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Through the eyes of the Indian woman: cartography, spatiality and gender in mapping expeditions in Southern Brazil (18th Century)

Aos olhos da mulher indígena: cartografia, espacialidade e gênero em expedições de mapeamento no Brasil meridional (século XVIII)
A los ojos de las mujeres indígenas: cartografía, espacialidad y género en expediciones cartográficas en el sur de Brasil (siglo XVIII)
Denise A S de Moura
Cet article est une traduction de :
Aos olhos da mulher indígena: cartografia, espacialidade e gênero em expedições de mapeamento no Brasil meridional (século XVIII) [pt]

Résumés

Unveiling the spatiality of indigenous women as shown from written and visual narratives of mapping processes is one of the greatest challenges to be taken on by the history of Latin American critical cartography. Despite advances in the fields of indigenous history, women and gender relations, themes such as native women and territoriality, an aesthetic of absence, neglect and disappearance is still strongly evident. Through written documents, a map and ethnographic data from Jê peoples, this article offers a skeletal methodological path taken to reach the spatial subjectivity of indigenous women in a mapping expedition to the hinterlands of Southern Brazil that took place between the years 1768-1773.

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Notes de l’auteur

This research has counted on funding from the São Paulo State Foundation for Support for Research (Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo - FAPESP), process number 2015/21136-3.

Texte intégral

Introduction

1How would territory be seen through the eyes of a woman? In expeditions for military purposes, for demarcation of land, or for scientific pursuits, that occurred in America in the 18th Century, what influence did the Indian women have upon the route to be followed? What is the connection between a Indian woman and a map, apart from the pictorial representation on cardboard tubes? Can a map bring evidence of the spatiality of Indian women? What are the possible methodological solutions so that the history of cartography can be made from a gender standpoint? In the history of cartography, male figures of soldiers, explorers, cartographers, astronomers, mathematicians, printers, surveyors are omnipresent. And where were the women, especially the indigenous women? Why not apply the category of women and the category of gender analysis to understand the history of cartography, mapping, and spatiality?

  • 2 Scott, Joan, <Gênero: uma categoria útil de análise histórica>, Educação e Realidade, 19 (...)
  • 3 For a comprehensive view in the various areas of science cf. http://genderedinnovations. (...)

2In all scientific areas, and History in particular, the querying and the preparation of methodologies from the woman’s standpoint and considering gender inequality has been one of the most significant challenges to have been faced by researchers since the 1980s and especially as from the 2000s2 and, even though this already being a consolidated field of research and expressive production3, there are still absences of female agency in some historical processes and social spaces that can appear as natural

3In the history of cartography in Colonial America, the woman in particular is still a largely invisible participant. Some research studies have now arisen, but they are still largely one-off studies, based on contemporary chronological cuttings, and based on standards of questioning that are still largely dominant in the history of cartography, which largely gives priority to the savant or to professional people linked to some institution.

  • 4 Tyner, Judith, Women in American Cartography: an Invisible Social History, Mar (...)

4A recent book has scrutinised the figure of the professional female cartographer working in American institutions, such as Governments, commercial enterprises, societies, and schools, as producers of maps4. But when the chronological cut on the cartography theme is taken to the modern era and to the colonial spaces of America, the absence of women is remarkable, even in research that applies the ethnicity variable in the collection and interpretation of their data.

  • 5 The results can be checked in Dym, Jordana and Offen, Karl, Mapping Latin Amer (...)

5Even though the history of cartography has been encouraged since 2011 in Latin America, also having the intense engagement of women, both in the production of research studies as also in the organisation and institutionalisation of the area5, there are as yet no eloquent results presented in books, articles, or communications of research studies including the variable of sex and gender in the understanding of mapping, the maps themselves, and the process for elaboration of pictures of spaces, locations, and territories of colonial America.

  • 6 Bockelman, Brian e Erbig Jr., Jeffrey A, «Still Turning Toward a Cartographic History of (...)

6Recently, however, an article called attention to the possibility of opening new investigation fronts in this direction, highlighting, among other points, the researchers show greater “engagement in critical spatial theories that allow the opening of new lines of inquiry with regard to (...) gender and sexuality” 6.

  • 7 Harley, J. B, «Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartogaphy in Early (...)
  • 8 Soihet, Rachel e Pedro, Joana Maria, op. cit., p. 288.

7It is inevitable that maps are tools wielding power and advertising of political or economic groups but asking them based on ethnic or gender perspectives could bring to the surface other spatial subjectivities present on these same maps and whose invisibility was produced historically and socially7. It is known that the main scientific result of the category of gender analysis in the human sciences was to denaturalize the invisibility of a part of humanity made invisible and to demonstrate that the “asymmetry and hierarchy in the relations between men and women” is the result of power relations8, sometimes of manifestation so subtle that it can escape the sharpest methodology

  • 9 Edney, Matthew H., «Cartography, and its Discontents» Cartographica, 2015, 50-1, (...)

8The review of the ideal standard of cartography formulated in the 19th Century, promoted by the idea of the mapping process as a varied set of practices, shall contribute towards the opening of these new lines of investigation of gender in this field. As one of the main contemporary theorists in the history of cartography once wrote, “we could study the many different practices of mapping, with each part of the spatial discourse made different through its different spatial concepts. We need to remove the privilege from ‘the map’ and exploit the constitution of each different mode as a mixture of descriptives (graphical and verbal) incorporative (performatic) practices” 9.

  • 10 Barr, Juliana, Peace came in the form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the (...)

9Following along this theoretical and methodological direction, this article presents some skeletal notes about the spatial subjectivity of the Indian woman – understood as the set of the routine practices within this ethnic group – and its influence upon the mapping process and the preparation of a cartographic image. This means that the ultimate target is that of showing how spatiality and the constitution of the image of the backlands of American territory also have the variable ‘sex’ and were result of gender relations. European men or mamelucos (mestizos) were together with indigenous women in the same enterprise of traveling through territories to map them, but the woman was made invisible. Reading sources guided by a gender lens can remove them from this invisibility, as some research has been doing for other realities in American history.10

10Only at the end of a wider research on the mapping process that occurred in part of the territory of Southern Brazil between 1768 and 1773 was there the confirmation of potential of some data to identify the spatiality of the Indian woman and her influence on routes and maps. This perspective, however, could be a starting point for a research study. This text, therefore, intends to be a source of inspiration for future research to assume a gender agenda in research in the history of colonial cartography already at the starting point of their projects.

  • 11 Notícia da Conquista, e descobrimento dos Certões do Tibagy na Capitania de S. Paulo, no (...)

11In this article, we have used official instructions for the organisation of expeditions that occurred in the period as mentioned above, in a region corresponding to what is now the Northwestern part of the State of Paraná, together with ethnographic data of the Jê peoples as collected from academic articles and theses, and diaries of soldiers as collected in a manuscript of 362 pages11 and also a map of river currents as drawn by a Benedictine padre. Divided into four parts, this article starts by identifying the presence of women in these expeditions and asks about their sudden disappearance from written narrative; in the second part, the issue of spatiality of the woman from the Jê lineage is shown by means of ethnographic data. In the third part, this spatiality is shown at different points of soldiers’ itineraries, and finally this paper is wrapped up with the presentation of a map.

Aesthetics of disappearance, being forgotten, and neglect

  • 12 Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, «Introdução a uma história indígena», in Manuel Carne (...)
  • 13 Monteiro, John Manuel, Negros da terra: índios e bandeirantes nas origens de S (...)
  • 14 Translated into English as ‘The Masters and the Slaves’.
  • 15 Garcia, Elisa Fruhauf, «Mulheres Brasilis: as índias e a conquista do Brasil – século XV (...)

12If the history of Amerindians in South America has an aesthetic of disappearance spanning a long duration, duly diagnosed at least three decades ago by historiography12, this aesthetic gains greater visibility when the ‘sex’ variable is introduced. If, among the many challenges overcome by research studies over the last few years, one of them was that of demolishing the figure of the generic Indian while revealing the diversity of the ethnographic environment in Brazil13, there start to be studies specifically on the issue of the Indian woman and criticism of the mere sexualisation of the relationship between the Portuguese and the Indians, inherited from classics of historiography, such as the classic work Casa Grande & Senzala14. Such studies have shown that formal or consensual unions between these women and the colonisers had a political and cultural nature, operating as a means of access, acceptance and acknowledgement in the complex political institutions of Indian societies15.

  • 16 Néspolo, Eugenia A e Cutrera, Laura María «El líder étnico, liderar y liderazgo. Los Yah (...)

13In spite of such advances as these, we still see a persisting aesthetics of feminine absence in many of the topics within the history of modern American colonialism. Some studies still endorse the stereotype of a male political leadership among Indians16. With regard to the history of territorial formation, territorialities, mapping, cartography, expeditions for mapping, and itineraries, the same happens, and these issues are discussed as being male-dominated domains.

  • 17 Pickles, John, «The cartographic gaze, global visions and modalities of visual culture», (...)

14Critical approaches to strongly Westernised and masculine epistemologies of space and territory – and, by extension, to the very understanding of the processes involved in mapping – should, according to some feminist theorists, ‘also challenge their spatial and visual’ and try to come up with new concepts of space and time, places, housing and identity”17. However, there shall also be the formulation of new methodologies together with an attitude based on greater suspicion from the speeches of the sources, usually produced by male figures. Often the researcher is faced the sudden disappearance of the woman of the historical documents, after only one quick mention, that is able to mislead the researcher and lead him or her to not assign relevance to a problem whose examination shall surely contribute to overcome situations of gender inequality, in the approach based on territorial formation and on the history of cartography and space.

  • 18 These documents are scattered in files such as those of the State of São Paulo, Ultramar (...)

15These aesthetics of launching the Indian woman and then suddenly making her disappear, thereby triggering neglect in relation to her figure, appears in the profusion of written documentation18 comprising many different types of documents, such as official communications, instructions, service orders, memoirs, diaries and letters, produced during territorial mapping expeditions through territory that, in the 18th Century, bore the name of the Backlands of Tibagi (Sertões de Tibagi), now wedged between the Paranapanema and Iguaçu Rivers.

16These expeditions were organised by the Portuguese Governor Luis de Sousa Botelho Mourão, better known as Morgado de Mateus, appointed by the Portuguese Crown to take over the Government of this captaincy in 1765, as part of the process for the Empire to Project itself over lands subject to a land dispute with Spain.

  • 19 Erbig Jr., Jeffrey Alan, Where caciques and mapmakers met: border making in Ei (...)
  • 20 Orders that took colonel Pinto do Rego to the expedition that goes from the Di (...)

17Even before the expeditions started, an official communication issued to one of the future commanders of one of the expeditions officially laid down the role of Indian women, and the so-called línguas, an expression used to refer to interpreters, for the projects of mapping, the unfolding of which would not only find many Indian communities, but would also depend on their permission to enter the territory, as was already shown to the River Plate colonial space19. In the opinion of colonel Francisco Pinto do Rego, it was established that all the nations found in the backlands should “order the practice by the languages taken, so that they could live in peace and endorse our Holy Faith”20.

18One of the captains also received orders from the general commander, Afonso Botelho de Sampaio e Souza, that they should:

  • 21 Instructions on the exhibition that set out from the port of São Bento, under the comman (...)

“vestir a India que vai ser intérprete, na companhia de meia dúzia de homens que mandará se adiantar do corpo que, pela intérprete, os chamará e procurar vir valar com eles. Se Deus foi servido, tenham práticas se chamará ao Padre Capelão para informar à intérprete o que deve dizer e o que se pretende deles”21.

19The Indian, prepared to be an interpreter, would move in front of the men, meaning that they would have the responsibility of opening the route. The person at the front would vies all the obstacles and facilities, and thus may introduce their own direction and pace to an itinerary. The chaplain, the author of a map, went along beside the woman and both would operate as bridges between explorers and Indian communities.

  • 22 Official Communication No. 4 from Governor (...) D. Luis Antonio (...) to the Earl of Oe (...)
  • 23 Bando in which the Gen of São Paulo, once again makes an invitation from His Majesty to (...)

20In a letter addressed to the Governor, the commander-general, on narrating his arrival together with a troop of soldiers, along a certain river, said that he had observed many signs of the presence of Indians along the itinerary and anticipated the success of his mission, on taking along a língua (interpreter) who would make communication easier22. Later on, the acting governor commemorated the happy entrance into the area known as the Campos de Guarapuava, an area bordering on the backlands of Tibagi, and the success of the troops in having ‘maintained easy communication with the Indians who lived there”. This success can only be ascribed to the lingua who went with them23.

  • 24 Nimuendajú, Curt, Etnografia e indigenismo: sobre os kaingang, os ofaié-xavante e os índ (...)

21Heading the male commissions was a gender-linked function that was always carried out by women in Indian societies. The Kaingáng, one of the ethnic groups representing the Jê linguistic Family, believed in women’s power of divination, and consulted them as if they were oracles, putting them at the front of the exhibitions. As part of the funeral rites, the widow went in front of her late husband’s body, carried by a péne, a social category, so that this latter person would not step on ‘the trail left by the deceased’24.

  • 25 Barr, Juliana, Peace came in the form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the (...)

22The coloniser incorporated this role of women within Indian societies but neglected their in the coloniser’s narratives in terms of gender relations, produced and historically legitimated by subtle actions, such as not mentioning their action. In other areas of America, the same custom was observed, that of Amerindian women walking in front of the diplomatic commissions in the 18th Century. This attitude was explained by the lack of trust in the male figure, triggered by the experience of violent conflicts in contact between Native communities and colonists25. In the light of this situation, the woman started to take the lead in expeditions, be they for mapping or for diplomatic purposes, and surely this function gave them the opportunity for expression of their spatial subjectivity.

23In the voluminous and detailed description of daily events and happenings which took place over the three years of expeditions, no additional mentions of the figure of the Indian woman were found. What happened to the interpreter who had been prepared for, and given the responsibility of, staying at the front of the expeditions? If there was success in communicating with the Indians, as the commander said, how can one explain the disappearance of the woman who was at the front? The padre, a male figure, not only wrote diaries, where presence of the interpreters was never mentioned, as the língua (interpreter) had been a recurring element present in diaries kept by other soldiers and also in official communications as exchanged between the Governor and the commander-general.

24A male narrative without any memory for the figure of a woman would probably not even notice, even in situations of life risk and suffering, let alone in situations of leadership by male figures who were not trusted and who lacked communication skills to the point of depending on a língua that would pave the way for them in the forest and among the Indians.

Aesthetics of presence in spatial subjectivity of the Indian woman

  • 26 Spaces, locations, landscapes and territories are phenomena that are interlinked and def (...)
  • 27 Rose, Gillian, Feminism and Geography: the limits of Geographical Knowledge, Cambridge, (...)

25Space, place and landscape, all components of territory, are not neutral, or even mere physical or topographical realities, or universal subjectivities, but are defined and constructed according to memories of paths and gender actions26. The space is organised and defined based on male reason excluding female experience, as feminist geographers say. As most narratives of travel and exploration in the 18th Century were made by men, one can conclude that the movement and the action of the Indian woman in space were mostly neglected. by gender relations, which leads to differences and hierarchies between the sexes. As concluded, gender is the organization and production of knowledge of sexual difference27.

  • 28 Even though this ethnonym is used in judicial demands, the one recognised by the (...)

26In Indian societies, men and women do not traverse, use, occupy, or act upon spaces in the same manner, but according to the social roles played by each of these. What were then known as the backlands of Tibagi and Campos de Guarapuava were occupied by many Indian communities who were speakers of Tupi and Jê that had originated from several processes of ethnogenesis that occurred in the 18th and 19th Centuries, with the expansion of colonial exploitation towards the interior of the continent. In the 18th Century, the Xokleng, speakers of Jê, were one of the ethnic groups that settled in these backlands28. These were absorbed by the Kaingáng, formed in the 19th Century, who were also speakers of Jê. As they had become the most important ethnonym, the Kaingáng were researched in greater detail, and the data of their social organisation were used in the description of the Jê spatiality.

  • 29 Borba, Telemaco M, «Observações sobre os indígenas do Estado do Paraná», Magazine of (...)
  • 30 Chmyz, Igor, «Nota prévia sobre as pesquisas arqueológicas no Vale do Rio Piquiri», Déda (...)

27The Jê peoples were first described by Curt Nimuendajú and Telêmaco Borba29 and have been intensely surveyed over the last few years, especially the region where there mapping expeditions, as addressed in this text, took place. This literature offers data for understanding the spatiality of the Jê woman, in terms of movement and actions30.

  • 31 Souza, Jonas Gregorio de and others, «The genesis of monuments: resisting outsiders in t (...)
  • 32 Rosa, Rogério Réus Gonçalves da, «O território Xamânico Kaingang vinculado às bacias hid (...)

28According to these sources, women were intermediaries in the relation with the Tupi and Guarani groups, traditional enemies of the Jê, who therefore traversed border spaces between these peoples31. The territoriality of the Jê ethnic group consisted of a cosmological tripod divided into three levels, each having internal domains and frontiers. Limiting ourselves to the ‘land’ level, we see that this was formed by three domains: house, clean space, and virgin forest, and its borders like the sources of water, the rural areas, and the house’s own land32.

  • 33 Rosa, Rogério Réus Gonçalves da, Os Kujá são diferentes”: um estudo etnológico do comple (...)
  • 34 Sleeper-Smith, Susan, Indigenous prosperity and American conquest: Indian women of the O (...)

29In the clean space, the woman had a key role, and it was the area for subsistence cultivation of the group33. Research has shown Amerindian women leading agrarian villages that could become the storehouse of the community. Women’s work in plantation, harvesting, preparation of food and handicrafts was responsible for the sedentarisation of ethnic groups and were a complement to men’s hunting activities in the sustenance of the community34. In the Jê clean space there was cultivation of the seeds of corn, manioc and peanuts, for consumption as food in the form of flour or cobs (either roast or boiled) and the production of objects to be used in rituals or for storage of food.

  • 35 Parellada, Claudia Inês, Estudo arqueológico no alto vale do rio Ribeira: área do gasodu (...)
  • 36 Tommassino, Kimye, A história dos Kaingáng da Bacia do Tibagi: uma sociedade j (...)
  • 37 ‘A storage barn where cereals are kept, especially corn’. (QUADROS, JS – Novo (...)
  • 38 Veiga, Juracilda, Organização social e cosmovisão kaigang: uma introdução ao parentesco, (...)

30The cultivation of other crops was also one of the tasks of Native women within the clean area, including beans and pumpkins35. Handicrafts are also an important area of mastery of the Jê woman, from the collection of raw materials to the preparation of fibres, through interweaving, preparation of rolls for storing them, and for being able to produce food for the community, both in hampers, sieves and baskets36. These utensils were used to store the community’s food, both in paióis37 and submerged in rivers coated in wax, thus guaranteeing survival for the whole year38.

  • 39 Rosa, Rogério Réus Gonçalves da, Os Kujá são diferentes”: um estudo etnológico do comple (...)

31Within the domain of the virgin forest, the work of the Native woman was that of collecting fruit, small larvae, insects, nettles, coconut leaves, and other roots such as manioc39.

32This means that the spatial subjectivity of women was directly related to the flat areas of the region, riverbanks, and other areas used as plantations, storage of food, and preparation of the basic utensils of the daily lives of the group. Strangely enough, places regularly mentioned in diaries and shown as dotted lines on the map of a padre, without eyes for the accompanying interpreter.

Landscapes traversed and territories constructed from the eyes of Native women

  • 40 Metcalf, Alida C., «Women as Go-Betweens? Patterns in Sixteenth-Century Brazil», in Nora (...)
  • 41 Sertanistas were people who explored the Brazilian interior in search of wealth. (...)
  • 42 Mamelucos were mixed-race people with White and Indian lineage. (QUADROS, JS - (...)
  • 43 Raj, Kapil, «Go-Betweens, Travellers and Cultural Translators», in Bernard Lig (...)
  • 44 Garcia, Elisa, «As mulheres indígenas na formação do Brasil: historiografia, a (...)

33The figure of the intermediary, for some “go-bettween”40 or “broker”, has been scrutinized through recent approaches that are inclusive of the various social agents involved in colonial contact. Among these intermediaries are Indians, sertanistas41 mamelucos42, ship captains, sailors, merchants, priests of the various religious orders, cartographers, explorers, royal officials43. Some authors argue that it is possible to assess the presence and importance of women as “go-betweens”. With regard to indigenous women, with the exception of those who married Europeans and whose stories served to produce regional and national identities in the 19th century, such as Catarina Paraguaçu or Bartira, most of them are anonymous and difficult to see in the sources44. However, his condition as an agent in the consolidation of colonial society is increasingly admitted in historiography. As interpreters of soldiers leading the mapping expeditions, these women manifested their spatial subjectivity by leading these soldiers along paths that led to places where the routine female practices of maintaining their group took place. His human figure, however, was neglected by the male voices in charge of describing these paths.

  • 45 Notícia da Conquista, p. 18.
  • 46 Idem

34One of the diaries reports that at a certain point in one of the expeditions, the troops reached a field where they found ‘a long ranch’ and, when the men came nearer they noticed that it was a ‘storehouse used by people who would keep their supplies of the rural areas (…) and also, inside the storehouse, a lot of corn, beans in baskets, and pumpkins”45. On receiving the news of this episode that had occurred on the soldiers' path, the lieutenant ‘took the resolution of entering with his whole troupe onto the fields”46. Food production was a routine task for women, which forced them to go to and remain in the areas of agrarian food production. If the soldiers reached these ranches and were guided by an indigenous woman – although she was only mentioned at the beginning of the expedition – one can infer about the possibility of her influence in following this direction. On the other hand, the lieutenant's decision to enter the camp took place when he learned of the news that soldiers had found these food huts that concerned indigenous female spatiality. The route and logistics of the expedition, therefore, were somehow influenced by this spatial subjectivity of indigenous women.

  • 47 Notícia da Conquista, p. 223.

35Although the source omits the presence of the indigenous woman along the expedition’s itinerary, knowing that it was up to her to go ahead, whoever occupies this front position on a route ends up influencing its direction as she has a first-hand view of the obstacles, dangers and facilities of a way. And it was precisely on the expedition that went down the D. Luis River that the soldiers, when faced with a very crowded part and some high walls, decided to return to the bush and follow “march to an orange grove” where they took a rest “after walking for two leagues” 47. This episode points to another evidence of the influence of the indigenous woman in the route and logistics of the expedition, having made the decision to seek a place of safeguard, which was precisely in an orange grove. Harvesting the fruits, a component of the group's subsistence, was a responsibility of the indigenous woman and, therefore, spaces with fruit trees were part of their daily routine.

36At the point corresponding to the fields of Guarapuava, the soldiers reached another ‘ranch of gentlefolk’ and here they saw

  • 48 A porongo is a basket or vessel made from the dry shell of a gourd. (TAYLOR, JL – Portug (...)
  • 49 A cabaça is a water dipper or other vessel made from the dry shell of a calabash or gour (...)
  • 50 Milho de molho is apparently a dish.
  • 51 Pinhões (singular pinhão) is a kind of nut used in Brazilian June Festivities. (...)
  • 52 Notícias da Conquista, p. 47 An alcofa is a flexible basket made of vime, which TAYLOR d (...)

“many creels and small baskets (...) a white ribbon plaited in the league’s manner, two balls of string very well spun, panels, porongos48 or cabaças49 (...) in the sources surrounding corn of sauce (milho de molho)50 and, in the lakes, pinhões51 and other basic foodstuffs that they normally consume to sustain themselves”52.

37These were objects associated with handicrafts and the preparation and preservation of seeds used in the nutrition of the Jês. Uma fotografia tirada por Kurt Nimuendajú exibe esta relação entre a mulher Kaingang, o artesanato da tecelagem e sua espacialidade.

Figure 1 – «Unreleased Indian works in the works of Curt Nimuendaju»

Figure 1 – «Unreleased Indian works in             the works of Curt Nimuendaju»

Revista do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, 1986, n21, p. 88.

  • 53 An alqueire is a unit of length which varies according to the region of the country. (...)
  • 54 Notícias da Conquista, p. 56.

38At the height of one of the rivers, known as the River Jordan, the soldiers reached another ranch and saw themselves facing “several items used by the Indians such as (…) flax in string, from which they make their cloth and show that they are taken from large nettles; three large and well-crafted cochês (…) and shall take each one of seven alqueires53 of corn upwards, in small baskets, baskets that are well covered and well plastered on the outside and on the inside with the use of wax, which are supposedly to be used for bringing water from the sources”54

39The Jê produced a type of flax with nettle fibre, used to manufacture their clothes, and the estriga which, according to Raphael Bluteau, a French dictionarist of the 18th Century, meant “a small bit of flax, already passed in the net-maker able to spin’. Surely the cochê appears to be a reference to the cocho, a kind of board that is used to store corn. And the wax-coated hampers or small baskets, to be immersed in rivers to cool off the foodstuffs, which are also artefacts prepared by women.

  • 55 In the dictionary by Raphael Buteau “according to Father Bento Pereira ‘(...) he bolça’.
  • 56 Pilões (singular pilão) are mortars for pounding corn and other grain.

40On arriving at a plot of land they found ‘forty-six jacazes55 and three of flour, with very little beans, and well-constructed pilões56 built with hands of stone’ and, later on, other pilões with the addition of the information that in these pilões ‘the Indians would step on the corn for them to eat it’, an activity which is closely linked to the responsibilities of the woman in the group. 

  • 57 Notícias da conquista, p. 193.

41On going down a river on which they bestowed the name of the Governor, they found the bar of another river, together with important plantations of oranges and bananas, a space, as seen above, that concerned the daily work of women, which the soldiers certainly reached through the influence of the interpreter that led them, but which was named after a man57. In gender relations, which make up social relations, power and hierarchies between the sexes are subtly imposed, in acts that may seem natural to omit and name .The soldiers when walking in the fields of Guarapuava they found ‘many bananas, and they ate many bunches, and many sweet and sour oranges, limes, ciders, and gyneriums’, meaning the domination of the unspoilt forest traversed by the woman responsible for the routine of picking the fruit for the sustenance of the ethnic group, and that, in the context of a mapping expedition they managed to quell the hunger of soldiers which, until then, had been guided through the eyes of a woman.

Eyes of Indian women in cartography in America

  • 58 Rose, Gillian, «Distance, surface, elsewhere: a feminist critique of the space of (...)

42Surely one of the forthcoming challenges to be faced by the history of cartography in Latin America shall be that of unveiling, from the map lines, the spatiality of the Indian women, considering their central role as intermediaries in the process of colonisation58.

43Maps produced within mapping expeditions on colonial spaces, even though they do bring many visible elements of male spatial perception and can even be considered one of the tools for inequality between the genders, because they consecrate the centrality of man as a producer of space, also show vestigial evidence of the female spatiality among Indians. Thus suggests the map drawn by the friar at the head of the first two expeditions to the hinterlands of Tibagi, accompanied by the Indian woman.

  • 59 Letter from Captain Francisco Nunes Pereira (1770). Interesting Documents for the (...)

44The drawing of this map also had the partnership of a captain responsible for first sending it as a complementary document to an official communication sent to commander-general Afonso Botelho in January 177059. In September of this same year, once again the drawing had an official forwarding, this time to the Earl of Oeiras, future Marquess of Pombal, and the King’s secretary

Figure 2 – Project of plan adjusted at the orders of S.M.F. between the Governor, Captain General of the Captaincy of São Paulo Dom Luís Antonio de Souza, and the Brigadier of São Paulo José Custódio de Sá e Faria.

Figure 2 – Project of plan adjusted at the orders of             S.M.F. between the Governor, Captain General of the Captaincy of             São Paulo Dom Luís Antonio de Souza, and the Brigadier of São             Paulo José Custódio de Sá e Faria.

On all the services that should be carried out, and all Aid that must be sustained in this Southern part of Portuguese America [manuscript].

National Library, [ S.L.; no number], 1772, 981,61.

45This map, coloured but in a digital reproduction in black and White, without any references to dimensions and type of ink used, explicitly established the padre and the commander as the owners, in the cardboard tube, at the lower right-hand margin:

“Demonstration of the River of dom Luís, that, starting in the region of Campos de Guarapuava, flows into the Paraná River, above the big leap configured at the orders of Dom Luis Antonio de Souza Captain General of the Captaincy of São Paulo by Captain Francisco Nunes Pereira and Father Antonio do Espírito Santo, of the Benedictine Order, who had discovered it in the backlands of Tibagi and sailed down it, with great dangers, to its bar. Year of 1770”.

46The title of the map, as also the name given to the river, establishes the male authorship of this territory, as was the case with most maps produced on expeditions for scientific purposes, for demarcation of territory, and for mapping, in the 18th Century. This helped to form the stereotype of the land explorer as being male, as an active agent in the space and creator of its visual representation. The name of the Governor imprinted using centralised calligraphy and highlighted on the cartridge operated as a mechanism to establish recollection of the activities of this royal family employee in this territory.

  • 60 Bueno, Beatriz Piccolotto Siqueira, « Do borrão às aguadas: os engenheiros mil (...)
  • 61 According to the Earl of Oeiras (1770), Interesting Documents for the History and (...)

47In the intertextuality60 of the map with the correspondence of the Governor and of Captain Francisco Nunes there is evidence of a female view and agency over the territory, such as the act of picking fruit. An official communication by S. Luís to the Earl of Oeiras said that on account 21 a map had been sent, marked with the same number, and where there was a description mainly of this river of D. Luis, “with all the rivers that flow into it, the cuttings opened for the discovery thereof, and the quality of good fruit trees which abound on the banks of the river, together with wild animals and birds that inhabit the riverside area”61.

48The topography of a land site subjected to a process of exploitation, awareness building, and mapping is associated, in narratives of diaries or in official communications, to the unknown to be explored and the hazards offered by natural accidents that are to be tackled with courage and strength. The river currents, which are so difficult to understand and navigate due to the unpredictability of waterfalls, whirlpools and stones which present a series of fortuitous obstacles for the boats and false firm land for the feet were amplifying arguments to back up these qualities, traditionally associated to the masculine. River currents were painstakingly described by the soldiers in their diaries. In this regard, the choice of the Governor for a river current, rather than a mountain, mountain range, valley, or path to stamp his name and memories of his actions was certainly not neutral, in relation to the construction of gender inequalities present in the definition of space and territory.

49But, as expressed in the official document as above and also in the drawings, on the banks of river currents there was an abundance of spaces for fruit trees or other clean spaces, routinely used by Indian women for carrying out their collective responsibilities. In the cartographic image, short phrases placed at certain points along the river current signalled the locations of the fruit trees, also described as places where soldiers and commanders met their vital physical needs.

  • 62 Martínez, Carolina «Patagones em el mapa del Amazonas de Samuel Fritz (1707)», (...)

50Below, on the maps, there have been signs showing the locations mentioned by the padre and by the captain, and those corresponding to the spatiality of the Indian woman. The presence of this spatial subjectivity on a map shows that the woman was more than just a pictorial element on a cardboard tube, as is often discussed in colonial cartography62. The female participation in the territory, which the priest had contact, as he continued to be accompanied by the língua, has been transferred to the lines of a map. 

51On the two banks of the river, the mappers observed, and then measured the extent of, the orange orchards with phrases such as ‘the orange trees end here’ and ‘so far they have always been here’. They also made observations of the ‘banana farm’, also placing it in the drawing. The same thing happened with pine tree plantations, these being trees from which the indigenous peoples in the Brazilian South would obtain pine seeds, a type of food still highly characteristic of the regional diet.

Figure 3 – Project of plan adjusted at the orders of S.M.F. between the Governor, Captain General of the Captaincy of São Paulo Dom Luís Antonio de Souza, and the Brigadier of São Paulo José Custódio de Sá e Faria.

Figure 3 – Project of plan adjusted at the orders of             S.M.F. between the Governor, Captain General of the Captaincy of             São Paulo Dom Luís Antonio de Souza, and the Brigadier of São             Paulo José Custódio de Sá e Faria.

On all the services that should be carried out, and all Aid that must be sustained in this Southern part of Portuguese America [manuscript].

National Library, [ S.L.; no number], 1772, 981,61. Highlights made by the Author.

  • 63 Interesting Documents for the History and Culture of São Paulo. Typographia An (...)

52As Captain Francisco Nunes enthusiastically expressed in an official communication for sending this map to Afonso Botelho and reporting his descent down the D. Luis River, we have seen many bananas (...); many oranges, both sweet and sour; lemons and citrons, and gyneriums”63. Handling the aesthetics of omission in his narrative, excited by the encounter of so many fruit trees along the way, the captain forgot about the Indian who had been dressed to continue as the língua at the head of the expedition and described a landscape evocative of a paradise without Evas and made by Adams.

Conclusion

53By means of skeletal notes, this text suggests a methodological solution to check out female spatiality among Indians in a mapping process. Along these lines, Indian women are not understood as mere informants on geography or pictorial representations on cardboard tubes, but as bearers of a spatial subjectivity that has an influence upon itineraries, expeditionary logistics and cartographic images.

54In line with the traditions of ethnic groups in America, the woman was at the forefront of expeditions, being regarded as a kind of oracle or for having the role of protecting the spirit of the dead, in funeral rites. The colonists incorporated this Indian practice to handle the suspicion of betrayal as deposited on the male figure, and thus started to put women as leaders of diplomatic expeditions. As interpreters (línguas), these Indians also headed scientific expeditions, trips for demarcations, and mapping expeditions. However, they were only mentioned in the preparations for these expeditions, and then rendered invisible in the written accounts of such trips. This was a procedure of the aesthetics of disappearance that led to the omission of this presence, with later repercussions on the history of women, gender and indigenous relations.

55The construction of methodological solutions to handle gender and ethnicity issues is a challenge that the history of Colonial Latin American cartography shall have to face when continuing to expand its critical tradition. This shall be work involving collection of fragments at the sources, but surely the future benefit for the area shall be that of making a contribution to ending the stereotype of the male figure being active in spatial formation and in the history of processes of mapping and exploitation, thus reaching more gender-balanced conclusions on these issues.

56Surely, within this effort anthropology shall be one of our most important allies, because it is through the ethnographic data analysed both critically and historically that one can reach the female spatial subjectivity as established according to their historical functions in the group, and understand why a pilão made of stone, or a plantation of oranges, are not mere observations as seen from the eyes of padres and soldiers, but from the very eyes of a woman.

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Haut de page

Notes

2 Scott, Joan, <Gênero: uma categoria útil de análise histórica>, Educação e Realidade, 1995, 20-22, p. 71-99; Caulfield, Sueann, «The History of Gender in the Historiography of Latin America», Hispanic American Historical Review, 2001, vol. 81: 3-4, p. 229-490. Soihet, Rachel e Pedro, Joana Maria. <A emergência da pesquisa histórica da História das Mulheres e das Relações de Gênero>, Revista Brasileira de História, 2007, vol. 27 (54), p. 281-300.

3 For a comprehensive view in the various areas of science cf. http://genderedinnovations.stanford.edu/what-is-gendered-innovations.html; Queiroz, Chiristina «O gênero da ciência: diálogo com teorias feministas abre novas frentes de investigação em distintas áreas do conhecimento» Pesquisa FAPESP, março 2020, n289, p. 18-25.

4 Tyner, Judith, Women in American Cartography: an Invisible Social History, Maryland, Lexington Books, 2020, p. 1.

5 The results can be checked in Dym, Jordana and Offen, Karl, Mapping Latin America: a Cartographic Reader, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 2011; 3rd Iberoamerican Symposium on the History of Cartography, held at the University of São Paulo, under the organization of Iris Kantor in 2010; 27th International Conference on the History of Cartography, organised by Junia Ferreira Furtado in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, in 2017. First online edition of the Symposium of the International Society for the History of the Map, organised by Denise Moura and Jordana Dym in June 2020. Carla Lois, apart from having published many articles of a theoretical and empirical ilk, was one of the most important names in the foundation of the biennial Iberoamerican Meeting on the History of Cartography, which had its 8th edition in 2020, online. Pioneers in this area in Brazil were: Costa, Maria de Fátima, História de um país inexistente: o Pantanal entre os séculos XVI e XVIII, São Paulo, Estação Liberdade/Kosmos, 1999 and Bueno, Beatriz Piccolotto Siqueira, Desenho e Desígnio: o Brasil dos Engenheiros Militares (1500-1822), São Paulo, University of São Paulo Press (EDUSP), 2011.

6 Bockelman, Brian e Erbig Jr., Jeffrey A, «Still Turning Toward a Cartographic History of Latin America», History Compass, 2020, 18, p. 4.

7 Harley, J. B, «Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartogaphy in Early Modern Europe», in Paul Laxton, The New Nature of Maps: Essays in the History of Cartography, Baltimore e London, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001, p. 83-108.

8 Soihet, Rachel e Pedro, Joana Maria, op. cit., p. 288.

9 Edney, Matthew H., «Cartography, and its Discontents» Cartographica, 2015, 50-1, p. 12.

10 Barr, Juliana, Peace came in the form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the Texas Borderlands, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2007; Sleeper-Smith, Susan, Indigenous prosperity, and American conquest: Indian women of the Ohio River Valley, 1690-1792, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2018.

11 Notícia da Conquista, e descobrimento dos Certões do Tibagy na Capitania de S. Paulo, no governo do General D. Luiz Antonio de Souza Botelho Mourão, conforme as Ordens de Sua Magestade. Offerecido à Raunha N. Snra. Por Affonso de S. Payo, e Souza (...) principiado no anno de 1768 athé o de 17 (74). Acampamento da Esperança, 9 jan 1774. Acompanham várias cópias de diários dos membros da expedição. Cópia. 362 p. Biblioteca Nacional, Coleção Morgado de Mateus, Rio de Janeiro, 76: 2-290, 9, 3, 14. Document transcribed and printed in the Annals of the National Library in Rio de Janeiro, Publications Division. vol. 76, 1962, henceforth merely Notícia da Conquista. The manuscript does not have any pagination, and the number mentioned as a page number corresponds to the numbering on the PDF sheet.

12 Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, «Introdução a uma história indígena», in Manuel Carneiro da Cunha (dir.), História dos índios no Brasil, São Paulo, Companhia das Letras, 1992, p. 17; Almeida, Maria Regina Celestino de Os índios na História do Brasil, São Paulo, FGV Press, 2013; Mota, Lúcio Tadeu, « A construção do ‘vazio demográfico’ e a retirada da presença indígena da história social do Paraná», no date; Basini, José, Indios num país sem índios. A estética do desaparecimento: um estudo sobre imagens índias e versões étnicas. Manaus, Travessia Press/Fapeam, 2015.

13 Monteiro, John Manuel, Negros da terra: índios e bandeirantes nas origens de São Paulo, São Paulo, Companhia das Letras, 1995, p. 19; Garcia, Elisa Fruhauf, As diversas formas de Ser índio: políticas indígenas e políticas indigenistas no extremo sul da América portuguesa, Rio de Janeiro, Arquivo Nacional, 2009; Erbig Jr., Jeffrey Alan, Where caciques and mapmakers met: border making in Eighteenth-Century South America, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2020.

14 Translated into English as ‘The Masters and the Slaves’.

15 Garcia, Elisa Fruhauf, «Mulheres Brasilis: as índias e a conquista do Brasil – século XVI», in Apolinário, Juciene Ricarte Apolinário; André de Almeida Rego (org.), Novas Histórias dos Povos indígenas no Brasil: territorialidades da escrita interdisciplinar indígena e não indígena, Salvador, Editora Saga, 2018; Garcia, Elisa Fruhauf, «Las categorias de la conquista: las mujeres nativas em el vocabulario del siglo XVI ( São Vicente, Brasil)», Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, 2019, accessed on 17 March 2021, URL: https://doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.75613; Julio, Suelen Siqueira, Damiana da Cunha: uma índia entre a ‘sombra da cruz’ e os caiapós do sertão (Goiás, c. 1780-1831), Niterói, Fluminense Federal University Press (Eduff), 2018; Micheletto, Julia Pizardo, Vozes que não querem calar: violência colonial e estratégias de enfrentamento da mulher indígena, Master’s Dissertation in Progress, proc. FAPESP 2019/06116-7.

16 Néspolo, Eugenia A e Cutrera, Laura María «El líder étnico, liderar y liderazgo. Los Yahatti, Lepin, Juan Manuel Cachul y Juan Catriel: hombres politicos em la frontera bonaerense» Revista Española de Antropologia Americana, 2009, vol. 39, n2, p. 83-100.

17 Pickles, John, «The cartographic gaze, global visions and modalities of visual culture», in John Pickes, A history of spaces: cartographic reason, mapping and the geo-coded world, London and New York, Routledge, 2004, p. 83.

18 These documents are scattered in files such as those of the State of São Paulo, Ultramarine Council, the National Library of Rio de Janeiro, and the Casa de Mateus Foundation in Lisbon, Portugal. Part of this material is also printed in collections made available online, such as volume 76 of the Annals of the National Library, and Interesting Documents for the History and Customs of São Paulo, held at the Digital Library of the São Paulo State University (Universidade Estadual Paulista).

19 Erbig Jr., Jeffrey Alan, Where caciques and mapmakers met: border making in Eighteenth-Century South America, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2020.

20 Orders that took colonel Pinto do Rego to the expedition that goes from the Discovery of Tibagi. 1 July 1767. In: Interesting Documents for the History and Customs of São Paulo. São Paulo: Typographia do Globo, 1940, vol. LXV, p. 163.

21 Instructions on the exhibition that set out from the port of São Bento, under the command of Estêvão Bayão. 7 July 1769. In: Interesting Documents for the History and Customs of São Paulo. São Paulo: Typographia Andrade & Mello, 1901, vol. XXXIV, p. 93

22 Official Communication No. 4 from Governor (...) D. Luis Antonio (...) to the Earl of Oeiras (...) through which there is notification of the sending of the copies...”. Overseas Historical File, Mendes Gouveia, 1 March 1770, cx 26, document number 2489.

23 Bando in which the Gen of São Paulo, once again makes an invitation from His Majesty to all the residents in this captaincy for the right to enter the backlands of Tibagi, no date. In: Interesting Documents for the History and Customs of São Paulo. São Paulo, Tip. Globo, 1946, p. 114-115.

24 Nimuendajú, Curt, Etnografia e indigenismo: sobre os kaingang, os ofaié-xavante e os índios do Pará, São Paulo, Unicamp Press, 1993, p. 63.

25 Barr, Juliana, Peace came in the form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the Texas Borderlands, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, NC 20071.

26 Spaces, locations, landscapes and territories are phenomena that are interlinked and defined in accordance with different human processes. The concept of space is now being understood as a historically determined phenomenon, which is socially constructed by social groups. Any space contains territories, places, and landscapes. The territory is defined by the set of natural systems, and by human creations that have expanded these systems. The concept of place refers to the surroundings that are lived in, yet is not limited to the location, which suffers global interventions. The landscape is a kind of papyrus manuscript in which there is an overlap of past and future. See in: Santos, Milton, A natureza do espaço, São Paulo, São Paulo University Press, 2006, p. 29, 38-39, 67, 222, 231.

27 Rose, Gillian, Feminism and Geography: the limits of Geographical Knowledge, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1993; Soihet, Rachel e Pedro, Joana Maria, op. cit., p. 291.

28 Even though this ethnonym is used in judicial demands, the one recognised by the group is Laklãnõ. Popó, Carli Caxias, Cosmologia na visão xokleng, Final Course Essay, Course in Intercultural Teaching of Indians. Florianópolis, Federal University of Santa Catarina, 2015.

29 Borba, Telemaco M, «Observações sobre os indígenas do Estado do Paraná», Magazine of the Paulista Museum, 1904, vol. 7, p. 53-62.

30 Chmyz, Igor, «Nota prévia sobre as pesquisas arqueológicas no Vale do Rio Piquiri», Dédalo, 1971, n13, p. 7- 31; Parellada, Claudia Inês, «Paisagens transformadas: a arqueologia de povos Jê no Paraná, sul do Brasil», R. Museu Arq. Etn., 2016, 27, p. 158-167; Souza, Jonas Gregório de and Merencio, Fabiana Terhaag, «A diversidade dos sítios arqueológicos Jê do Sul no Estado do Paraná», Lepaarq, 2013, vol. 10, p. 93-130; Corteletti, Rafael and others, «News from de field: ou como um projeto internacional começa a sair do papel», R. Museu Arq. Etn., 2016, 27, p. 197-212; Corteletti, Rafael and Iriarte, José, «Recent advances in the Archaelogy of the Southern Proto-Jê People», Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 2018, p. 1-11

31 Souza, Jonas Gregorio de and others, «The genesis of monuments: resisting outsiders in the contested landscapes of southern Brazil», Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 2016, 41, p. 202.

32 Rosa, Rogério Réus Gonçalves da, «O território Xamânico Kaingang vinculado às bacias hidrográficas e à Floresta de Araucária», Lepaaarq, 2005, vol. 2, p. 5.

33 Rosa, Rogério Réus Gonçalves da, Os Kujá são diferentes”: um estudo etnológico do complexo xamânico dos kaingang da terra indígena Votoro, Porto Alegre, Thesis for Doctorate in Social Anthropology, Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), 2005, p. 203

34 Sleeper-Smith, Susan, Indigenous prosperity and American conquest: Indian women of the Ohio River Valley, 1690-1792, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2018.

35 Parellada, Claudia Inês, Estudo arqueológico no alto vale do rio Ribeira: área do gasoduto Bolívia-Brasil, trecho X, Paraná, Thesis for Doctorate in Archaeology; Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of the University of São Paulo, 2005, p. 123-126.

36 Tommassino, Kimye, A história dos Kaingáng da Bacia do Tibagi: uma sociedade jê meridional em movimento, Thesis for Doctorate in Anthropology, São Paulo, University of São Paulo, 1995, p. 306-307.

37 ‘A storage barn where cereals are kept, especially corn’. (QUADROS, JS – Novo dicionário prático da língua portuguesa, Rideel, 1978, p. 821)

38 Veiga, Juracilda, Organização social e cosmovisão kaigang: uma introdução ao parentesco, casamento e nominação em uma sociedade jê meridional, Thesis for Doctorate in Social Anthropology, Campinas, UNICAMP, 1994, p. 28.

39 Rosa, Rogério Réus Gonçalves da, Os Kujá são diferentes”: um estudo etnológico do complexo xamânico dos kaingang da terra indígena Votoro, Porto Alegre, Thesis for Doctorate in Social Anthropology, Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, 2005, p. 203.

40 Metcalf, Alida C., «Women as Go-Betweens? Patterns in Sixteenth-Century Brazil», in Nora E. Jaffary (dir.), Gender, race and religion in the colonizarion of the Americas, London and New York, Routledge, 2007, p. 15-28.

41 Sertanistas were people who explored the Brazilian interior in search of wealth. (QUADROS, JS – Novo dicionário prático da língua portuguesa. São Paulo, Rideel, 1978, p. 1052. N.T. - My translation.)

42 Mamelucos were mixed-race people with White and Indian lineage. (QUADROS, JS - Novo dicionário prático da língua portuguesa. São Paulo, Rideel, 1978, p. 709 N.T. - My translation).

43 Raj, Kapil, «Go-Betweens, Travellers and Cultural Translators», in Bernard Lightman (dir), A Companion to the History of Science, John Wiley & Sons, 2016, p. 39-57; Safier, Neil, «Global Knowledge on the Move: itineraries, Amerindian Narratives, and Deep Histories of Science», Isis, 2010, 101, p. 133-145.

44 Garcia, Elisa, «As mulheres indígenas na formação do Brasil: historiografia, agências nativas e símbolos nacionais», in Georgina Santos e Elisa Garcia (dir.), Mulheres do mundo atlântico: gênero e condição feminina da época moderna à contemporaneidade. Belo Horizonte, Fino Traço Editora, 2020, p. 27-41.

45 Notícia da Conquista, p. 18.

46 Idem

47 Notícia da Conquista, p. 223.

48 A porongo is a basket or vessel made from the dry shell of a gourd. (TAYLOR, JL – Portuguese to English Dictionary, Rio de Janeiro, Record, 2007, p. 503.

49 A cabaça is a water dipper or other vessel made from the dry shell of a calabash or gourd. (TAYLOR, JL – Portuguese to English Dictionary, Rio de Janeiro, Record, 2007, p. 118.

50 Milho de molho is apparently a dish.

51 Pinhões (singular pinhão) is a kind of nut used in Brazilian June Festivities. According to TAYLOR (op. cit) they are edible pine seeds. (p. 489).

52 Notícias da Conquista, p. 47 An alcofa is a flexible basket made of vime, which TAYLOR defines as ‘pliant withe or osier for baskets’ (p. 641), needlegrass, or palm leaves.

53 An alqueire is a unit of length which varies according to the region of the country. No mention of the value of the alqueire in Paraná, but as a reference the alqueire in São Paulo is 24,200 m2.

54 Notícias da Conquista, p. 56.

55 In the dictionary by Raphael Buteau “according to Father Bento Pereira ‘(...) he bolça’.

56 Pilões (singular pilão) are mortars for pounding corn and other grain.

57 Notícias da conquista, p. 193.

58 Rose, Gillian, «Distance, surface, elsewhere: a feminist critique of the space of phallocentric self/knowledge», Environment and Planning I) Society and Space, 195, vol. 13, p. 764.

59 Letter from Captain Francisco Nunes Pereira (1770). Interesting Documents for the History and Customs of São Paulo. Typographia Andrade & Mello, S. Paulo, 1901, vol. 34, p. 230-234.

60 Bueno, Beatriz Piccolotto Siqueira, « Do borrão às aguadas: os engenheiros militares e a representação da Capitania de São Paulo», An. Mus. Paulo., São Paulo, 2009, vol. 17, n2, p. 111-153.

61 According to the Earl of Oeiras (1770), Interesting Documents for the History and Customs of São Paulo. Typographia Andrade & Mello, S. Paulo, 1901, vol. 34, p. 227.

62 Martínez, Carolina «Patagones em el mapa del Amazonas de Samuel Fritz (1707)», Terra Brasilis (Nova Série), 2020, 14, 1-13.

63 Interesting Documents for the History and Culture of São Paulo. Typographia Andrade & Mello, S. Paulo, 1901, p. 230-234.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1 – «Unreleased Indian works in the works of Curt Nimuendaju»
Crédits Revista do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, 1986, n21, p. 88.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/docannexe/image/88310/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 687k
Titre Figure 2 – Project of plan adjusted at the orders of S.M.F. between the Governor, Captain General of the Captaincy of São Paulo Dom Luís Antonio de Souza, and the Brigadier of São Paulo José Custódio de Sá e Faria.
Légende On all the services that should be carried out, and all Aid that must be sustained in this Southern part of Portuguese America [manuscript].
Crédits National Library, [ S.L.; no number], 1772, 981,61.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/docannexe/image/88310/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 553k
Titre Figure 3 – Project of plan adjusted at the orders of S.M.F. between the Governor, Captain General of the Captaincy of São Paulo Dom Luís Antonio de Souza, and the Brigadier of São Paulo José Custódio de Sá e Faria.
Légende On all the services that should be carried out, and all Aid that must be sustained in this Southern part of Portuguese America [manuscript].
Crédits National Library, [ S.L.; no number], 1772, 981,61. Highlights made by the Author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/docannexe/image/88310/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 191k
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Référence électronique

Denise A S de Moura, « Through the eyes of the Indian woman: cartography, spatiality and gender in mapping expeditions in Southern Brazil (18th Century) »Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En ligne], Débats, mis en ligne le 21 juin 2022, consulté le 18 août 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/88310 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.88310

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Denise A S de Moura

Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais – UNESP

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