999, 314.
Kavoulaki 1999, 314 instances Peleus at ‘Hes.’ fr. 211 Merkelbach-West.
On the eiselasis of the athletic victor, see Currie 2005, 139-140.
[… μηδὲ πη]ρήτω γαμῆν τὰν Ἀφροδίταν / [… Ϝ]άν[α]σσαν ἤ τιν’ / […] ἢ παίδα Πόρκω.
καὶ μὰν Τιτυὸν βέλος Ἀρτέμιδος θήρευσε κραιπνόν, / ἐξ ἀνικάτου φαρέτρας ὀρνύμενον, / ὄφρα τις τᾶν ἐν δυνατῷ φιλοτά- / των ἐπιψαύειν ἔραται. See also Pythian II 26-28, 33-34.
See Weinreich 1932, 362; O’sullivan 2008a; Versnel 2011, 452 and n. 58.
δεῖπνον κατεσκεύασεν ὁ Κότυς ὡς γαμουμένης αὐτῶι τῆς ᾽Αθηνᾶς καὶ θάλαμον κατασκευάσας ἀνέμενεν μεθύων τὴν θεόν. ἤδη δ᾽ ἔκφρων γενόμενος ἔπεμπέ τινα τῶν δορυφόρων ὀψόμενον εἰ παραγέγονεν ἡ θεὸς εἰς τὸν θάλαμον· ἀφικομένου δ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ εἰπόντος μηδένα εἶναι ἐν τῶι θαλάμωι, τοξεύσας τοῦτον ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ ἄλλον δεύτερον ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς, ἕως ὁ τρίτος συνεὶς παραγενομένην ἔφη πάλαι τὴν θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀναμένειν. The physical presence of the deity (hero) is presupposed in other stories of divine-human sexual intercourse (typically with genders reversed): the Hero of Temesa (Paus. VI 6.7-10), Astrabakos (Hdt. VI 69.1-4).
Weinreich 1932, 361 (original in German). Compare Kleinknecht 1937b, 298, for marriage to a goddess as “die Krönung des Götterglücks, nach dem der Gottmensch strebt.”
Weinreich 1932. For the “saviour figure” or “divine man” in Virgil’s Eclogues, see Hardie 1998, 11-12, 20-22.
Bonner 1943; Versnel 2011, 448 n. 40.
Currie 2016, 161-168.
Κλέαρχος Ἡρακλείας τύραννος γενόμενος σκῆπτρον [perhaps, σκηπτὸν should be read] ἐφόρει καὶ τῶν υἱῶν ἕνα Κεραυνὸν ὠνόμασε. For a defence of the mss reading σκῆπτρον, “sceptre”, see Burstein 1974. See also Versnel 2011, 440.
αὐτὸς δ’ ὁ “Ζεὺς”… σκῆπτρον κρατῶν… περιῄει. On the sceptre (etc.), see Weinreich 1933, 9.
Kleinknecht 1937b, 299; Graf 2005. Cf. Habicht 2017, 36, 113.
Cf. Ar. Vesp. 671, cf. 619-624; Cratinus frr. 73, 118, 258 Kassel-Austin. See Bakola 2010, 184 and n. 7. Zeus “tyranny” is used as an allegory for Perikles’ political power in Cratinus’ Plutoi (fr. 171.22-23 Kassel-Austin): Bakola 2010, 124-125 n. 24, 213. See Kleinknecht 1937b, 305; Taeger 1957, 105, 108, 158-159.
See Schorn 2004, 431-433, for the mischievous ambiguity in the question (thundering / farting).
On these coins, see e.g. Lane Fox 1996, esp. 100-102; Holt 2003, esp. 122-124, 151-152.
Caesar dum magnus ad altum / fulminat Euphraten. Cf. Hor. Carm. III 5.1-3. See Thomas 1988, 240; Hardie 1986, 51; differently, Mynors 1990, 324. For the literary critical sense of “thunder” in a Roman context, see Prop. III 17.40. With Virgil’s use of magnus, compare Plut. de Alex. magn. fort. 338c οἱ δὲ Μεγάλους ἀνηγόρευσαν ἑαυτούς (and compare also Cat. XI 10 Caesaris… magni).
Compare Chaniotis 1997, 248 “from Hellenistic times on several references in literary sources and papyri indicate that stage-devices, similar to those used in the theater, were applied in mystery cults, to present flying gods, lightning and thunder, or give the astounded audience the impression that an earthquake was taking place.”
See also Schorn 2004, 431-432.
Cf. Rhesus 385 (Rhesos as Ares); cf. also 301. See Fries 2014, 201, for Rhesus as a “saviour god.” The adjective φαναῖος (attested as an epithet of Apollo on Chios) is understood as “bringer of light”, i.e. “saviour”, by Fries 2014, 250. Perhaps (especially in conjunction with ἥκειν: see below §18) it could mean “manifest”, sc. appearing in an epiphany (cf. φανερός, ἐμφανής, ἐπιφανής, φανείς); the verb φαείνεσθαι, of which φαναῖος is a derivative, means “appear”, of a god, at Callim. Hy. II 9.
Currie 2005, 81, cf. 45, 198-199. This view of the gnōmai is found inadequate by Hornblower 2008, 995-996. See also, however, Versnel 2011, 461-462.
See Nock 1928, 32 = 1972, i.146, on “the Pindaric habit of drawing parallels such as… Zeus defeating Typhon and Hieron defeating the Etruscans and their Carthaginian allies (Pyth. I).” Compare Cingano 1995, 18; Pfeijffer 2005, 38-40.
See esp. Kleinknecht 1937b, 295-302; Versnel 2011, 484.
Kleinknecht 1937b, 296; Currie 2005, 181-183; Chaniotis 2011, 167-169.
τὸν Δημήτριον… οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐδέχοντο οὐ μόνον θυμιῶντες καὶ στεφανοῦντες καὶ οἰνοχοοῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσόδια καὶ χοροὶ καὶ ἰθύφαλλοι μετ’ ὀρχήσεως καὶ ᾠδῆς ἀπήντων αὐτῷ.
See Parker 2011, 179-185.
οἷος οὔτε παμφαὴς / ἀστὴρ ἰδεῖν ἔλαμψε χρυσαυγεῖ δρόμῳ / οὔθ’ ἡλίου τηλαυγὲς ἀκτίνων σέλας / τοιοῦτον ἐξέλαμψεν. Kleinknecht 1937b, 297; O’sullivan 2008b, 88. For the image in a quite different encomiastic context, see Alcm. fr. 1.39-43 PMGF.
Ἑρμοδότου τινὸς ἐν ποιήμασιν αὐτὸν (sc. Ἀντίγονον) Ἡλίου παῖδα καὶ θεὸν ἀναγορεύοντος.
ὅμοιον ὥσπερ οἱ φίλοι μὲν ἀστέρες, / ἥλιος δ’ ἐκεῖνος. See O’sullivan 2008b.
laudat Brutum laudatque cohortem, / solem Asiae Brutum appellat stellasque salubris / appellat comites excepto Rege; Canem illum, / invisum agricolis sidus, venisse. Versnel 2011, 448-449 n. 42.
Chaniotis 2011, 174-176. Slater 1988, 127 n. 7.
Kleinknecht 1937b; Versnel 2011, 480-484. “Zooming” is the term used by Sourvinou-Inwood 2003, 22-23, and often.
On the question of the identification of “Servant 1” with the general Demosthenes, see Olson 1992, 310 n. 22.
Slater 1988, 127, after Kleinknecht 1937b, 307; cf. Taeger 1957, 107.
On the significance of the deictic, see Slater 1988, 128.
It matters little for our purposes whether we read the θεῖον of the mss. and scholl. (defended by Pohlenz, followed by Landfester) or Cobet’s θεόν (preferred by modern editors; cf. Plat. Leg. 682e10).
For the meaning “by the favour of a god”, see scholl. Ar. Eq. 147a-c; cf. Pind. Ol. IX 28; LSJ s.v. κατά B.v.
Kleinknecht 1937b, 307 n. 2. Cf. Pulleyn 1997, 138, 218.
See Fedeli 1983, 23 for discussion and further examples.
A quasi-heroic epiphany of Lamachos: Kleinknecht 1937a, 79 and n. 1; Slater 1988, 127; Currie 2005, 69.
Kleinknecht 1937a, 79 n. 1 “Φαίνομαι ist ja der älteste und seit Homer für das sichtbare Kommen der Gottheit zu den Menschen gebräuchliche religiöse Begriff.” Cf. Landfester 1967, 36; Cf. Slater 1988, 127. Cf. Whitman 1964, 102-103.
See Cerfaux, Tendriau 1957, 185 n. 2 for comparison between Ar. Eq. 150 and the ithyphallic hymn to Demetrios, v. 18 σὲ δὲ παρόνθ’ ὁρῶμεν.
There is a pun on “shake” (the trident) and “extort, blackmail” (LSJ s.v. σείω I.4; Kleinknecht 1937b, 310).
Kleinknecht 1937b, 310. Cf. Sommerstein 1981, 189.
With Eq. 840, cf. Av. 1752.
For the Sausage-Seller as hierokēryx, see Kleinknecht 1939, 59 (cf. Kleinknecht 1937b, 295-297, for the ritual of good-news bringing); Landfester 1967, 92; Slater 1988, 129.
Kleinknecht 1937b, 301; 1939, 59 and n. 3.
Kleinknecht 1939.
Kleinknecht 1937b, 300; 1939, 61; Petridou 2015, 37.
ὁ δ’ ἱλαρός, ὥσπερ τὸν θεὸν δεῖ, καὶ καλὸς / καὶ γελῶν πάρεστι. Chaniotis 2011, 177-178.
On BASILEIA as divine, compare Versnel 2011, 483 n. 135. For BASILEIA as an “ephemeral personification”, without any known cults (she is also depicted on an Athenian pyxis of 420-410 BCE), see Smith 2011, 83-84 (a reference for which I thank Prof. G. Camassa). For OPORA as divine, note her presence on Attic red-figure vases of 420-400 BCE in the company of Dionysos (Weiss 1994; Smith 2011, 79-81). Compare DIALLAGE at Ar. Lys. 1114 (a reference I owe to Constanze Güthenke). The fact that SPONDAI and DIALLAGE in their respective plays are bestowed by human characters on human characters makes it harder to conceive of them as divine (Trygaios has OPORA and THEORIA from the gods: Pax 706-707, 847).
See Kleinknecht 1939b, 65 and n. 1; Kron 1979, 71-72; Alexandri-Tzahou 1986, 375; Glowacki 2003; Smith 2011, 96-97.
Kleinknecht 1939b, 58-59.
Taeger 1957, 107.
Cf. e.g. Theogn. 339 χοὔτως ἂν δοκέοιμι μετ’ ἀνθρώπων θεὸς εἶναι, “then would I be considered a god among men.”
Compare Whitman 1964, 103.
Currie 2012, 336, 338.
I dispense with discussion of the third passage (Pax 1033-1038).
The third time is Pax 1033-1038.
For the term in the context of ruler-cult, compare Habicht 2017, 150-151.
Kleinknecht 1937b, 307 n. 4 “[der Begriff sōtēr hat] bei Aristophanes im Bezug auf Götter und Menschen schon deutlich die soteriologische, religiös-politische Beduetung.” See in general Dornseiff 1927, 1212.4-9 “[sōtēr ist] für den Griechen älteren Zeit auf die hohe religiöse Sprache beschränkt. Man greift zu diesem Wort nur gegenüber Übermenschlichem”, 1213.37-38 “Auf Menschen angewandt bedeutet die Bezeichnung [sōtēr] fast eine Heroisierung.” Cf. Habicht 2017, 113. Differently, Nock 1951, 127 = 1972, ii.720 “when applied to [men], [sōtēr] did not necessarily suggest that they belonged or approximated to the category of the [gods]”; Jones 2010, 26 “[the term sōtēr] does not need to imply divinity, and is sometimes no more than a polite way of addressing a superior.” See also Jim (forthcoming).
Olson 1998, 244. Cf. Taeger 1957, 107.
On this phrase, see Finglass 2018, 172 (rather than Jebb 1893, 13). For altars in ruler-cult, see Habicht 2017, 101-102 (to Lysandros in Samos: Duris, in Plut. Lys. 18.5; to Demetrios in Athens: Plut. Demetr. 10.5, Clem. Al. Protr. 4.54.6).
With OT 46-47 ἴθ’…, ἴθ’…, compare above on Ar. Eq. 149 δεῦρο δεῦρ’; on imperatives for “come” in prayers, see Pulleyn 1997, 136-144, 219. For OT 35-39 as evidencing the da-quia-dedisti form typical of prayers (Pulleyn 1997, 17), see Finglass 2018, 178.
Bartol 2016, 515, 516 n. 89.
With the ithyphallic hymn 32 Οἰδίπουν τιν’ εὑρέ, compare OT 42 ἀλκήν τιν’ εὑρεῖν ἡμίν (Bartol 2016, 517).
For prayers to powerful individuals in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE, see Currie 2005, 180.
Bartol 2016, 515-516 sees more of a contrast between the divinity of the Demetrios of the ithyphallic hymn and the humanity of the Oidipous of the Oedipus Tyrannus.
Levene 1997, 89. See, similarly, Habicht 2017, 142-145; Petrovic 2015, 433.
See in general Currie 2005, 158-200, esp. 187.
See Windisch 1925, 251-257, esp. 253 (citing, inter alia, Ev. Matt. V 9; Dio XLIV 49.2, LXXII 15.5); Cerfaux, Tendriau 1957, 185; Versnel 2011, 450.
See Sattler 1962, 56.
[μή τις ἀνθ]ρώπων ἐς ὠρανὸν ποτήσθω.
ὁ χάλκεος οὐρανὸς οὔ ποτ’ ἀμβατὸς αὐτῷ. Cf. Od. XI 316 ἵν’ οὐρανὸς ἀμβατὸς εἴη (of Otos and Ephialtes).
The sense of τεκμαίρεται (“plans”, “designs”: Hopkinson 1988, 228) is hard to parallel. One might consider emending to τεκταίνεται (“contrives”).
Cf. Curt. IV 7 immortalitatem adfectantem, of Alexander the Great “aspiring to immortality.”
Sattler 1962, 52-58 interprets the epigrams as ironic characterizations of Rome’s arrogance.
For the figurative sense, cf. also Hor. Carm. I 1.4-6; Epist. I 17.34; note also Carm. I 3.38-40.
Stoneman 2012, 444-447. On recension L, see Stoneman 2007, lxxix-lxxx.
Stoneman 2012, 440 “Il desiderio di immortalità di Alessandro è un leitmotiv del Romanzo”; Stoneman 2007, lxiii-lxiv.
For Etana in the king-list, see Glassner 2004, 121. For the poem Etana, see Haul 2000.
Röllig 1984, 497; Haul 2000, 44-47; Henkelman 2006, 843.
On receptions of Etana in Greece, see Currie (forthcoming).
Olson 1998, 81.
Dover 1968, 125-126 “Socrates is looking down on Strepsiades as a god might look down from Olympos on a mortal; Semon[ides] 1.3 [West] contrasts Zeus with ἐφήμεροι.” Revermann 2006, 196-197; cf. Taeger 1957, 106. See also Wright 2012, 112, for a different dimension to the scene.
Hardie 1986, 194-195, 209-212, cf. 37-38.
Revermann 2006, 197 n. 40.
See Hunter 2004, 65 on “the literalization of metaphorical language” in Old Comedy.
See above on the metapoetic dimension to Perikles “thundering” and the metatheatrical dimension to Sokrates in the mēchanē.
Compare in general Kleinknecht 1937b, 295 n. 1.
On chariot entrances in tragedy, see Taplin 1977, 76-78.
Cf. Pax 1043-1044, 1208-1209; etc.
Compare Pohlenz 1952, 109. See, in general, Finglass 2018, 191.
See Fedeli 1983, 23.
Schol. Ar. Eq. 149a: ἀναβαίνειν ἐλέγετο τὸ ἐπὶ τὸ λογεῖον εἰσιέναι. Cf. Plat. Symp. 194b2 (sc. Ἀγάθωνος) ἀναβαίνοντος ἐπὶ τὸν ὀκρίβαντα μετὰ τῶν ὑποκριτῶν, “as Agathon was mounting the stage/tribune with the actors.” Kleinknecht 1937b, 308.
Kleinknecht 1939, 62-63 “Das Sehen ist ja natürlich ein bei der Parusie ganz wichtiger Begriff.”
Sommerstein 1981, 215 “this is the first appearance of what became a cliché in later comedy, the creaking door as a sign that someone was about to emerge from the skēnē.”
Kanavou 2011, 98-99.
Rutherford 2013, 3-4, 100-101.
Cf. Kleinknecht 1939, 58 n. 5, 61, 65; Kleinknecht 1937b, 309, 310; Slater 1988, 128-129.
Revermann 2014, 286.
See Currie 2012, 341-342.
Compare similarly Diod. XVI 11.1, on Dion at Syracuse.
Ruffell 2011, 210-211.
Cf. schol. Eq. 1321a ἀφεψήσας· καλῶς ὡς μάγειρος. See Kleinknecht 1939, on the Sausage-Seller and DEMOS; Kavoulaki 1999, 317-318; Ruffell 2011, 208.
See, on Pindaric epinician, Currie 2005, passim; and on Sophoclean tragedy, Currie 2012, esp. 343.
On the term “comic hero”, see Whitman 1964; Rosen 2014.
See especially Whitman 1964, 103, 116, 196; compare Taeger 1957, 107-108.
Scott 1932.
See Paulsen 2003.
On Peisetairos and Peisistratos, see Bonner 1943; Bowie 1993, 165; Kavoulaki 1999, 317; Petridou 2015, 169-170; Versnel 2011, 448 n. 40, 483 n. 135; but see also, against, Kanavou 2011, 108 n. 478. The form of Aristophanes’ protagonist’s name attested in the ancient transmission is Peisthetairos and (in a scholium) Pisthetairos; modern corrections are Peithetairos and (the preferable) Peisetairos: Dunbar 1995, 128-129; Kanavou 2011, 105-107.
Versnel 2011, 441.
Compare Scott 1932, 328; Versnel 2011, 467, 476.
Versnel 2011, 442, 471-476. In general, on the “theatricality” of public life in ancient Greece, see Chaniotis 1997 (focussing on the Hellenistic period; on the pre-Hellenistic period, note esp. ibid. 220, 223, 249; Ober 1989, 154-155; Slater 1988).
Chaniotis 1997, 235-238, 238-242.
Versnel 2011, 442.
For contrasting assessments of how shocking this performance was, see Lane Fox 1973, 20 and Hornblower 2011, 281.
Chaniotis 1997, 238-239, 2011, 163-164; Thonemann 2005, esp. 73-74, 78-79, 82-84.
Chaniotis 1997, 241-242, on Antonius’ theatricality.
Note συντραγῳδήσων… πρωταγωνιστής. Cf. also chapter 60.
Connor 1987, 44 “The populace joins in a shared drama…”; Chaniotis 1997, 223. For another possible early-fifth-century heroizing “drama” (involving Euthymos of Locri and the Hero of Temesa), see Currie 2002, 39.
πρώτῳ μὲν γάρ, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δοῦρις, Ἑλλήνων ἐκείνῳ βωμοὺς αἱ πόλεις ἀνέστησαν ὡς θεῷ καὶ θυσίας ἔθυσαν, εἰς πρῶτον δὲ παιᾶνες ᾔσθησαν.
Compare Taeger 1957, 108.
Pace e.g. Kavoulaki 1999, 313-314; Revermann 2012, 285.
See above. Intriguing is the statement made about the generals of the past in an unidentified play of Eupolis (Demoi or Poleis or Maricas?): οἷς ὡσπερεὶ θεοῖσιν ηὐχόμεσθα· καὶ γὰρ ἦσαν (fr. 384.6 Kassel-Austin).
Contrast e.g. Habicht 2017, 1 n. 1 “Duris explicitly calls Lysander the first Greek to receive divine honors”; similarly, Chaniotis 2003, 434.
Cf. Od. XVI 386 (Telemachus for the transformed Odysseus).
For iuuenis of Octavian, cf. Geo. I 500.
For these as private, not civic, offerings to Augustus, compare Brink 1982, 55.
On the state’s tolerance of privately-initiated cults, see Garland 1992, 75; Parker 2005, 65-68; Anderson 2015, 311. Cf. Currie 2005, 5-6.
TLL VI.3.2924.61-2925.22. Cf. Hor. Epist. II 1.15.
For Ephorus as dealing with the episode, cf. Plut. Alc. 32.2. On Justin’s (Trogus’) relationship to Ephorus here, compare Habicht 2017, 4-5.
On the problem in general, see Develin 1994, 9, on the harmless use of senatus for ἐκκλησία. Taeger 1957, 159 n. 36 regards Justin’s [sc. Alcibidem] quasi de caelo missum (V 4.10) as the kind of Romanization that makes Justin’s (Trogus’) report “utterly worthless” (for the saviour sent from heaven in Roman contexts, cf. Hor. Carm. I 2.45, with the parallels cited by Nisbet, Hubbard 1970, 37, including Plut. fort. Alex. 330d; note also Virg. Geo. I 503-504; etc.). But the essential idea in quasi de caelo missum is not so different from that implied at Hdt. VII 56.2 (Zeus on earth in the guise of Xerxes), and even if this is a Romanization, it does not entail that Justin (Trogus) also invented Alkibiades’ receiving “divine honours.”
Habicht 2017, 4.
Justin’s phrase ciuitas uniuersa, “the whole populace” (V 4.10; cf. Diod. XIII 68.2 ὁ δῆμος ἅπας; Nepos Alc. 6.1 uniuersa ciuitas), clearly intends the Athenians in a non-civic capacity.
Compare Flower 1988, 126-127, challenging Habicht’s parallel argument about the significance of Xenophon’s silence about the Thasians’ offer of deification to Agesilaos.
Hic ut e naui egressus est, quamquam Theramenes et Thrasybulus eisdem rebus praefuerant simulque uenerant in Piraeum, tamen unum omnes illum prosequebantur, et, id quod numquam antea usu uenerat nisi Olympiae uictoribus, coronis laureis taeniisque [transmitted: aureis aeneisque] uulgo donabatur.
Plutarch also claims that Perikles was treated this way by Athenian women in 439 BCE (Per. 28.5).
Xen. HG II 4.12-20; Diod. XIII 68-69; Plut. Alex. 32-33; Athen. XII 535c.
Thucydides’ descriptions of Brasidas’ treatment at Scione and posthumous hero cult at Amphipolis are exceptional in his History (Hornblower 1996, 449); Thucydides in general plays down popular religious elements (Hornblower 2011=1992).
Compare Taeger 1957, 163; contrast Habicht 2017, 2.
e.g. Taeger 1957, 162-163; see, for discussion, Habicht 2017, 2 n. 5, 179, 209; and, in particular, Versnel 2011, 456-457. Confirmation of Duris’ testimony of a Lysandreia festival on Samos, and its association with Hera, is provided by IG XII.6 1:334: see Habicht 2017, 179; Hallof 2000, 256-257.
Another controversial and isolated claim is Plutarch’s story that Agesilas declined the divine cult that the Thasians offered him in (probably) 394 BCE (Sayings of Spartans 210c-d). Habicht 2017, 132 objected: “There is… no evidence whatsoever that a Greek ever refused divine honors offered to him…. It seems that only the Romans, not the Greeks, had such religious scruples.” But for something like this religious scruple in the mid-fifth century BCE, compare Aesch. Ag. 925 λέγω κατ’ ἄνδρα, μὴ θεόν, σέβειν ἐμέ. The historicity of Plutarch’s anecdote about Agesilaos and the Thasians is defended by Flower 1988.
See Currie 2005, 163-174 (on Hagnon at Amphipolis and Euthymos at Locri).
The significance of Aristophanes is well recognized by Kleinknecht 1937b and 1939. It is undervalued by e.g. Nock 1951, 130 n. 10 = 1972, ii.722 n. 10.
See Currie 2005, 285-288, with 261-275. Differently, Morgan 2015, 177, 179, who, however, refrains from making holistic sense of the evidently overlapping historical circumstances presupposed by all of Pindar, Py. II 18-20; the scholia to Pindar, Py. II 36c and 38; and Justin XXI 3.2.
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