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Dionysus’ Women and Intermediaries: Chaos or Catalyst for a New Order?

Donne di Dioniso e sue intermediarie: disordine o principio di un nuovo ordine?
Giulia Frigerio

Résumés

This article focuses on the cultural phenomenon of maenadism and offers a fresh perspective on the role of women engaged in this practice. The prevailing interpretation of maenads, worshippers of Dionysus, characterizes maenadism as an ecstatic cult that emerges among women in a patriarchal society as a means of rebellion against male dominance. The act of maenads venturing to the mountains at night and returning after being tamed is often described as a return to their domestic responsibilities after releasing their wildness outside of society. Zeitlin further argues that Bacchic rites derive their power from being seen as counter-cultural practices (1982: 132). In contrast, this article posits that the role of maenads was fully legitimate and an integral part of the deme-religion. Maenads were not rebelling against or seeking to escape societal control. Rather, their rituals were not only approved and sanctioned by society but also served to restore order in the civilized world. Moreover, this article suggests that the fact that they were elegant and composed or in a frenzy was not indicative of their value within the society, their behaviour was recognised as a controlled ecstasy functional to the ritual. On this line, a cognitive explanation of how this mental state was actively induced during the oreibasia will be provided.

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Introduction

  • 1 Detienne 1977; Bernabé et al. 2013, 164.
  • 2 Zeitlin 1982, 132.

1This article focuses on the cultural phenomenon of maenadism and offers a fresh perspective on the role of women engaged in this practice. The prevailing interpretation of maenads, worshippers of Dionysus, characterizes maenadism as an ecstatic cult that emerges among women in a patriarchal society as a means of rebellion against male dominance1. The act of maenads venturing to the mountains at night (oreibasia) and returning after being tamed is often described as a return to their domestic responsibilities after releasing their wildness outside of society. Zeitlin further argues that Bacchic rites derive their power from being seen as counter-cultural practices2. Furthermore, she suggests that while the cult may be seen as a form of liberation for women and an opportunity to challenge their low social status, it also perpetuates negative stereotypes of women as unruly and disorderly. According to this interpretation, the Dionysiac rites serve as both a reversal of traditional gender roles (abandonment of household and children, displays of aggression, engagement in traditionally masculine activities such as hunting and warfare, etc.) and a confirmation of women's supposedly inherent nature.

  • 3 Seaford 2006, 33.
  • 4 Ubbels 2008.
  • 5 Caballero 2013, 168.
  • 6 Ibidem.
  • 7 Merriam-Webster Dictionary definition.

2In contrast, my argument posits that the role of maenads was fully legitimate and an integral part of the deme-religion. Maenads were not rebelling against or seeking to escape societal control. Rather, their rituals were not only approved and sanctioned by society but also served to restore order in the civilized world. First, it is evident in Euripides' Bacchae (v. 686) that maenads were not intoxicated3. Additionally, the iconography of the Archaic and Classical period depicts Dionysus’ followers as composed and elegant4. Furthermore, later epigraphic evidence demonstrates that historical maenads were regarded as a selected and privileged group of women who were actually positioned within the confines of civilization in ancient Greek city-states. Thus, they were accepted within archaic and Classical Greek society. Many other thiasoi (religious groups) existed, and all of them were integrated into the city5. Furthermore, it is inherently erroneous to label a ritual that was temporary, regulated, and confined to a specific time and place as a ‘rebellion’6. Rebellions are per definition open and usually unsuccessful defiances of or resistance to an established government or system7. Conversely, maenadism, and precisely the oreibasia, was a recurrent phenomenon that happened within an established timeframe. Moreover, nobody tried to stop the maenads from carrying out the ritual and for performing the supposed ‘rebellion’. On top of that, the maenads willingly returned to civilization and to the status quo at the end of the ritual.

3The subsequent paragraphs will examine the historical role of maenads in an effort to elucidate their essential function within Archaic and Classical Greek society. The symbolic consumption of raw flesh and wine allowed them to embody Dionysus. Upon their return to civilization, they acted as intermediaries who reintroduced the god and a new order to the city. This article maintains that maenads had their legitimate role within Greek society and religion. Furthermore, it suggests that, although the aspects of frenzy and ecstasy need to be dimensioned, they were still part of the liturgy of the ritual. I suggest that the fact that they were elegant and composed or in a frenzy was not indicative of their value within the society, their behaviour was recognised as a controlled ecstasy functional to the ritual. On this line, a cognitive explanation of how this mental state was actively induced during the oreibasia will be provided. Concluding, the parallel with another group of Dionysus’ women who, through their involvement in the wine manipulation ritual made the god's gift accessible to men, further demonstrates how female figures were entrusted with the role of manifesting the presence of the god and his gifts in the tangible world.

Portrait of a maenad

  • 8 Diod. 4.3.3; Paus. 10.4.2 and Plut. De Mul. Vir. 13; Ion 534a.
  • 9 Paus. 10.4.2.
  • 10 Paus. 10.4.2.
  • 11 Henrichs 1978, 137.
  • 12 Paus. 6.4.
  • 13 Robertson 2005, 224.

4The confines between mythical and real maenads tend to not always be clear, therefore, it is important to distinguish between mythical maenads, existing only in the imagination of artists and poets, and the real ones, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, Pausanias and Plutarch8. Pausanias himself is the only ancient author who claims that he actually saw real maenads, and perhaps even talked to them, for he tells us in his book on Phocian cults that he learned from the Thyades in Athens why the village of Panopeus was called καλλίχορος9, “with fair dancing grounds”, in Greek epic. The Thyades, Pausanias explains, were Attic women who joined their fellow maenads in Delphi every other year to partake in maenadic rites on Mount Parnassus10. Along their journey from Athens to Delphi, they performed maenadic dances11. The Thyades, in turn, can be defined as a select group of women sent from Attica (Athens) to Delphi every two years, with evidence of their activities spanning from the fifth century BCE to the second century CE. They represent a distinct subgroup of maenads who are named after the eponymous nymph, Thyia, who was considered the first priestess of Dionysus at Delphi12. Specifically, the ritual practices of the Thyades are explicitly tied to a mythical episode: the nurturing of the infant Dionysus13.

  • 14 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 69.
  • 15 Bremmer 1984, 268-269.
  • 16 Eur. Bacch. 101-2; Carpenter 1997, 110.
  • 17 Nonn. Dion. 155.
  • 18 Burkert 1987, 106.
  • 19 Carpenter 1997, 111.

5The maenads were the female members of Dionysus's retinue. They were commonly depicted wearing crowns of vine leaves or ivy and holding a thyrsus, a pole adorned with vine leaves or ivy, resembling the god himself. Sometimes, maenads would also carry snakes or other animals14. The iconographic evidence suggests that snake handling was a part of maenadic practices in archaic times, although there are no literary sources explicitly stating so15. One possible reason for the presence of snakes in the imagery of maenadism could be a reference to the crown of snakes that Zeus placed on Dionysus16. Another hypothesis, albeit of later date, is based on the myth that Persephone was impregnated by Zeus in the form of a snake17. Later, a legend associated the snake rituals of Dionysus with the impregnation of Olympias, the mother of Alexander, who was also believed to have been impregnated by a god in the form of a snake and was considered a maenad herself18. However, it is highly probable that snakes were only present in the mythical context of worship and not during the actual rituals. Euripides may have been influenced by visual representations on vases that depicted snakes, rather than by the reality of the rite19.

  • 20 Bremmer 1984, 282.
  • 21 Eur. Bacch. 694; also confirmed later by Nonn. Dion. 9.
  • 22 Diod. 4.3.3.
  • 23 Eur. Bacch. 694.
  • 24 The Theban maenads who were sent to Magnesia will also have been advanced in age, since it seems un (...)
  • 25 Bremmer 1984, 285.

6Originally, at least, maenadic rituals were of pre-matrimonial nature20, with the majority of maenads being maidens21. Accoding to Diodorus Siculus, only the maidens could carry the thyrsos22; however, they apparently later passed into the class of mature women. Within the Theban maenads, Euripides distinguishes three categories of women: the young, the old, and the maidens; the latter participated also in the Delphic ritual23. It is possible that the different existing group of maenads had various standards in terms of age. However, generally, it seems that in the course of the Archaic age, maenadism lost its pre-matrimonial character24. A change from maiden to old women is indeed registered, with a process that is analogue to the switch from a maiden to an old woman being elected as the Pythia at Delphi. In this case, the reason for the shift may be explained by the fact that old women were incapable of bearing children, their societal role of procreation had already been fulfilled and they were now free to leave the domestic space and serve the god. However, it is not to exclude that married women with young children could participate in the ritual. As a matter of fact, as mentioned above, it has been proved that the evidence demonstrated their high economic standing. As such, they very likely had slaves at their service who could take care of their children during the short period of time they left their homes for the mountains25.

  • 26 E.g., Attic red figure kylix, c. mid fifth century BCE, Great Britain, fascicule 3, pl. 3-5, Cat # (...)
  • 27 Ubbels 2008, 37.
  • 28 Ibidem. E.g., Skyphos, Brygos Painter, 490-480 BCE New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. n. 29 (...)
  • 29 Ubbels 2008, 111.

7The portrayal of the mythological figures of the bacchants by Euripides has often been utilized to characterize historical maenads. However, the iconography of maenadism offers a contrasting portrait on another matter: the majority of them shows calm women as maenads who are practicing devout and diligent behaviors in festivals and ritual acts. On Attic black figure and Attic red figure vases, women as maenads provide continuity, dignity and selfless abandon and by the 460s BC these characteristics are seen as selfless devotion to Dionysus26. They represent contemporary Athenian women who are vital to the god Dionysus and his cult, at the same time as Euripides in his Bacchae depicts the extreme maenads as aristocratic women possessed by irrational forces27. In general, however, maenads are represented as regular women, although they had a specific iconography that changed over time. As a matter of fact, some rare but effective examples of maenads as violent minions of Dionysus occur but they arise no later than 460s BC28. Many images are respectful of the wives, grandmothers, aunts or daughters of Greek citizens. It is also highly probable that the maenads on vases represented, to a large degree, the mythological worshippers of Dionysus (mythical Bacchants), who then evolved in Greek visual culture, to represent a degree of human worshippers (like, for example, the ones that Pausanias refers to), and perhaps at times, a degree of both29.

  • 30 Hom. Il. VI.131; Hom. h. I to Dionysus; Diod. 4.3.3; Plut. De Mul. Vir. 13.
  • 31 Paus. 5.16.5.
  • 32 Plut. Quaest. Graec. 299E-F.
  • 33 Plut. De Mul. Vir. 13; Plut. Is. 364E; Plut. Qu. Gr. 293C-F.

8Moreover, it appears that a certain economic status was required for well-born and presumably citizen women to participate in maenadism in ancient Greece. This aligns with the depiction of maenads by ancient Greek historians, who implied that they were respected citizen women who were socially sanctioned to perform the important rites of Dionysus30. Wherever we have information in the ancient sources about them, maenads appear to belong to the elite. The mythical ancestors of the Elean Sixteen were of the highest social circles, and so will have been their historical descendants31. The leaders of the Theban maenads in Euripides Bacchae belonged to the royal family, as did in historical time the Oleiai in Orchomenos Clea32, the leader of the Delphic Thyiads, was apparently affluent, as we learn from Plutarch and the inscriptions33.

  • 34 Ubbels 2008, 60.

9The high economic standing of maenads is further evidenced by the goods found in their graves, which have been identified as tombs of maenads based on epigraphic evidence, such as the example mentioned in relation to Alkemonis. The wealth of these ‘revered females’ can also be inferred from other inscriptions, such as the amount of association dues and fines in Lokris, and the hierarchy of individuals subscribing to a dedication in Latium. Across Greece and Magna Graecia, it is most conclusive that a woman being included among the ‘blessed’ in Dionysiac rituals indicates high social standing. Additionally, a thorough analysis of the epigraphic sources on maenadism by Ubbels revealed that both men and women are included in each record, but women consistently hold a higher position34. This reconstruction of the social status of maenads clearly demonstrates that they were accepted and respected by Archaic and Classical Greek society. Their role was deemed important and respectable, and their rituals were conducted within societal norms.

  • 35 E.g., Die Griechischen Vasen, Attic red figure stamnos, circa 420 BCE Neapal, cat # 2419 (Ubbels 20 (...)
  • 36 Ubbels 2008, 130.
  • 37 Ubbels 2008, 142.
  • 38 Otto, Palmer 1965, 177; Carpenter 1997, 116.
  • 39 Otto, Palmer 1965, 178.

10From the fifth century BC onwards, a freer and more ecstatic portrayal of Maenads begins to emerge35. Dionysus’ female followers are depicted as ‘dancing women’, ‘riding women’, and “ecstatic women,” suggesting a more active role in the ritual36. This shift in representation has prompted speculation about a corresponding change at the societal level. However, I concur with Ubbels in asserting that the iconography remains clearly confined to the depiction of Maenads’ ritual behaviour37. The wildness associated with Maenads should not be conflated with that of the Satyrs, their semi-human, semi-animal companions. Vase paintings frequently depict Maenads resisting the advances of Satyrs and rejecting their sexual pursuits. These women are also portrayed as mothers and caretakers38. It is essential to emphasise that this distinction is not rooted in morality but rather reflects their intrinsic nature39. Furthermore, if this development in Maenadic iconography were indicative of an increasing stigma, it would stand in contrast to later epigraphic evidence.

  • 40 The five Greek inscriptions are, in their order of publication: (I) Magnesia ad Maeandrum, c. 200 B (...)
  • 41 Henrichs 1978, 121; Jimenez 2023.
  • 42 Henrichs 1978, 143.
  • 43 For plate, see Henrichs 1969, 233. Cf. also Henrichs 1978, 148.
  • 44 For plate cf. Henrichs 1969, 241.
  • 45 Henrichs 1978, 149-150.

11Between 1890 and 1968, the publication of five Greek inscriptions of considerable importance contributed to better delineate the practice of maenadism in Greece, Asia Minor, and Italy from the third century BCE to the second century CE40. This epigraphical record of maenadism revealed both shared characteristics and substantial differences between the bacchants and historical maenads41. Notably, Alexander’s mother, Olympias, appears to be the earliest historical maenad of known identity42. A maenadic inscription from Miletus provides additional insight into hellenistic maenadism43. It consists of an epigram in elegiac couplets from the third or second century BCE, marking the tomb of a local maenad and priestess of Dionysus, Alkemonis. Alkemonis was involved in religious rites that included both maenadic and non-maenadic elements. She held an official position as priestess in the public cult of Dionysus throughout the year and led a group of maenads every other year. An earlier Milesian inscription from 276/275 BCE supports these findings and offers additional valuable details44. The text pertains to the sale of the priesthood of Dionysus Bakchios and was designed to secure the privileges of the purchaser, a woman whose duties were similar to those of Alkmeonis. She presided over a public thiasus of women, carefully distinguished from other private thiasos. The detailed regulations of the contract suggest the presence of numerous private thiasos of maenads in and around Miletus, which had existed prior to the establishment of the public thiasus. Any woman could establish her own thiasus and enlist other women, provided she paid a prescribed fee to the official priestess every other year. The biennial pattern of admission indicates the maenadic nature of the thiasus. Women seeking admission into such a thiasus were required to undergo certain initiation rites, which are not described in detail; however, the technical terms telein and telestra suggest the need for a type of initiation45.

  • 46 Ibidem, 153.
  • 47 Cf. footnote 35.

12The diversity of maenadism exhibits numerous local variations, comparable to the variety seen in the locally distinct wine festivals honoring Dionysus46. Despite the relatively late date of this material evidence, these epigraphic sources align with the iconography of maenads depicted on Archaic and early Classical vases, attesting to the continuity of their respected role. This does not imply that ecstatic states were confined solely to mythological Bacchants; indeed, some vases depict women tilting their head back in a display of Bacchic ecstasy47. However, I argue that this state of frenzy was understood as integral to the encounter with Dionysus, confined to the context of ritual liturgy, and therefore not subject to social disapproval.

Dionysus’ predilection for women

  • 48 Eur. Bacch. 100; 923-924.
  • 49 Harrison 2003, 67.
  • 50 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 69.

13After defining the category of maenads in these terms, the following paragraphs will further explore their agency in the rituals and in Archaic and Classical Greek society. There were three main forms in which Dionysus appeared in his cult, which sometimes blended into each other. In his first form as a fertility god and protector of crops and vines, he was symbolized by the phallus, the tree (hence the epithet dendrites- Greek word for tree: dendron) or the bull48. His believers associated this form as a tree god and a god of the plants, with their wish to return to the “animalistic passion” of nature, away from the constraints of rationalization49. In his second form he was the so called enthusiastic Dionysus, who brought the symbols of the thyrsus and the torch, while his followers – in mythology – were the maenads, bacchantes, thyades and bassarides. In his third and oldest form he was an entity of the underworld who bore the title Zagreus (the Great Hunter), son of Zeus and Persephone. Through ecstatic music and dance Dionysus brought together the existence of his mortal believers with its elusive depths, initiating people to the Mysteries of the god. The festivals that were held in his honour were perpetual feasts, where everyone became intoxicated, sang and danced, trying to communicate with him in this way. The followers of the god consisted of groups of satyrs, sileni and maenads, who ran to the woods and dells, played music, danced, drank wine and practiced ecstatic behaviour. In addition, their enthusiasm and joy also infected all those whom they met on their way50.

  • 51 Cole 2007, 328.

14Dionysus is often tended by an official priestess of the city, an aspect that is very rare for a male god. This was due to the customary alignment of the gender of the sacred official with that of the divinity being worshipped. In the case of Dionysus, however, it was typically a priestess who tended to the needs of the god, with male priests only being involved in his worship when it was associated with theatrical performances51. Female officiants were bearer of the religious agency and the connection to the god while male officiants were responsible for bringing the ritual from the private and intimate sphere out to the public. On the same line, priestesses were in charge of the religious rituals performed to get in contact with Dionysus. When dealing with the realm of the theatre, the role of the god flows into the public sphere and the choice of a male officiant becomes more suitable.

  • 52 καὶ Διονύσου ναὸς ἐνταῦθα ἔτι λείπεται καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ. τὸ δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ μόναις γυναιξὶν ἔστιν(...)
  • 53 Cole 2007, 336.
  • 54 IErythrai 201a.
  • 55 Robertson 2005, 223.
  • 56 Call. Fr. 643; Euphorion, Fr. 13 Powell, cf. fr. 36.
  • 57 Cf. Frigerio 2023, 27-28.

15In the Peloponnese, the Brysiai were a group of women who performed a highly secretive and sacred sacrifice to Dionysus, with no male participants. The ritual was so revered that it was considered improper to even discuss it52. Additionally, while men were allowed to view the statue of the god (agalma) outside the temple, only women were permitted to gaze upon the agalma housed inside. Furthermore, there are accounts of husbands, fathers, and sons dedicating statues of their female relatives who had served as priestesses to Dionysus, underscoring the significance of women’s roles in the god's worship53. Women also made dedications to Dionysus alone: Simo of Eryhtrai, a priestess of Dionysus ‘Protector of the Polis’, said in her dedication that she wanted to be remembered by her children and descendants54. This gender-specific involvement in the worship of Dionysus stands in contrast to traditional roles in religious practices, where the sex of the officiant is congruent with the sex of the deity. Additionally, it is noted that prior to the ascension of Apollo and the domination of Delphi, Dionysus held the position of the oracular deity, a role later assumed by Apollo and previously held by Gaia and Python55. Specifically, Dionysus was associated with Python; once arrived at Delphi, Apollo killed Python, whose remains were buried beside the tripod. Both Callimachus and Euphorion said that Dionysus was laid to rest at Delphi by Apollo, beside his own tripod56. It is possible that we are dealing with the same ritual event. The mythological past of Delphi is characterized by chthonic and feminine presence: the association of Dionysus with Python, and consequently with Ge, makes Dionysus part of this chthonic past of Delphi, in contrast with the hypothetical patriarchal conquest brought forward by Apollo57.

  • 58 Eur. Bacch. 353.
  • 59 Cole 2007, 328.
  • 60 Otto, Palmer 1965, 176.
  • 61 Plut. Vit. Thes. 20; Nonn. Dion. 455-459.
  • 62 Otto, Palmer 1968, 187.
  • 63 Palmer 1965, 181.
  • 64 Dion. 47, 664f.

16Therefore, the presence of a female priestess serving a male god like Dionysus can be attributed to the fluid nature of his identity. In literature, Dionysus is occasionally described as ‘shaped like a girl’58 and he is depicted on vases wearing the same garments as his female followers59. This suggests that Dionysus comfortably crosses gender boundaries and is often surrounded by women. However, his love for women is not akin to the lustful behaviors exhibited by satyrs; on the contrary, he distinguishes himself from them60. An example that showcases Dionysus as a savior figure towards women can be seen in the myth of Ariadne. According to the myth61, Ariadne, abandoned by Theseus hangs herself. It will be an epiphany of Dionysus with his chorus that will wake her up and saver her62. The god is the saviour of a seduced and abandoned woman who will then become his wife63. This representation of the god is in great contrast with the numerous rape scenes that can be found everywhere in Greek mythology, and also in contrast with the idea of Dionysus that possesses the bodies of his worshippers with fury and violence. Ariadne herself demonstrates strong maternal features when she is described as saving the children together with Theseus. The heroine, once saved by Dionysus, fond of dancing, will become the leader of the dancing maenads: on the François vase, she is depicted while supervising the dances and in Nonnus she is described as the leader of the maenads64. Mythologically speaking, a woman who has dedicated her life to helping her beloved and saving children has been chosen by Dionysus as his wife and leader of his worshippers.

  • 65 Otto, Palmer 1965, 187.

17Considering that rituals often found their etiology in mythological events, it is unlikely that the real-life women who acted as maenads were simply perceived as crazy individuals who neglected their domestic duties. Rather, there must have been a reason behind their behavior, tied to the mythological portrayal of Dionysus and his relationship with his female followers65.

  • 66 Csapo 1997, 264.

18In addition to Dionysus' fluid gender identity, there is also an ambivalence of species shared between the god and his worshippers. Female worshippers of Dionysus seemingly demonstrate ambiguity in gender as they carry the thyrsus, a symbol of the god's phallic power. In addition, they also exhibit ambivalence in species, occupying a space between human and animal by wearing fawnskins, nursing wolf cubs, and adorning their hair or clothing with live snakes. It is important to consider the role of male worshippers in this context. Despite carrying a phallic symbol, the maenad retains her female identity. Conversely, in the case of certain male worshippers, from the earliest archaic rituals to the Classical period, sexual ambiguity is bodily incorporated into their performance. Komasts, for example, are often depicted wearing body suits with feminine breast and buttock padding, sometimes combined with masculine pot bellies and a limp phallus. While women remain female, men who worship Dionysus transform into representations of femininity66.

  • 67 Ibidem.
  • 68 Jeanmaire 1951, 89, 276; Henrichs 1985, 243, 257; Burgio 2012, 172.

19The ambivalent attributes of the maenads correspond to those of satyrs, another species of male Dionysiac performer. However, while the maenad retains her humanity and expresses her theriomorphism through symbolic elements, the satyr, an ithyphallic horseman, bodily incorporates bestial and phallic qualities. Both species of male worshippers embody different aspects of Dionysus’ sexual ambivalence: one represents a hygrophallic male with female traits, while the other embodies an ithyphallic human with bestial traits. Both forms represent the fundamental ambivalence of Dionysus, traversing categories that the structures of civilization keep separate. Although their roles sometimes overlap, the satyr typically represents the aroused active male yet remains enslaved by his sexual desires. On the other hand, the komast usually exhibits symptoms of passive sexuality67. Both forms present a paradoxical and ironic reduction of male sexuality. In this context, female worshippers were the only ones permitted to retain their gender identity intact. The god himself does not conform to the hierarchy between the masculine and the feminine. Dionysus acts as a source of comfort for mistreated women, elevating his mother Semele (who was consumed by Zeus' radiance) and Ariadne (who was seduced and abandoned by Theseus) to divine status, remaining eternally connected to them. This special connection between the god and the feminine is indicative of the distinctive religious fervor demonstrated by Greek women68.

Female companions: fertility, sexuality, vessels of the divine

  • 69 Otto, Palmer 1965, 176.
  • 70 Cf. for instance what has been said in regard to Apollo and the Pythia during Apolline divination i (...)
  • 71 Bernabé et al. 2013, 121.
  • 72 Ibidem, 131.
  • 73 Robertson 2005, 230.

20As previously discussed, Dionysus exhibits a preference for being surrounded by women, and his entire existence is illuminated and crowned by the love of women69. His manner of loving is notably different from the possessive nature often associated with Zeus and Apollo70. In particular, the rites of Dionysus bear similarities to the rites of Demeter, as both are linked to women exerting their established fertility in service of the more precarious fertility of nature. Both mythologically and historically, the initial stages of Dionysian rituals involved nursing aspects. In regions such as Thessaly and Thrace, female initiates identified themselves with the first maenads, who were considered the wet nurses of Dionysus on Mount Nysa71. These initiates would participate in rituals that involved immersion in milk, mirroring the mythological association between Dionysus and his wet nurses72. At Delphi, the Thyades would begin their rite by awakening the baby they would bring along during their winter revels on Mount Parnassus. In Haliartus, a winter festival called Theodasia took place near Cissusae, the spring associated with the birth of Dionysus, where his nurses cleansed the infant73. In both instances, Dionysian rituals were celebrated during the winter, when the fertility of women served to awaken the fertility of nature. Once spring arrived and Apollo returned from the Hyperboreans to regain control over Delphi, divination would be restored at the sanctuary, and Dionysus and his worshippers would depart, having fulfilled their role.

  • 74 Alk. fr. 129 Voigt.
  • 75 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 71-72.
  • 76 LSJ 1940.

21In addition to its propitiatory nature, the rituals of female worshippers of Dionysus offer various indications of the presence of the divinity. Euripides, in his play Bacchae, alludes to the phenomenon of oreibasia (76; 135), where every two years the maenads would ascend to the mountains in a state of ecstatic frenzy, accompanied by music and orgiastic dances. They would carry staffs adorned with ivy, as well as snakes and deers, and would ritually tear apart any animals they encountered. Specifically, the maenads symbolically dismembered the first goat they encountered, known as omophagion (raw food). Dionysus was also referred to in literature as the ‘raw eater’ or omestes74. It is conceivable that the maenads emulated the god's habits, thus undergoing a process of identification with him. However, I argue that their identification with the god was accomplished through another cognitive strategy. Alcaeus (fr. 129 Voigt) also indicates that the maenads believed the animal to be an incarnation of the god Dionysus. Consuming the meat of the animal endowed the eater with the power of the god. By partaking in this act, the maenads became ‘inspired’ (νθεος), an experience that brought them a sense of euphoria unparalleled in other cults75. Notably, the Greek term for “inspired” (νθεος) can also be translated as ‘full of the god’, ‘with the god inside’76.

  • 77 1978, 147.
  • 78 Burkert 1987b.
  • 79 Dodds 1940, 166.

22Sacrifices to Dionysus were indeed commonplace in antiquity. However, Henrichs observes that the maenads of myth, whether depicted in the Bacchae or on ancient vases, went beyond merely slaying and burning a goat or another animal on the altar77. The culmination of the ritual was more savage, harkening back to the early practices of neolithic or paleolithic hunters: the maenads would tear a live victim apart and at times consume its raw flesh78. It is plausible that Dionysian mythology, whether pertaining to the maenads or not, preserved the recollection of ancient tribal brutality. On the one hand, if this interpretation is accurate, it enables us to link female participants with the orchestration of an archaic ritual. On the other hand, this practice underscores female capacity to embody the god and become vessels of the divine: to become a god, one must consume a god79, and this is precisely what they were doing. This concept bears resemblance to the Catholic notion of Communion: during the Mass, the bread is transubstantiated into the body of Christ and consumed by worshippers who welcome the god into themselves. The consistent utilization of this method underscores its enduring cognitive impact in the religious realm.

  • 80 1978, 151-152.
  • 81 Bernabé et al. 2013, 178-179.
  • 82 Early Christian authors like Dio Chrysostom (10.23-26) gave a strongly sexualized description of th (...)
  • 83 Bremmer 1984, 273.
  • 84 Eur. Bacch. 298-301.
  • 85 Diod. 4.3.

23According to Henrichs, the practice of maenadic omophagy was primarily mythical and not actually carried out by historical maenads80. It is plausible that instead of consuming raw meat, they likely only handled it. One can hypothesize that the portrayal of a more savage and uncontrolled ritual may be attributed to Christian accusations against pagan practices81. Similar discrepancies have been observed in the depiction of Apolline divination at Delphi82. However, the symbolic handling of raw flesh could have acted as a cognitive connection to the actual consumption of the god. Indeed, mythology has the ability to present symbolic acts as reality, achieving the intended purpose of the ritual at a higher level than the ritual itself83. As Teiresias states in the Bacchae, “The bacchic and manic state contains divination”, and indeed it encompasses a great deal of divination, as “when God fills their bodies, those who are driven mad prophesy the future”84. God is not always present to be eaten, nor would it be safe to consume him during ordinary times or without proper preparation for the sacrament. However, once every two years, he manifests himself among his mountain dancers. As Diodorus reported “the Boeotians and other Greeks and Thracians believe that during this time, he makes his epiphany among men”85 just as he did in the Bacchae. Regardless of whether the maenads symbolically or realistically embraced the body of Dionysus within themselves, we are witnessing the female body as the catalyst that enables the divine epiphany.

  • 86 Zeitlin 1982, 134.
  • 87 E.g., Mul. 1, 2.
  • 88 Is. 35, 365A; cf. 34, 364D.
  • 89 Varro ap. Aug. civ. 7.21.
  • 90 Zeitlin 1982, 135.
  • 91 This concept is also strengthened by the fact that ancient medical treatises describe the internal (...)

24In the context of maenadism, the prominent role of the female body has been explained by drawing a parallel between the concept of the wandering womb, believed to be the cause of hysteria, and the wandering maenad86. According to ancient Greek medicine, the female body could only be controlled through the irrigation of the womb by male semen, which kept it moist and anchored in place through pregnancy87. Within this theoretical framework, women found stability through the control exerted by men, particularly within the confines of marriage and through the production of legitimate children, especially sons. Taking into consideration that Dionysus, as highlighted by Plutarch, is “the lord and bearer of all moist nature”88, and given his close association with the phallus and semen89, women's attraction to his cult can be seen both as a symptom driving them away from their homes and as a remedy drawing them back again90. However, while I find the initial premise to be valid, I propose a different interpretation of the phenomenon: the female womb and its longing to be filled do hold a central place in the ritual. Nevertheless, the movement of the maenads from their homes to the mountains was not driven solely by irrational desire. On the contrary, they consciously departed from the confines of the civilised city to enable the epiphany of the god and to welcome him into their wombs91. Upon their return to their respective homes, they carried the god within them. They and their bodies served as intermediaries for the god, and their homecoming, with their wombs filled with Dionysus, not only brought stability to their own bodies but also to the entire society. By permitting women to partake in the mountain celebrations of the god, men officially accepted and acknowledged Dionysus, thus welcoming him into the community.

  • 92 Gernet 1968, 84; Zeitlin 1982, 137.
  • 93 Cf. Frigerio (Forthcoming 2026).
  • 94 Parker 1983, 49.
  • 95 Morgan 2007, 309.
  • 96 Bremmer 1984, 272.
  • 97 Ibidem, 277.
  • 98 Similarly, Vernant (1969, 132-133) argues that Hermes’ liminal nature and capacity to frequent the (...)

25The preeminent role of women in the maenadic cult can be understood because women are inherently better suited to embody it; they possess a higher degree of detachment and less integration with societal norms92. In ancient Greece, women were considered exceptional beings, occupying liminal spaces. Their bodies were capable of transitioning between various states, such as menstruation and pregnancy, which rendered them susceptible to pollution (miasma) 93. Pregnant or menstruating women were more exposed to pollution not due to their physiological condition, but because of the transformative change they were about to experience94. This ability to transcend different states allowed them to touch the corpse during funerary rites and breach the boundaries of the earthly realm to access the afterlife. It also enabled them to inhabit liminal spaces, which were favored by the gods for their epiphanies, such as the groves found on the mountains. Indeed, women are most vividly depicted during cults that involved the creation or violation of ritual, social, and communal boundaries95. Maenadic rituals were often performed on high mountains, even during the heart of winter when temperatures were low96. The women's flowing hair and barefootedness further signify their liminality97. Dionysus himself is a liminal god and selects female worshippers precisely because of their liminal nature98. At this point, it is even more insightful to consider that when dealing with the theatrical sphere, more inherently connected to civilization and the city, the choice of Dionysus’ servants changes in terms of gender. It is clear that female worshippers and officials are the most natural choice when transgressing the boundaries of the civilization and even those of the human sphere. The same god, when worshipped in the urban context of the theatre reverts to male officiants. It is therefore clear that women’s agency was indeed associated to liminality and transgression.

Handling the gift of the god

  • 99 Otto, Palmer 1965, 171.
  • 100 Hes. theog. 173.
  • 101 Apollod. 1.2.5.
  • 102 Phanodemus, FGrHist 325 F 12 (ap. Ath. 11.465 A).
  • 103 Philoch. FGrHist 328 F 5b (ap. Ath. 2.38 D).
  • 104 Jimenez 2022.
  • 105 In 1912, August Frickenhaus identified a series of Attic vases depicting women engaged in a ritual (...)
  • 106 Ferrara (forthcoming 2026).

26In Greek mythology, water was often associated with femininity99. It was believed that procreation and birth occurred in moist environments, with Aphrodite emerging from the sea100 and Hera being raised in secret by Oceanus and Tethys101. Within the Dionysiac context, it is possible to speculate that the nurturing nymphs initially, and later the maenads, represented the element of water, while Dionysus himself personified the concept of wine. An insightful observation in this regard is the Athenian festival of the Antesteria, which was dedicated to wine and celebrated the arrival of the new wine. On the first day of the festival, called Πιθοίγια, the Athenians would open the jugs (πίθοι) containing the wine from the previous harvest. In front of the Sanctuary of Dionysus ἐν Λίμναις (‘of the lagoons’), the first fruits of the harvest and the first wine extracted from the just opened amphorae were offered to the god. Through supplications and libations, it was requested that the drink be harmless. Phanodemus suggests that before consumption, the wine was mixed with water, which is why Dionysus is referred to as Λιμναῖος (‘of the lagoons’) and the Nymphs are considered his nurses, as water dilutes the potency of the wine102. Philochorus adds to this, stating that it was Dionysus himself who taught the Athenian king Amphictyon the art of mixing water with wine, in order to prevent men from succumbing to the overpowering effects of pure wine103. Thus, water acts as a tempering agent, softening the wine and minimizing its potential negative effects. Furthermore, Philochorus mentions two altars to Dionysus and the Nymphs in the sanctuary of the Hours, and an inscription referring to them, whose precise dating and content are now lost104. According to the iconography of the Lenaia Corpus105, Dionysus’ women were in charge of the liturgical manipulation of wine106.

  • 107 Nonn. Dion. 16.250-262.

27The significance of Dionysus as the personification of wine in his interaction with the maenads holds multiple important implications. Primarily, wine provided a means for the god to enter the bodies of his devotees: an etiological narrative illustrating this is depicted in the myth of the nymph Nicaea107. Nicaea, a nymph residing in the mountains and devoted to hunting, initially rejects Dionysus' romantic advances; she ridicules the god until, overcome by thirst, she consumes the water from a river that the god has transformed into wine. In her intoxicated state induced by the divine beverage, Dionysus claims her for himself. Nonetheless, it is important to note that the erotic liaison between Dionysus and a nymph is an exceptional occurrence, and the account is situated within a relatively late period in the history of maenadism, as Nonnus was active in the fifth century CE.

  • 108 Pentheus (Bacch. 675-774); Chorus (Bacch. 1043–1152).

28Additionally, the influence of wine has often been underscored as a key factor in inducing the state of mania among the maenads. However, as previously mentioned, Dionysian rituals emphasized the moderated consumption of wine, which was typically diluted with water. The same moderation applied to the maenads, who used wine as a means to connect with the divine. This usage of wine served multiple purposes: firstly, inebriation would induce a feeling of tranquility and proximity to the divine; secondly, the notion of the wine, representative of Dionysus, entering their bodies would have had a cognitive impact equivalent to the consumption of the god's flesh. Nonetheless, it is argued that maenadism was not a result of uncontrolled intoxication, as the women consciously manipulated wine, employing it as a tool to attain a specific sense of spiritual closeness without resorting to excess. Indeed, in literature, Dionysus is depicted twice as punishing humans with drunkenness that leads to madness: the case of Pentheus and Chorus108. Consequently, inebriation was perceived as a divine punishment rather than a means of communing with the god.

  • 109 Eur. Bacch. 64–86; Cole 2007, 329.
  • 110 Bacch. 1043-1152.
  • 111 Trieterides: Bacch. 33.
  • 112 Cole 2007, 330.
  • 113 Pl. Symp. 176a-d.
  • 114 Pl. Symp. 176d.

29It is important to highlight that Euripides further differentiates between two forms of mania and two groups of maenads. A first group of maenad is represented by the women who accompany the god from Asia, successfully performing his solemn rituals, teletai, and the women of Thebes, punished for refusing to recognize him as a god. The first group of maenads experiences a positive ritual experience representing the identification with the god as described by the Chorus of Lydian in the Bacchae when it enters the orchestra109. In contrast, the second manifestation of mania is characterised by a transgressive and frenzied state, imposed by the god upon the three daughters of Kadmos and their companions110. It is fundamental to clarify that the first phenomenon described refers to the regular ritual celebrated every two years111, while the second is inflicted as a divine punishment in which Dionysiac mania is no longer the result of communal ritual but a consequence of delusion controlled by the god112. On the same line, the act of drinking wine was consciously approached in either one of two ways in ancient Greece. In Plato’s Symposium we find a relevant example of a group of men discussing on the topic of drinking and deciding if during their Symposium they should drink in a controlled or uncontrolled way, conscious that the second option would lead to intoxication113. On this occasion, Eryximachus intervenes in the conversation by stating that wine intoxication is bad for the body114.

  • 115 Ferrara, forthcoming 2026. For the iconography of the ritual of manipulation of wine cf. Stamnos 46 (...)

30This notion becomes particularly significant when considering that, as previously noted, both nymphs in mythology and maenads during historical times were responsible for the ritual manipulation of wine. This ritual involved treating the wine in a manner that rendered it to the ritualistic value attributed to women, as they were entrusted with the responsibility of finding a delicate balance that would prevent men from succumbing to madness. At an initial level of analysis, this aspect is crucial as it reinforces the understanding that historical maenads were not characterized by wild and unbridled behavior. Why would women who could not control themselves be entrusted with the task of manipulating the properties of wine to achieve the proper balance? Furthermore, this role highlights their position as intermediaries connecting the divine realm with mankind, facilitating the accessibility of the god's gift to men115.

The cognitive context of the oreibasia

  • 116 Cole 2007, 329.

31In the preceding section, it was noted that the maenads were not overtaken by an uncontrolled state of frenzy. Instead, primary sources recount myths of resistance to the worship of Dionysus, in which excessive frenzy is depicted as a punishment inflicted by a vengeful god, illustrating the perils of refusing to honor him116. As previously indicated, the iconography of maenadism portrays the followers of Dionysus as composed women dutifully carrying out their responsibilities. Additionally, it was mentioned that Euripides himself makes a distinction between two forms of mania: the mania experienced by historical maenads was characterized as a positive ritual encounter involving identification with the god. This ritual experience was induced by a range of factors. As described earlier, the sense of identification with the god and the incorporation of his essence into their beings was derived from the symbolic consumption and handling of raw flesh, as well as the consumption of wine. The cognitive impact of these practices was further intensified by a series of means that heightened the reality of the encounter with the god.

  • 117 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 70.
  • 118 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 70.
  • 119 Barringer 2008.
  • 120 Baumard, Boyer 2013.
  • 121 Boyer and Lienard 2020.

32Firstly, ritualistic dance held significant importance. Maenadic dance was primarily characterized by bodily and head movements, rather than just footwork. A maenad would raise her right foot while also lifting the thyrsus in her right hand. This ‘bouncing’ dance engendered a bodily movement dictated by a pulsating rhythm (indicative of ecstasy), causing the dancer to become detached from herself and enthralled by her unyielding fervor117. Additional movements included capers, body bending, and free-flowing hand gestures. Furthermore, it was observed that as the intensity and passion of the dance increased, the dancers' initially well-groomed hair would loosen, swaying back and forth in the air, reflecting the fervor of the dance118. Ritualistic dance appears to have been an integral component of other female-centric rituals such as the Eleusinian Mysteries and the Thesmophoria119. It may be conjectured that the moving female form heightened its own agency. The rhythmic progression of their dance might have been an effort to synchronize with the motions of the cosmos and merge with it. A comparable connection between women and ritual dances still persists today in various forms, such as the continued practice of the tarantella dance by groups of women in Southern Italy during ceremonial festivities. The enduring efficacy of ritualistic dance can possibly be attributed to the synchronized performance of movements and dancing, which triggers the release of endorphins120, a hormone associated with feelings of happiness. This sense of integration into the group, stemming from shared arousing experiences and synchronized behavior, gives rise to a phenomenon termed coalitional psychology, contributing to the cultural endurance of specific rituals121.

  • 122 Bremmer 1984.
  • 123 Bremmer 1984, 279.
  • 124 Bremmer 1984, 279; Bernabé et al. 2013, 171.
  • 125 Hippokr. Morb. Sacr.

33Additionally, the maenadic dance was accompanied by the rhythmic music produced by the tympanon and the aulos, with the tambourine also being utilized, a common instrument worldwide in inducing trance-like states during rituals. Studies have demonstrated that this instrument has a synchronizing effect on the activity of neuronal cells in certain brain centers, leading to a state of ecstasy122. Furthermore, this effect was intensified by the continuous and vigorous shaking of the head and the quintessential Dionysiac cry: euhoe123. The repetitive utterance of this sound would have induced hyperventilation in the women, resulting in a liberating effect124. All of these activities took place during the night, in wintertime, and on mountains. The use of torches in the darkness would have provided photic stimulation. However, being situated on mountain slopes during winter suggests that their bodies were subjected to the cold temperature, especially considering that they were barefoot. Additionally, the lack of sleep and, most significantly, the lack of oxygen must be taken into account. The combination of these factors could easily lead to fainting and, in some cases, epileptic seizures and hallucinations. In this regard, it is noteworthy to recognize that in Greek medicine, epilepsy was referred to as ‘the sacred disease’125, a condition in which the afflicted individuals were believed to be possessed by the god.

Conclusions

  • 126 Henrichs 1990, 264-265.
  • 127 Otto, Palmer 1965, 177; Carpenter 1997, 116.
  • 128 Otto, Palmer 1965, 178.
  • 129 Cf. also Cairns 2011, 23-24.
  • 130 Lolas 2020, 297.
  • 131 Otto 2017 [1965], 193.
  • 132 Burkert 1987, 51-52.

34The accumulated evidence presented supports the hypothesis that Dionysian cults, including maenadic rituals, were an integral part of regular deme-religion. This challenges the notion that maenadism was a deliberate departure from mainstream polis religion126. The wildness associated with the maenads should not be confused with the semi-human, semi-animal companions with which they were often depicted. In vase paintings, the maenads are shown fending off advances from the satyrs, resisting their sexual desires. These women are portrayed as mothers and caretakers127. It is crucial to emphasize that this distinction is not a matter of morality but rather a reflection of their inherent nature128. The idea of morality as we understand it today does not correspond to the set of values that that regulated life in ancient Greece. The idea that us modern associate to the concept of morality has been strongly influenced by Hellenistic philosophy, particularly by Stoicism, and Christianity129. It is not my intention to pass judgement on the sexually aroused figures of the satyrs in comparison to the maternal figures of the maenads; it is simply a matter of character in the framework of ancient Greek culture. Judaism and Christianity played a role in introducing a new moralism and a new religious context in which humanity, specifically man, became the central focus of worship. This stands in stark contrast to the “immanent, queer, and dancing gods of Greek religion, in which the feminine had a place, including within the realm of Dionysus” 130. As Walter Otto articulates, “Dionysus is always surrounded by women. The nurse becomes the beloved, of whose beauty his gaze hangs in intoxicated fascination. His perfect image is called Ariadne”131. In contrast, Jesus is not allowed to love Mary Magdalene. With the advent of the new ekklesia brought about by Christianity, new paradigms emerged, including the emphasis on moral education and procreation132. This led to the prohibition of orgiastic behavior, homosexuality, and prostitution. Alongside this shift, there arose a distorted and judgmental interpretation of paganism. To a certain extent, it is through this lens that current scholarship continues to interpret maenadism.

  • 133 Cole 2007, 337.
  • 134 Morgan 2007, 305.

35The majority of Dionysian rituals, particularly those tailored for women, were actually considered to be part of the public domain133. Accordingly, maenadism was not viewed as a means of escape. The spectacle of women abandoning their homes served as a reminder to men of their significance; without wives, the city and order within the community would cease to exist. When the wives eventually return home, traditional order is renewed and restored134. More importantly, their departure from the city enabled them to enter the liminal space of the mountains, welcoming the god into their bodies and subsequently bringing him back with them into the civilized realm. We have observed that maenadism and Dionysiac rituals share numerous features with Demeter's fertility rites. The nurturing elements of the maenads and their association with female anatomical capacity of creating life served to propitiate the fertility of Mother Earth, which was invariably uncertain during the winter months. Additionally, their empty wombs provided an entry point for the god. The liminality that is characteristic of the female sphere aligns with the liminal nature of the god par excellence, affording them the opportunity to inhabit liminal spaces and encounter the god. Upon their return, a new order, blessed by the god, is reinstated, ensuring the fertility of the earth and alleviating the fears associated with winter, while also holding the promise of an imminent spring.

  • 135 Ibidem.

36The article has also questioned the notion of uncontrolled madness associated with maenadism. Ancient texts recount myths wherein resistance to the worship of Dionysus is met with a punishment of excessive frenzy inflicted by the vengeful god, serving as a warning of the dangers of refusing to honor him. In iconography, worshippers of Dionysus are often portrayed as composed women diligently carrying out their duties. Dionysus, as the god of wine, possesses the power to create both madness and civilization, as well as to bestow honor or dishonor when taken to extremes. The movement of women outside of their homes and into the wilderness reflects Dionysus' unique ability to both create and destroy notions of civility135. Upon their return to the polis and the restoration of civility, women demonstrate their capability to harness and control Dionysus, presenting a stark contrast to the image of a woman completely possessed by the god. The Dionysian women’s role in the manipulation of wine serves as a symbol of this capacity; they were entrusted with the responsibility of handling the wine, a gift from Dionysus, in a manner that would not lead to intoxication. Despite the ritual appearances and modes of expression, the core function of the maenad is essentially that of a mediator between Dionysus and the male community, much like other Dionysian women in ancient Greece. The historical maenads do not rebel, but rather act in support of and in service to men.

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Robertson 1993: N. Robertson, Festivals and Legends: The Formation of Greek Cities in the Light of Public Ritual, Toronto 1993.

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Notes

1 Detienne 1977; Bernabé et al. 2013, 164.

2 Zeitlin 1982, 132.

3 Seaford 2006, 33.

4 Ubbels 2008.

5 Caballero 2013, 168.

6 Ibidem.

7 Merriam-Webster Dictionary definition.

8 Diod. 4.3.3; Paus. 10.4.2 and Plut. De Mul. Vir. 13; Ion 534a.

9 Paus. 10.4.2.

10 Paus. 10.4.2.

11 Henrichs 1978, 137.

12 Paus. 6.4.

13 Robertson 2005, 224.

14 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 69.

15 Bremmer 1984, 268-269.

16 Eur. Bacch. 101-2; Carpenter 1997, 110.

17 Nonn. Dion. 155.

18 Burkert 1987, 106.

19 Carpenter 1997, 111.

20 Bremmer 1984, 282.

21 Eur. Bacch. 694; also confirmed later by Nonn. Dion. 9.

22 Diod. 4.3.3.

23 Eur. Bacch. 694.

24 The Theban maenads who were sent to Magnesia will also have been advanced in age, since it seems unlikely that their kyrioi would have allowed women to go who were still capable of bearing children. Moreover, the mythological ancestors of the Elean Sixteen were said to have belonged to the most senior women, and it seems therefore reasonable to infer that the historical Sixteen too were advanced in age (Bremmer 1984: 284).

25 Bremmer 1984, 285.

26 E.g., Attic red figure kylix, c. mid fifth century BCE, Great Britain, fascicule 3, pl. 3-5, Cat # 1924.2 Ashmolean Museum; Attic red figure kylix attributed to Makron, c. 480 BCE, Berlin, cat # F2290, Antikensammlungen, Berlin; Attic red figure kylix, attributed to Douris and painter and Python as potter, c. 480 BCE, The Kimball Art Museum.

27 Ubbels 2008, 37.

28 Ibidem. E.g., Skyphos, Brygos Painter, 490-480 BCE New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. n. 29.131.4

29 Ubbels 2008, 111.

30 Hom. Il. VI.131; Hom. h. I to Dionysus; Diod. 4.3.3; Plut. De Mul. Vir. 13.

31 Paus. 5.16.5.

32 Plut. Quaest. Graec. 299E-F.

33 Plut. De Mul. Vir. 13; Plut. Is. 364E; Plut. Qu. Gr. 293C-F.

34 Ubbels 2008, 60.

35 E.g., Die Griechischen Vasen, Attic red figure stamnos, circa 420 BCE Neapal, cat # 2419 (Ubbels 2008, fig. 4.18)

36 Ubbels 2008, 130.

37 Ubbels 2008, 142.

38 Otto, Palmer 1965, 177; Carpenter 1997, 116.

39 Otto, Palmer 1965, 178.

40 The five Greek inscriptions are, in their order of publication: (I) Magnesia ad Maeandrum, c. 200 B.C.; A. E. Kontoleon, Ath. Mitt. I5 (1890) 330-332 = IMagn. 215 (section I below). (2) Miletus, late third, or second, century B.C.; Th. Wiegand, Sitzb. Berl. Akad. 1905, 547 (see section III below). (3) Miletus, 276/75 B.C.; Th. Wiegand, Abh. Berl. Akad. 1908, 22-25 = F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrees de l'Asie Mineure (Paris 1955) no. 48 (section III below). (4) Torre Nova near Tusculum/Latium, second century A.D.; A. Vogliano and F. Cumont, AJA 37 (1933) 215-263 (section V below). (5) Physkos/Western Lokris, second century A.D.; G. Klaffenbach, IG I2.3.670 (1968) = F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrees des cites grecques (Paris 1969) no. 1 (cf. Henrichs 1978, 121, n.2).

41 Henrichs 1978, 121; Jimenez 2023.

42 Henrichs 1978, 143.

43 For plate, see Henrichs 1969, 233. Cf. also Henrichs 1978, 148.

44 For plate cf. Henrichs 1969, 241.

45 Henrichs 1978, 149-150.

46 Ibidem, 153.

47 Cf. footnote 35.

48 Eur. Bacch. 100; 923-924.

49 Harrison 2003, 67.

50 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 69.

51 Cole 2007, 328.

52 καὶ Διονύσου ναὸς ἐνταῦθα ἔτι λείπεται καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ. τὸ δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ μόναις γυναιξὶν ἔστιν ὁρᾶν· γυναῖκες γὰρ δὴ μόναι καὶ τὰ ἐς τὰς θυσίας δρῶσιν ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ. There still remains here a temple of Dionysus with an image in the open. But the image in the temple women only may see, for women by themselves perform in secret the sacrificial rites (Paus. 3.20.4 transl. by W. H. S. Jones, H. A. Ormerod 1926). Cf. also Dem. Against Neaera 73 ap. Apollod., where old women are described while taking an oath of secrecy in the ambit of Dionysian Mysteries.

53 Cole 2007, 336.

54 IErythrai 201a.

55 Robertson 2005, 223.

56 Call. Fr. 643; Euphorion, Fr. 13 Powell, cf. fr. 36.

57 Cf. Frigerio 2023, 27-28.

58 Eur. Bacch. 353.

59 Cole 2007, 328.

60 Otto, Palmer 1965, 176.

61 Plut. Vit. Thes. 20; Nonn. Dion. 455-459.

62 Otto, Palmer 1968, 187.

63 Palmer 1965, 181.

64 Dion. 47, 664f.

65 Otto, Palmer 1965, 187.

66 Csapo 1997, 264.

67 Ibidem.

68 Jeanmaire 1951, 89, 276; Henrichs 1985, 243, 257; Burgio 2012, 172.

69 Otto, Palmer 1965, 176.

70 Cf. for instance what has been said in regard to Apollo and the Pythia during Apolline divination in Frigerio 2023, 120-123.

71 Bernabé et al. 2013, 121.

72 Ibidem, 131.

73 Robertson 2005, 230.

74 Alk. fr. 129 Voigt.

75 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 71-72.

76 LSJ 1940.

77 1978, 147.

78 Burkert 1987b.

79 Dodds 1940, 166.

80 1978, 151-152.

81 Bernabé et al. 2013, 178-179.

82 Early Christian authors like Dio Chrysostom (10.23-26) gave a strongly sexualized description of the Pythia as a crazy and unreliable woman.

83 Bremmer 1984, 273.

84 Eur. Bacch. 298-301.

85 Diod. 4.3.

86 Zeitlin 1982, 134.

87 E.g., Mul. 1, 2.

88 Is. 35, 365A; cf. 34, 364D.

89 Varro ap. Aug. civ. 7.21.

90 Zeitlin 1982, 135.

91 This concept is also strengthened by the fact that ancient medical treatises describe the internal physiology of women as a unique, connected channel that connected the mouth to the vagina, they did not make a distinction between the digestive channel and the uterus. The Egyptian medical papyri claim that the channel between the vagina and the mouth had to be free from obstructions, otherwise the woman could not conceive. It also reports that the bodily channel of a woman was free if it was possible to smell from her mouth the garlic put in her vagina the day before (Nifosi 2019). This belief is also accounted in the Hippocratic tradition and in Soranus’ Gynecology (I, IX. 35), in a period which is thus later to the one considered here. However, the fact that this piece of information was already known in Egypt at least since the late Dynastic period (7th-4th century BC) could suggest it might have been known in Archaic Greece too.

92 Gernet 1968, 84; Zeitlin 1982, 137.

93 Cf. Frigerio (Forthcoming 2026).

94 Parker 1983, 49.

95 Morgan 2007, 309.

96 Bremmer 1984, 272.

97 Ibidem, 277.

98 Similarly, Vernant (1969, 132-133) argues that Hermes’ liminal nature and capacity to frequent the human world and move through different spheres in the role of messenger needed the association with Hestia in order to be grounded. He claims that while represents in space and in the human world, movement and flow, mutation and transition, contact between foreign elements, in contrast, the role of Hestia is strictly defined. Her fate is to reign, forever immobile, at the centre of the domestic sphere, Hestia implies in contrast and in communion with her, the swift-footed god who rules the realms of the traveller.

99 Otto, Palmer 1965, 171.

100 Hes. theog. 173.

101 Apollod. 1.2.5.

102 Phanodemus, FGrHist 325 F 12 (ap. Ath. 11.465 A).

103 Philoch. FGrHist 328 F 5b (ap. Ath. 2.38 D).

104 Jimenez 2022.

105 In 1912, August Frickenhaus identified a series of Attic vases depicting women engaged in a ritual in honour of Dionysus (Frickenhaus 1912). This series, known as the Lenaia vases, was later extended by Monique Halm-Tisserant (1991) and Françoise Frontisi-Ducroux (1991) to include between sixty and seventy-three vases.

106 Ferrara (forthcoming 2026).

107 Nonn. Dion. 16.250-262.

108 Pentheus (Bacch. 675-774); Chorus (Bacch. 1043–1152).

109 Eur. Bacch. 64–86; Cole 2007, 329.

110 Bacch. 1043-1152.

111 Trieterides: Bacch. 33.

112 Cole 2007, 330.

113 Pl. Symp. 176a-d.

114 Pl. Symp. 176d.

115 Ferrara, forthcoming 2026. For the iconography of the ritual of manipulation of wine cf. Stamnos 460 BCE, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. n.G407.

116 Cole 2007, 329.

117 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 70.

118 Papaioannou, Likisas 2012, 70.

119 Barringer 2008.

120 Baumard, Boyer 2013.

121 Boyer and Lienard 2020.

122 Bremmer 1984.

123 Bremmer 1984, 279.

124 Bremmer 1984, 279; Bernabé et al. 2013, 171.

125 Hippokr. Morb. Sacr.

126 Henrichs 1990, 264-265.

127 Otto, Palmer 1965, 177; Carpenter 1997, 116.

128 Otto, Palmer 1965, 178.

129 Cf. also Cairns 2011, 23-24.

130 Lolas 2020, 297.

131 Otto 2017 [1965], 193.

132 Burkert 1987, 51-52.

133 Cole 2007, 337.

134 Morgan 2007, 305.

135 Ibidem.

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Giulia Frigerio, « Dionysus’ Women and Intermediaries: Chaos or Catalyst for a New Order? »Mythos [En ligne], 19 | 2025, mis en ligne le 01 novembre 2025, consulté le 16 décembre 2025. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mythos/8241 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/152u2

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Giulia Frigerio

University of Oslo
Blindernveien 31 Georg Morgenstiernes hus 0313 Oslo
giulia.frigerio(at)ifikk.uio.no

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