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The Arab Mexicans before the Great War: Mobility Causes, Ottomanism, and Consular Aspirations

Los árabes mexicanos antes de la Gran Guerra: Causas de su movilidad, otomanismo y aspiraciones consulares
Les Arabes mexicains avant la Grande Guerre : causes de leur mobilité, ottomanisme et aspirations consulaires
Francisco Reyes

Résumés

Cet article examine l'activisme de la population arabophone du Mexique pendant la transition entre le sultanat de Abdülhamid II, connu sous le nom de régime Hamidien, et le début du règne du Comité Union et Progrès, connu sous le nom de gouvernement des Jeunes Turcs. L'article traite de l'activisme des intellectuels, des leaders de réseaux sociaux et des associations qui ont créé des affinités avec le gouvernement Ottoman ainsi que les autorités françaises. Ces activités visaient à consolider la protection diplomatique des Ottomans sur le territoire mexicain. La compilation des sources primaires montre la diffusion de l'Ottomanisme et de la Francophilie au sein de la première génération d’Arabes mexicains. Ces sentiments d'affinité sont des éléments pertinents pour comprendre l’activisme dans la Grande Guerre et à l’aube du système du Mandat dans la région du Machrek.

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  • 1 Ruiz Bravo-Villasante, Carmen, La controversia ideológica. Nacionalismo árabe/nacionalismos locale (...)

1Carmen Ruiz Bravo-Villasante wrote: “If when I speak of Europe and the Middle East I begin by talking about America, it is because, in both areas of the world there has been a special and similar relationship and linkage with Europe”.1 Indeed, the historical link that has connected America with the Mashriq since the early globalization is closely related to Europe's simultaneous political, social, and economic activity in both regions.

  • 2 See, as an example of this remarkable theoretic and methodologic contributions of the las two deca (...)
  • 3 See, as an example of this conceptual effort, Bailony, Reem, “Transnationalism and the Syrian Migr (...)

2The historiography of Mashriq and Latin America’s entanglements advances beyond the traditional approach on the migratory phenomenon and the diplomatic ties.2 In general terms, the historiographical turn has concentrated on the circulation of ideas and interactions in the so-called Global South through the 20th century. This contributes to expand the recent works regarding the transregional activism and cultural exchange between LATAM and Mashriq.3

3This paper examines this historical link from Mexico during the first decade of the 20th century. It makes visible the activities of intellectuals, social network leaders, and local associations of the first generation of Arab Mexicans. This actors exhibited a simultaneous affinity towards the Ottoman Empire and France during the transition from Ottoman subjects to inhabitants of the Mandate system.

  • 4 See, Balloffet Pearl, Lilly; Fernando Camacho Padilla; & Jessica Stites Mor, “Pushing Boundaries. (...)

4By recovering Ruiz Bravo-Villasante's reflections, the present work exhibits the circulation of Ottomanist affinities in Mexico prior the Great War. The study of Ottomanism opens new spatial and temporal perceptions about the Great War and its effects in extra-European regions. It also encourages a South-South's perspective on subjects commonly considered as subaltern or non-Western actors with a multiple sense of belonging.4

5I follow Camila Pastor's studies of the Mexican Mahjar and the activities of its actors beyond national and imperial borders. I use archival materials, such as diplomatic correspondence, consular reports, telegrams, and Mexican Mahyar Press. The sources belong to diplomatic, consular, and clerical archives located in France, Lebanon, Mexico, and Turkey.

Precedents of the Late Ottoman Mobility

  • 5 The term Uniate refers to the hierarchical links of the Christian Churches with the Roman Pontific (...)
  • 6 Bustos Rodríguez, Manuel, Los comerciantes de la Carrera de Indias en el Cádiz del siglo XVIII (17 (...)

6In the early globalization, – between the 16th and the 18th centuries –, the human flow to America was, in quantitative terms, weaker comparing to the massive waves of the 19th century. However, the long early contact extended the horizon of possibilities not only for the subjects of the Iberian empires but also for the inhabitants from different origins and religious heritage. The historiography confirms the early presence of few merchants and missionaries from Eastern Christians (of Orthodox and Uniate communities)5 scattered through the Spanish colonies.6

  • 7 Alfaro-Velcamp, Theresa, So far from Allah, So Close to Mexico Middle Eastern Immigrants in Modern (...)

7By the late 19th century an important settlement of Jewish, Druze and Muslims communities of Mashriq, – mainly from Ottoman Mount Lebanon –, shaped the so-called Mexican Mahjar.7 As for the Uniate Christianity, the early journeys to Western Europe and America meant the possibility of perceiving the spatial extension of the religious orb they joined due to its doctrinal alignment and liturgical subordination to the Catholic Papacy.

8The Maronite Patriarchate of Antioch took advantage of the commercial interest of France and the Vatican's interest to claim diplomatic protection for the Maronites following the Ottoman Reforms of 1839 known as Tanzimat and the Christian-Druze episode of 1860. For its part, the Catholic Church enhanced its role as the spiritual and political leader of the Uniate Churches after the First Vatican Council.

  • 8 Outrey, Georges, Études pratiques sur le protectorat religieux de la France en Orient, Istanbul, 2 (...)
  • 9 Verzijl, J.H.W., International Law in Historical Perspective. Part V. Nationality and Other Matter (...)

9The Papacy also approved the French to be the official intermediary with the Sultan and the protector of the Maronites.8 The legal term protégé français referred to those members of Uniate Christianity who were under special protection by France or Austria based on the Capitulations granted by the Sultan.9 The relations between France and the clerical authorities of Rome and Mashriq, the missionary works and the settlement of Christian schools within the Ottoman territory, were important for cultivating Francophilia in the Lebanese population, mainly within Christian communities.

  • 10 Chambre de Commerce et d’Industrie Aix-Marseille-Provence (from now on CCIAMP). ML4.2.7.3.1/01. Dr (...)

10Francophilia, – a feeling of affinity towards France –, became a characteristic element of Maronites abroad, given the French diplomatic protection transferred to the Americas. Because of their longings with the Catholic orb, and a significant commercial and diplomatic ties with France, the first Maronite communities in Mexico managed the approval by the Porfirio Díaz administration (1876-1910). The Porfirian migratory policy received massive migratory flows from Europe but made the incoming of extra-European people difficult according to the U.S. migratory policy demands.10

  • 11 Devi Mays draws a similar perspective on the capitalization of Francophilia by Ottoman Sephardi Je (...)

11The Ottoman Sephardi Jews and the Arab Christians gained “desirability” due to the shared Francophilia with the Mexican authorities. In the case of Ottoman Christians, the religious affinity also helps in their insertion into Mexican Catholic society.11 Moreover, since the beginning of their presence in the Americas, the myth of an Ottoman persecution of the Arab Christians was a narrative resource used by the Melkite, the Greek Orthodox, and mainly the Maronites to elaborate chronicles explaining the causes of their massive migration.

  • 12 Khater, Akram, Inventing Home: Emigration, Gender, and the Middle Class in Lebanon, 1820-1920, Ber (...)

12Akram Khater has placed this set of chronicles and conjectures in a “Turkish persecution theory”.12 The theory suggests that this chronicles combine the socio-economic aspirations with an immemorial past in which an Ottoman persecution and constant violence drove the Ottoman Christians to emigrate in search of refuge and better living conditions. This chronicles gained sympathies among the authorities of their host nation.

13As an example, consider a letter penned by a Maronite collective on October 20, 1902 and addressed to the Archbishop of Michoacán, Atenógenes Silva, which pleaded for the establishment of a Maronite authority in Mexico. The essence of their argument extended beyond mere profitable activities for the considerable presence of Maronites in the States of Michoacán, Querétaro, and Guanajuato. Instead, the letter highlighted the alleged hardships endured in Ottoman Mount Lebanon at the time:

  • 13 Maronite Patriarchate of Antioch Archive, file 86. Elías Hoyek, no 79, “Carta dirigida al Arzobisp (...)

“(…) un número considerable han emigrado y emigran actualmente de su país natal no tanto por buscar fortuna sino por las injustas vejaciones que sufren de parte de los mahometanos, protestantes, cismáticos, etc.; que no poseyendo el idioma español (si no es en lo que se refiere al comercio) no habiendo algún sacerdote que hable el árabe no pueden cumplir con el precepto de la confesión y comunión anuales; que muchos mueren sin haber recibido los S.S. sacramentos y los auxilios de las iglesias; que estando bajo la jurisdicción de S.S. Yllmo. le ruegan encarecidamente por la sangre que N.S. Jesucristo derramó para la redención de todos, un medio para salir de ese estado, que si S.S. Yllmo. lo juzga conveniente, le suplican manifieste estas necesidades al Patriarca de Antioquía Mgr. Elías Pedro Juáyic y se sirva pedirle un sacerdote maronita que nos pueda atender y no deje que nuestra fe se debilite y aún se extinga.”13

14The narratives of a complex past under the Ottoman jurisdiction worked within contemporary discourses on the migration experience as a strategy to consolidate their insertion into their host nation. A critical perspective on the persecution theory exhibits the institutional factors that historically enabled and incentivized a massive mobilization. They also understate the presence of Muslim and non-Christian communities in the Americas prior the Great War. Indeed, contemporary chronicles that frame the late Ottoman mobility due to a Turkish oppression and sectarian conflicts do not consider the institutional frame of Ottoman Mount Lebanon.

  • 14 Akarlı Deniz, Engin, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1920, Berkeley, University of Californi (...)
  • 15 CCIAMP. ML4.2.7.3.1/10, folder passage á Marseille de l’émigration Syrienne vers l’Amérique (13.04 (...)

15For instance, the Mutasarifate Mount Lebanon's migratory policy relaxed the requirement of transatlantic travel and trade from Beirut and its surroundings with the resolution of the tax privilege of 1866. Moreover, the travel permits of 1892 ensured that any tax-paying Lebanese resident maintained his resident status, regardless of whether he owned property in other parts of the world or worked abroad.14 This local policies maintained a stable tax structure to lessen abuses by port authorities, smugglers, and officials in Beirut and other European ports.15

  • 16 Pastor, Camila, The Mexican Mahjar, p. 25.

16As for the military service as a cause for the massive migratory flows, Pastor points out that the Late Ottoman recruitment system changed drastically in Ottoman Mount Lebanon's millets, – Christian and Jewish communities legally protected by the Sultan –, after the Tanzimat and the Druze-Christian episode of 1860.16 The reinforcement of equality among all subjects stressed out the military obligations for non-Muslim male subjects. This novelty, however, should not be understood as a long-term cause for the late Ottoman mobility.

  • 17 Martínez Assad, Carlos, Libaneses: hechos e imaginarios de los inmigrantes en México, Mexico, UNAM (...)

17In fact, after the sectarian conflict of 1860, Ottoman Mount Lebanon experienced relative stability and economic growth only interrupted by the Great War. The Tanzimat reforms change the quality of live in the Ottoman peripheries but it is imperative to avoid generalizations as most Ottoman millets enjoyed greater protection, travel facilities and fiscal privileges than their Muslim counterparts. Martínez Assad notes that many Christian millets had more legal protection than the Muslim ones due to the European support and their economic growth prior the Balkan Wars and the Great War.17 This fact challenges the assumption of constant adversity for all non-Muslim communities.

  • 18 On the attempts to establish Mexican-Ottoman commercial and amity relations before the late Ottoma (...)

18The present work argues that Ottomanism aim at unifying Ottoman subjects beyond the traditional sectarian system. The evidence of Ottomanist affinities and maintenance of the traditional Francophilia within the Mexican Mahjar, is an essential element for the study of the Arab Mexican activism in the Great War and at the dawn of the Mandate system. Despite its brief use for diplomatic purposes, the Ottomanist discourse in Mexico should be consider as a historical case of intellectual work among Ottoman subjects beyond Ottoman imperial space.18

19The Ottomanist affinity is traced in writings and public displays of local associations, intellectuals and social network leaders. The following part highlights the significance of studying Ottomanism to argue that narratives belonging to the Turkish persecution theory served as a temporary resource for the successful insertion of mainly Arab Christian communities in their Latin America's host nation. The Ottomanist affinities during the transition from the Hamidian regime to the Young Turks government reinforces the critical perspective on Ottoman oppression as the historic cause for the massive migratory flows.

Late Ottoman mobility and the consular interests of the Hamidian regime

20At the beginning of the 20th century, the Arab Ottomans in Mexico faced obstacles in their transatlantic and regional mobility. The lack of a consular representation increased the monitoring from the French and the Ottoman authorities. The Ottoman’s interest in taking care of the consular needs in Latin America responded to the fact that a considerable number of Arab Ottomans, mainly Maronites­, had managed to obtain passports or transit permits (sauf-conduits) issued by French consular authorities.

  • 19 Karpat, Kemal, “The Ottoman Emigration to America, 1860-1914”, International Journey of Middle Eas (...)

21The diplomatic French support allowed them to act outside Ottoman jurisdiction at their return to Mashriq.19 The Ottoman Ministry of Foreign Affairs noticed the issuance of passports to Ottoman subjects as an activity which, although handled with the tact and prudence of the French agents, was outside their legal frame. For the Ottoman legal department, it was a consular protection that lacked of official recognition.

  • 20 Ministère d’Affaires Étrangères. Centre de Archives Diplomatiques Nantes (from now on, MAE. CADN). (...)
  • 21 Pillaut, Julien, Manuel de droit consulaire. París, Berger-Levrault & Cie, Éditeurs, 1910, p. 74.
  • 22 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-138, no 267 Réclamations des Syro-Libanais, folder Protection de Syriens en A (...)

22The French authorities support this notion and, on December 14, 1901, the French ambassador in Constantinople requested his colleagues to avoid issuing passports or any other official document to the Maronites for its use outside the Ottoman State.20 However, by the French consular law based on Article 32 of the Capitulations of 1740, the discretionary protection was a traditional practice among consular agents.21 In 1902, a letter by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the French Minister in Mexico confirmed the transfer to America of this discretionary diplomatic protection.22

  • 23 Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores (from now on SRE), file 7-19-12, “Reporte de Gonzalo Esteva a (...)

23The correspondence between the Ottoman and the Mexican authorities shows the interest of the Hamidian regime in promoting its diplomatic presence on the Americas at the begging of the 20th century. On July 5, 1904, the Ottoman consul, Mustafa Raşid Bey, requested an agreement between Mexico and the Ottoman Empire in which the former would be the intermediary and diplomatic representative of Ottoman subjects established in Mexico and Colombia.23 The Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied the possibility of such an agreement.

  • 24 SRE, file 7-9-12, “Carta para la Legación”, January 22, 1905.

24A year later, a second proposal suggested establishing Ottoman consulates in Mexico and several Mexican consulates within the Ottoman Empire. The Mexican Legation refused once again to make the agreement arguing that it was of little interest to maintain Mexican consulates within the Ottoman Empire.24 The diplomatic tension increased when the U.S. Ambassador, David E. Thompson, demanded to the Mexican authorities a higher control for the admission of Ottomans by the Port of Veracruz, on the principles stipulated in the Mexican Sanitary Code.

  • 25 Diario Oficial de la Federación, December 22, 1908, Tome XCIX, no 44, p. 645.

25On December 22, 1908, the Mexican authorities issued an Immigration Law that prohibited the entrance of foreigners with chronic diseases, such as trachoma and cholera, which were common diseases among the newcomers around the American ports.25 In this context, many Arab Mexican social network leaders, intellectuals, and local associations celebrated with optimism the beginning of a second Ottoman Constitutional Parliament.

26In 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), commonly known as the Young Turks, succeeded in establishing a parliamentary chamber capable of criticizing openly Abdülhamid II's regime. The parliamentary members sought to contain the traditional elements of the Ottoman state, such as the Islamic culture and the sultanate, while accelerating the Empire model to a modern Nation-state one. The CUP’s discourse aimed at modernizing secular institutions and infrastructures, cultivating a patriotic affinity, and promoting an imperial citizenship regardless the religion or race.

  • 26 Şerif, Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought. A study in the Modernization of Turkish Polit (...)

27Despite the apparent novelty of their discourse the CUP’s political agenda had its origins in the mid 19th century with the First Constitutional Parliament known as the Young Ottomans. This movement appeared during the Late Tanzimat period, more specifically between 1867-1878. Mardin Şerif points out that its members did a pioneering effort to make a synthesis between the ideas of the Enlightenment and the Islamic foundations of the State.26

28The Constitutional Parliament of 1877 marked a precedent for an official forum for the deliberation on the long-term crisis of the Empire and the exposition of local problems in diverse areas such as the tax system, the military budget, and freedom of the press. The Young Ottomans achieved in blending the Tanzimat with the reformist components such as the Ottoman Nationality Law 1869 and the 1876 Constitution. The legislation regarding the concepts of sovereignty and belonging was a domestic, secondary, and preventive corpus mainly designed to counteract the expansion of foreign protection to non-Muslim communities.

  • 27 See, Hanley, Will, “What Ottoman Nationality Was and Was not”, Journal of Ottoman and Turkish Stud (...)

29According to Will Hanley, the greatest threat to the sense of Ottoman belonging did not lie in the conversion or the mass migration but rather in the internal subversion of foreign privileges extended as part of the Capitulations agreements.27 The internal disagreements, the rise of Abdülhamid II and the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-78 marked the end of the First Constitutional movement. However, throughout the Hamidian regime, the efforts for a Western-inspired political and social reforms established a Second Constitutional Parliament briefly carried out by the Young Turks.

  • 28 On the political debates held during the pre-World War I period, see, Bailony, Reem, Transnational (...)

30Prior the Great War the CUP’s ideas spread in cities such as Cairo and Paris thanks to diplomatic authorities, exiled intellectuals, and print media activists.28 I argue that the abstract discourse of affinity towards the Ottoman State also aimed at procuring the prosperity and mobility of the Ottoman subjects abroad. Indeed, the international public opinion favorable to the CUP, – given its positivist rhetoric and affinities with the European political model –, allowed the advance of the hamidian diplomatic projects in Europe and the Americas.

Arab Mexicans and their Ottoman consular aspiration

31Many local associations, intellectuals, and social network leaders, sought to consolidate an Ottoman consulate in Mexico with an active role in it. Arab Ottomans communities circulated an Ottomanist affinity through public displays, Mexican Mahjar Press, – the bilingual press of the Arab Mexicans –, and correspondence with Mexican and Ottoman authorities. Some of these mechanisms also exhibited their sympathies towards the CUP.

  • 29 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-318, no 135 Syro-Libanais (1915-1945), folder Sociedad Jóvenes Sirios.

32As an example of a pro-CUP local association, consider the Sociedad Jóvenes Sirios (the Young Syrian Society), which was founded in Mérida, Yucatán by Juan Alam, Elías Karam, and Felipe Bojalil in 1902, the same year the Young Turks’ First Congress took place in Paris to take action against the Hamidian regime. 29 In 1907, the association changed its name for Liga Patriótica Sirio-libanesa (the Syrian-Lebanese Patriotic League) when a second congress occurred in Paris to reconcile differences and promulgate the second Ottoman constitutional draft.

  • 30 Ramírez Carrillo, Luis Carrillo, …De cómo los libaneses conquistaron la península de Yucatán: Migr (...)
  • 31 Contrary to the notion of these categories being politically timeless, their use has continually e (...)

33One example of public display of Ottomanist affinity occurred in Mérida during the festivities organized due to Porfirio Díaz's visit to Yucatán in 1906. The social network leaders of the Yucatecan Arab community – one of the oldest communities of the first generation of Arab Mexicans –, managed to edified a large wooden arch with the inscription: “La Colonia turca al General Díaz” (The Turkish Colony to the General Díaz).30 The use of the category “Turkish” to express an affinity with the Ottoman Empire demonstrates that this category of political identification was compatible with the simultaneous use of other local identity categories, such as “Syrian”, used by early local associations in the region like the Young Syrian Society.31

  • 32 Antonio Letayf was one of the first Ottomans naturalized as Mexican. Petit, Lorenza, El mahyar mex (...)

34Another example of public display is the initiative of the Comité Patriótico Otomano (the Ottoman Patriotic Committee), a local association integrated by businessmen and social network leaders such as José Helú, José Slim, and its president Antonio Letayf.32 In 1910, the Committee sponsored an Ottoman clock tower in Mexico City as a gift for the celebrations of the Mexican centennial. Its edification not only showed gratitude towards the Mexican Nation but also provided a mean of material display of Ottomanist affinity.

  • 33 Wolf M., Caroline “Olivia”, “Marking Time, Marking Movement: Mexico City's Ottoman Clock Tower as (...)
  • 34 Deringil, Selim, “‘They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: The Late Ottoman Empire and the (...)

35As Caroline Wolf notes, these monuments visually converge the notions of sovereignty and imperialist expansion.33 Indeed the erection of clock towers in public spaces in the Ottoman peripheries occurred at the end of the Hamidian regime.34 Each of the clock towers built was different from one another, maintaining a visual diversity in their forms and structures. The fact that this local association built the clock tower two years after the Young Turk Revolution reflects a retroactive quality of the symbolic patriotism surrounding these monuments.

  • 35 Andrade García, Jorge, La Migración árabe y el otomanismo en México (1874-1918), p. 50-52.

36At the inauguration of the Mexico's City Ottoman clock tower, the patriotic symbols like the red flag with a crescent and the play of the Thessaloniki’s anthem played an important role as public allegories of affinity towards the Ottoman State and the Young Turks government. The funding of the ornament and the feast offered on the day of its inauguration were activities carried out without the patronage of the Young Turks administration neither the presence of the Ottoman ambassador in Washington, despite having been invited by the Mexican authorities.35

37This public display was an important moment to consolidate the desirability of the Mexican Authorities towards the Arab Ottomans. Francophilia also play a role in exhibit the taste of the Ottoman Committee for the French aesthetics. As I mentioned before, the Porfirian regimen shared a common Francophilia with the Maronites, which strengthened the sympathies of the former to the latter. The public display of Francophilia was also important to exhibit gratitude for the French consular protection in Mexico.

  • 36 “El presente de la colonia otomana”, El Diario, September 23, 1910, no 1415, p. 1.
  • 37 For Salvador Novo, the Frenchification of Mexican gastronomic customs at the time aimed at “raisin (...)

38A Mexican newspaper considered the food menu offered during the inauguration of the Ottoman clock tower as an outstanding event of the “simpática colonia otomana con exquisitos gustos cosmopolitas” (a friendly Ottoman colony with exquisite cosmopolitan tastes).36 The dishes offered by the Committee used titles with references to the Ottoman Empire, such as Poires à la Sultane or Bombé à la Bosphore, to mix the haute cuisine française with a cosmopolitan allusion to the Ottoman society, which succeeded to impress the Porfirian bureaucracy.37

  • 38 On the Mahjar press at large, see Logroño Narbona, María del Mar, The Development of Nationalist I (...)

39The Mahyar Press also played a significant role in spreading information not only of the Sublime Porte but also of the host nation of the Ottoman communities abroad.38 The Ottoman Congress stimulated the spread of an independent press in favor of the Second Constitutional Parliament in cities such as Baghdad, Beirut, Cairo, Damascus, Jaffa, New York, Paris, and London. Latin America’s cities were also important centers for the circulation of ideas regarding the fate of the Ottoman Empire.

  • 39 Del Amo Hernández, Mercedes, “Periódicos árabes en Iberoamérica: una propuesta de recuperación y e (...)
  • 40 On the consequences of the transition from the Ottoman Mexican press to the Mahjar Mandate Press, (...)

40At the time the CUP held debates in Paris, the southern Mahjar Press increased its presence in Latin America’s cities such as Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paolo. In quantitative terms, the early Mexican Mahyar Press is the third most important with at least thirty pamphlets, newspapers, and magazines published in 1905-1950.39 Between 1905-1912, the Arab Mexicans published a dozen newspapers.40

  • 41 The editors may have circulated the reproduction of small fragments of the parliamentary debates p (...)

41One of the most valuable elements to know their content lies in the name of the newspapers published. A considerable number of these newspapers maintain titles implicitly linked to the CUP. For example, the newspaper Al-Ittihad (The Union), created in 1912, shows in its title a correspondence with The Ottoman Union (Al-Ittiha-i Osmani) a committee founded in Istanbul in 1899 which was the immediate predecessor of the CUP. Given the relative homogeneity in the titles of the Mahjar Press and the translocal mobility of their editors and contributors, the content of these print media did not have considerable differences in their content.41

  • 42 Bechara, Juan, “Historia de la primera prensa árabe en México”, Revista El Emir, May, 1938, no 12, (...)

42With the beginning of the Young Turks government a period of local sponsorship for one of the earliest newspapers entitled Al-Šarq (The Orient) allowed the publication of a dozen issues edited throughout 1908. The print of the bilingual newspaper Al-Jawater (The Ideas) on July 24, 1909, marked the beginning of a period of relative journalistic stability.42 The publication of Al-Jawater twice a week in its first year and its daily printing in September 1910 shows the interest of its editors to make visible the Ottoman presence in the celebrations of the Mexican centennial.

  • 43 Bechara, Juan, “Historia de la primera prensa árabe en México.”, Revista El Emir, July, 1938, no 1 (...)

43The struggles over the future of the Ottoman consulate stimulated the publication of more newspapers outside Mexico City. For example, the newspaper Al-Mātāmīr (The Silos) edited by Akl Bechalani in Guanajuato, had only three issues over the nine months of its existence in 1909 just to support the candidature of Nassib Bey Kuri as Ottoman consul. For its part, the creation of the newspaper Al-Kada' (The Destiny), founded by Felipe Jorge Bedrán in 1910, supported the candidature of the Mexican banker Fernando Pimentel y Fagoaga who also was supported by the Ottoman Patriotic Committee and the editors of Al-Jawater. 43

44Visual discourses of affinity expressed in architectural monuments and circulation of ideas through the Mexican Mahyar Press were not the only forms of communication sought by those interested in promoting an Ottoman affinity and consular aspiration. Some intellectuals declared without any public display their intentions to hold the consular post. For instance, on August 14, 1909, the Ottoman Hellenic subject, Anthony Khoury, – owner of the Compañía Cigarrera Egipcia (Egyptian Cigarette Company) and a university professor of classical Greek in Mexico City –, sent a letter to the Grand Vizier Hüseyin Hilmi Baya offering to assume the duties of consul.

  • 44 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, no 11, file 77.
  • 45 On the role of the dragomans in the Southern Mahjar during the French Mandate, see, Logroño Narbon (...)

45His arguments evocated the well-known skills of the dragoman, the traditional figure who solved the linguistic limitations between European agents and Ottoman authorities. He guaranteed being well known among Mexican Authorities and fluent in several languages such as Arabic, Greek, Spanish, English, French, and Turkish. He also claimed of being an experienced dragoman for the British government back in the days when he resided in Cyprus.44 The political nature of the dragomans was also crucial for the solution of internal conflicts between Ottoman communities abroad since this conflicts often involved official authorities or diplomatic representatives of the host nation.45

  • 46 Joseph A. Schemonti was born on March 18, 1880 in Batroun, Ottoman Mount Lebanon, and settled in M (...)

46Another enthusiast to occupy the Ottoman consular post was Joseph A. Schemonti, a medical doctor, journalist, and member of the Société positiviste internationale.46 He expressed his optimism for the CUP to the Speaker of the Constitutional Parliament, Ahmed Riza Bey, through the publication in 1909 of a pamphlet entitled: État des Ottomans au Mexique: Devoirs de l’Empire à leur égard, remèdes (State of the Ottomans in Mexico: Duties of the Empire towards them, remedies).

Front cover of the text: État des Ottomans au Mexique: Devoirs de l’Empire: à leur égard, remèdes [State of the Ottomans in Mexico: Duties of the Empire: towards them, remedies] by Joseph A. Schemonti.

Front cover of the text: État des Ottomans au Mexique: Devoirs de l’Empire: à leur égard, remèdes [State of the Ottomans in Mexico: Duties of the Empire: towards them, remedies] by Joseph A. Schemonti.

Source: Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi. HR.SYS.00077.

47Despite the Hamidian regime's attempts to change the consular relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Mexican State, as I previously exposed, Schemonti accused the Sultan of neglecting the concerns of Ottoman subjects abroad. As a result of this indifference, he noted the lack of sense of Ottomanist belonging among the Arab Ottomans settled in Mexico:

  • 47 Schemonti A., Joseph, État des Ottomans au Mexique: Devoirs de l’Empire à leur égard, remèdes, Con (...)

« (...) Tout au long de sa vie, ce personnage fantastique de triste mémoire a professé une sorte d'adoration pour son principe tyrannique et infâme : diviser pour régner. Raison de plus pour que les fils de ce pays divisé se donnent des surnoms différents au Mexique : certains justes, comme la race, d'autres faux et empruntés. Les uns se disent Turcs et Syriens au Mexique, Égyptiens à Veracruz, Libanais à Oaxaca, Arabes presque partout, Arméniens et Grecs dans les États du Nord et Français pour les écolières ; certains parlent même un peu anglais et se disent Américains ou Anglais, d'autres, s'ils ont déjà été dans une république d'Amérique du Sud, se disent Chiliens, Argentins, Brésiliens, que sais-je, mais ils ne prononcent jamais le mot Ottoman (...) ».47

  • 48 Andrade García, Jorge, La Migración árabe y el otomanismo en México (1874-1918), p. 98.
  • 49 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-138. Légation puis Ambassade, no 267 Réclamations des Syro-Libanais, folder d (...)

48The discourse linked to the French Revolution ideas and the Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen are exposed throughout his work in order to exalt the need for the modern figure of the consul to solve the mobility issues of the Ottomans in Mexico. As the Mexican Mahyar Press noticed, Schemonti intended to propose himself as an ideal candidate for the consular post.48 The French archives preserve a copy of the pamphlet État des Ottomans au Mexique signed by Schemonti on January 7, 1919 and dedicated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France in Mexico, François Dejean.49 Schemonti’s exhibition of affinity towards the French authorities happened during the Conferences of Peace in Paris, where the Allied powers were set to determine the fate of Mashriq.

  • 50 I thank deeply the bright comments of the anonymous reviewer to pay attention on the logics of sup (...)

49His gesture suggests that Arab Ottomans abroad prioritized supporting whoever held power in their birthplace rather than only aligning with the CUP. We also must notice the different logics mobilized by the candidates to obtain the consul position.50 For instance, Anthony Khoury claimed to possess the knowledge, social network, and skills of the traditional Ottoman dragomans. Instead, Schemonti took the positivist discourse to talk about the role of the consul in a modern Nation. He also noted the urgent need to create a Hygiene Inspection Committee to cure the diseases of the newcomers as it was an immediate hygienic cause of rejection to access the U.S. and Mexican Ports.

Chaos everywhere: Mexican Revolution, Italian occupation and Balkan Wars

  • 51 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-318, no 136 Protection de non nationaux.

50Prior 1910, the Arab Mexicans were getting closer to fulfilling their aspirations to establish a consular representation. The Mexican Minister, Gonzalo A. Esteva, and his Ottoman counterpart sent a consular protocol to Minister Hussein Kazim Bey to strengthen commercial relations between both countries through the establishment of an Ottoman consulate in Mexico with several consulates and vice consulates in the ports and cities of both territories.51

  • 52 SRE, fond Manuel de Zamacona e Inclán, file 16-4-4, “Carta al Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores”, M (...)

51However, Porfirio Diaz’ resignation in May 1911 paused this project and the news of the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution resonated as far as Washington, where the Ottoman ambassador, Youssouf Zia Bajá, asked the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs on May 28, 1911, to provide diplomatic protection to the Ottoman subjects. The Mexican authorities assured the Ottoman ambassador that they would assist the Ottomans although there was no evidence about damages caused against them at the time.52

  • 53 SRE, fond Manuel de Zamacona e Inclán, file 16-4-4, “Carta de Victoriano Salado Álvarez”, May 30, (...)

52In September 1911, a journalistic note from Beirut reached out Constantinople warning that the wave of armed violence in Mexico had claimed the lives of five and wounded about thirty Ottomans. Youssouf Zia set himself the task of investigating the matter further. He concluded that Nassib Bey Kuri had made this news intending to pressure the Mexican and Ottoman authorities to establish the consulate and be appointed honorary Ottoman consul.53

  • 54 On the effects of the revolutionary violence within the Mexican Mahjar and the Postrevolutionary R (...)
  • 55 Alfaro-Velcamp, Theresa, So far from Allah, So Close to Mexico, p. 76; González Navarro, Moisés, “ (...)
  • 56 Díaz de Kuri, Martha; & Lourdes Macluf, De Líbano a México: Crónica de un pueblo migrante, México, (...)

53Even though Bey Kuri used the Arab press as a pressure mechanism to accelerate the process of establishing an Ottoman consulate, the revolutionary violence certainly affected several foreign communities, including the Ottoman one.54 In fact, between 1910-1921, the foreign population went from 116,347 to 108,433 inhabitants, most of them managed to emigrate; however, approximately 1,477 were murdered.55 Thanks to the role of social network leaders such as Domingo Kuri, some of them were able to leave the country from the port of Veracruz.56

  • 57 González Navarro, Moisés, “Xenofobia y xenofilia en la Revolución mexicana”, p. 612.

54Despite being one of the foreign populations with the lowest population density, the Arabic-speaking population suffered the most deaths in relative terms. According to González Navarro, between 1910-1919, about 111 inhabitants categorized as "Arabs" died, representing the perishing of 7.25 % of the Arabic-speaking population established in the country.57 The Arab Ottomans that perished during the Mexican Revolution was due to being victims of violent looting in their commercial stores, but also, because of their voluntary enlistment to practically all the military troops.

  • 58 See, Taboada, Hernán, “Aliados y enemigos en América latina: Otomanistas, arabistas y francófilos” (...)
  • 59 “El reto de un general metafísico”, El imparcial: diario ilustrado de la mañana, no 6433, November (...)

55In this context of national violence, the news of the Tripolitan occupation came to divide the Ottoman and Italian populations established in Latin America.58 In Mexico City, for example, the news of the war caused conflicts between the Italian minister and members of the Casino Otomano.59 The Italian occupation of Tripoli, Libya, quickly overtook the early optimism of the CUP's Ottomanist rhetoric. The brief Italian-Ottoman War of 1911 caused a severe loss of influence in the Maghreb and alerted other Ottoman provinces of the empire's stability vis-à-vis the European powers.

56Despite the displays of Ottoman patriotism and the diplomatic efforts to establish an Ottoman consulate in Mexico, the protection of Ottoman subjects abroad worsened after the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. The institutional failure in fulfilling the consular aspirations had great consequences for developing different attitudes among Arab Ottomans abroad towards the Ottoman Empire, Germany, and France in the Great War.

Conclusion

57A critical approach on the chronicles of Ottoman oppression against the millets unraveled the historical causes and domestic narratives that elucidate the massive Ottoman migration to America. This narrative resource elevated abstract imaginaries over concrete realities. Examining the Mexican Mahjar reveals how narratives of Ottoman oppression in Ottoman Mount Lebanon, coupled with the French diplomatic protection, fostered affinities between the newcomers and the Mexican authorities.

58Many social networks leaders, intellectuals, and local associations enjoyed exceptional communication with Mexican, Ottoman and French consular authorities. Their ideas and activities allow us to question the Ottoman oppression discourse to exhibit, instead, an Ottomanist discourse parallel with the displays of traditional Francophilia. Many Arab Mexicans exhibit both sentiments of affinity to secured a diplomatic support and social stability in their host nation.

59The Ottomanist displays sought to keep their transcontinental mobility and cross-border commercial activities stable. During the CUPs government, the Ottoman State continued to unsolved the consular aspiration of the Arab Ottomans settled in Mexico. In addition, the Italian-Ottoman War in Libya and the Balkan Wars worsened the internal situation of the Parliament. From 1913 onward, a new rhetoric emerged among CUP members, characterized by an ethnocentric ideology and a militarized radicalization.

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Notes

1 Ruiz Bravo-Villasante, Carmen, La controversia ideológica. Nacionalismo árabe/nacionalismos locales: Oriente 1918-1952. Estudios y textos. Prólogo de Pedro Martínez Montávez, Madrid, Gráfica Internacional, 1976, p. 42.

2 See, as an example of this remarkable theoretic and methodologic contributions of the las two decades, Arslan, Andrew; John Karam; & Akram Khater, “On Forgotten Shores: Migration in Middle East Studies, and the Middle East in Migration Studies”, Mashriq & Mahjar 1, 2013, no 1, p. 1-8; Brégain, Gildas, Syriens et Libanais d’Amérique du Sud, 1819-1945. Paris, L’Harmattan, 2008; Logroño Narbona, María del Mar; Paulo G. Pinto; & John Tofik Karam (eds.), Crescent Over Another Horizon: Islam in Latin America, the Caribbean, and Latino USA, Austin, University of Texas Press, 2015.

3 See, as an example of this conceptual effort, Bailony, Reem, “Transnationalism and the Syrian Migrant Public: The Case of the 1925 Syrian Revolt”, Mashriq & Mahjar 1, 2013, no 1, p. 9-33; Fahrenthold, Stacy, “Transnational Modes and Media: Syrian Press in the Mahjar and Emigrant Activism during World War I”, Mashriq & Mahjar 1, 2013, no 1, p. 34-63; Pastor, Camila, “The Mashriq Unbound: Arab Nationalism, Criollo Nationalism, and the Discovery of America by the Turks”, Mashriq & Mahjar 2, 2014, no 2, p. 28-58.

4 See, Balloffet Pearl, Lilly; Fernando Camacho Padilla; & Jessica Stites Mor, “Pushing Boundaries. New Directions in Contemporary Latin America-Middle East History”, 2019, Jahrbuch für Geschichte Lateinamerikas 59, p. 1-14.

5 The term Uniate refers to the hierarchical links of the Christian Churches with the Roman Pontifical, preserving their ritual particularities and autonomy from the canonical legislation of the Catholic Papacy. This article refers mainly to the alignment of the Chaldean (1553), Greek-Melkite (1701), and Maronite (1736) churches since these religious communities were the ones that had a notorious presence in America during the period studied.

6 Bustos Rodríguez, Manuel, Los comerciantes de la Carrera de Indias en el Cádiz del siglo XVIII (1713-1775), Cadiz, Universidad de Cádiz, 1995, p. 106-110; Heyberger, Bernard, « Les nouveaux horizons méditerranéens des chrétiens du Bīlād al-Šām (XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle) », Arabica, 2004, t.LI, no 4, p. 456-461; and Taboada, Hernán, Extrañas presencias en nuestra América. Mexico, UNAM, 2017, p. 89-132.

7 Alfaro-Velcamp, Theresa, So far from Allah, So Close to Mexico Middle Eastern Immigrants in Modern Mexico, Austin, University of Texas Press, 2007, p. 66-67; Pastor, Camila, The Mexican Mahjar: Transnational Maronites, Jews, and Arabs Under the French Mandate, Austin, University of Texas Press, 2017, 37-38; Zéraoui, Zidane, “Los árabes en México: entre la integración y el arabismo”, Revista Estudios, 1995-1996, no 12-13, p. 25-26.

8 Outrey, Georges, Études pratiques sur le protectorat religieux de la France en Orient, Istanbul, 2014, p. 538-564.

9 Verzijl, J.H.W., International Law in Historical Perspective. Part V. Nationality and Other Matters Relating to Individuals, Leiden, A.W. Sijthoff, 1972, p. 106.

10 Chambre de Commerce et d’Industrie Aix-Marseille-Provence (from now on CCIAMP). ML4.2.7.3.1/01. Droit et législation. Réglementation du Commerce et de l’industrie. Étrangers (Commerçants et travailleurs immigrés). Travailleurs étrangers á Marseille et dans les Bouches du Rhône (1857-1921), folder prohibition de l'immigration des Syriens et libanais 1892-1893.

11 Devi Mays draws a similar perspective on the capitalization of Francophilia by Ottoman Sephardi Jews in Mexico to mark themselves and their sell wares as desirables by the Porfirian authorities. See, Mays, Devi, Forging Ties, Forging Passports. Migration and the Modern Sephardi Diaspora, Stanford, CA, Stanford University Press, 2020, p. 21-52.

12 Khater, Akram, Inventing Home: Emigration, Gender, and the Middle Class in Lebanon, 1820-1920, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2001, p. 49-63.

13 Maronite Patriarchate of Antioch Archive, file 86. Elías Hoyek, no 79, “Carta dirigida al Arzobispo de Michoacán”, Morelia, Michoacán, October 20, 1902.

14 Akarlı Deniz, Engin, The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1920, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1993, p. 120-121.

15 CCIAMP. ML4.2.7.3.1/10, folder passage á Marseille de l’émigration Syrienne vers l’Amérique (13.04.1901).

16 Pastor, Camila, The Mexican Mahjar, p. 25.

17 Martínez Assad, Carlos, Libaneses: hechos e imaginarios de los inmigrantes en México, Mexico, UNAM, 2022, p. 23-24.

18 On the attempts to establish Mexican-Ottoman commercial and amity relations before the late Ottoman mobility, see, Benzion, Jonathan, “Mexico and the Qhājār Empire: The Genesis of a Diplomatic Friendship”, Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina, 2022, vol. 33, no 22, p. 95-98.

19 Karpat, Kemal, “The Ottoman Emigration to America, 1860-1914”, International Journey of Middle East Studies, 1984, vol. 17, no 2, p. 184.

20 Ministère d’Affaires Étrangères. Centre de Archives Diplomatiques Nantes (from now on, MAE. CADN). 432PO/C/1-138, no 267 Réclamations des Syro-Libanais, folder protection de syriens en Amérique, December 14, 1901.

21 Pillaut, Julien, Manuel de droit consulaire. París, Berger-Levrault & Cie, Éditeurs, 1910, p. 74.

22 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-138, no 267 Réclamations des Syro-Libanais, folder Protection de Syriens en Amérique, January 30, 1902.

23 Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores (from now on SRE), file 7-19-12, “Reporte de Gonzalo Esteva a la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores”, July 14, 1904.

24 SRE, file 7-9-12, “Carta para la Legación”, January 22, 1905.

25 Diario Oficial de la Federación, December 22, 1908, Tome XCIX, no 44, p. 645.

26 Şerif, Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought. A study in the Modernization of Turkish Political Ideas, New York, Syracuse University Press, 2000 edition, 1962, p. 3-11.

27 See, Hanley, Will, “What Ottoman Nationality Was and Was not”, Journal of Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, 2016, vol. 3, no 2, p.  278-285.

28 On the political debates held during the pre-World War I period, see, Bailony, Reem, Transnational Rebellion: The Syrian Revolt of 1925-1927, Santa Barbara, PhD diss., University of California, 2015, p. 23-35.

29 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-318, no 135 Syro-Libanais (1915-1945), folder Sociedad Jóvenes Sirios.

30 Ramírez Carrillo, Luis Carrillo, …De cómo los libaneses conquistaron la península de Yucatán: Migración, identidad étnica y cultura empresarial, Mexico, UNAM, 2014, p. 157.

31 Contrary to the notion of these categories being politically timeless, their use has continually evolved in historical context and political significance. García Andrade points out the pragmatical imprecision that led to the dismissal of the flexible use of terms such as "Turkish," "Syrian," "Arab," or "Ottoman" by Arab Mexicans as a relevant fact. Andrade García, Jorge, La Migración árabe y el otomanismo en México (1874-1918), Mexico, Bachelor’s thesis, UNAM, 2014, p. 33. On the use of these categories mobilized by some Arab Mexicans to claim their alignment with Mexican political projects and racialization discourses see, Pastor, Camila, The Mexican Mahjar, chap.  3.

32 Antonio Letayf was one of the first Ottomans naturalized as Mexican. Petit, Lorenza, El mahyar mexicano. Producción literaria y periodística de los inmigrantes árabes y sus descendientes. Madrid, PhD diss., Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2017, p. 226.

33 Wolf M., Caroline “Olivia”, “Marking Time, Marking Movement: Mexico City's Ottoman Clock Tower as a Transnational Expression of Immigrant Identity”, Hemisphere. Visual Cultures of the Americas, 2016, vol. 9, no 1, p. 38-39.

34 Deringil, Selim, “‘They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: The Late Ottoman Empire and the Post-Colonial Debate”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2003, no 45, p. 311-312.

35 Andrade García, Jorge, La Migración árabe y el otomanismo en México (1874-1918), p. 50-52.

36 “El presente de la colonia otomana”, El Diario, September 23, 1910, no 1415, p. 1.

37 For Salvador Novo, the Frenchification of Mexican gastronomic customs at the time aimed at “raising the level of elegance” of the restaurants through a menu in French. In theory, this would’ve conferred a clear superiority to those who could decipher it as well as extending a patent of aristocracy, distinction, and worldliness. Novo, Salvador, Cocina mexicana o historia gastronómica de la Ciudad de México, Mexico, Editorial Porrúa, 1979, p. 125-131.

38 On the Mahjar press at large, see Logroño Narbona, María del Mar, The Development of Nationalist Identities in French Syria and Lebanon: A Transnational Dialogue with Arab Immigrants to Argentina and Brazil, 1915-1929, 1915-1929, Santa Barbara, PhD diss., University of California, 2007, p. 55-77; and Fahrenthold, Stacy, “Transnational Modes and Media”.

39 Del Amo Hernández, Mercedes, “Periódicos árabes en Iberoamérica: una propuesta de recuperación y estudio”, Infodiversidad, 2001, no 3, p. 14-15.

40 On the consequences of the transition from the Ottoman Mexican press to the Mahjar Mandate Press, see, Pastor, Camila, “The Great Arab Revolt, Palestine and a Phoenicianist Civilizing Mission: Transregional Debates in the Mexican Mahjar Press”, Revue des Mondes Musulmanes et de la Méditerranée, no 152, 2022. p.  85-114.

41 The editors may have circulated the reproduction of small fragments of the parliamentary debates published in Paris, London, and Cairo not only in the Arab provinces but also in the southern Mahjar Press. See, Kayalı, Hasan, Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism, in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1997, p. 76-77.

42 Bechara, Juan, “Historia de la primera prensa árabe en México”, Revista El Emir, May, 1938, no 12, p. 15.

43 Bechara, Juan, “Historia de la primera prensa árabe en México.”, Revista El Emir, July, 1938, no 14, p. 10.

44 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, no 11, file 77.

45 On the role of the dragomans in the Southern Mahjar during the French Mandate, see, Logroño Narbona, The Development of Nationalist Identities in French Syria and Lebanon, p. 51-54.

46 Joseph A. Schemonti was born on March 18, 1880 in Batroun, Ottoman Mount Lebanon, and settled in Mexico at the beginning of the 20th century after spending several years in Egypt, Tunisia, and South America. He worked for several Mexican newspapers, writing from medical recommendations to analyses of the economic and political performance of his host nation. At the upheaval of the Mexican Revolution, he became an active supporter of the Constitutionalist government. He even wrote a text dedicated to Venustiano Carranza entitled: Psicología del Congreso Constituyente (Psychology of the Constitutional Congress) in which he noted his impressions of the work done by the Constitutional Congress of Querétaro. On Schemonti's political trajectory in the post-revolutionary Mexican period and the cause of his expulsion in May 1927, see, Pastor, Camila, The Mexican Mahjar, p. 46-47.

47 Schemonti A., Joseph, État des Ottomans au Mexique: Devoirs de l’Empire à leur égard, remèdes, Constantinopla, 1909, p. 19.

48 Andrade García, Jorge, La Migración árabe y el otomanismo en México (1874-1918), p. 98.

49 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-138. Légation puis Ambassade, no 267 Réclamations des Syro-Libanais, folder dates extrêmes du carton 1890-1930.

50 I thank deeply the bright comments of the anonymous reviewer to pay attention on the logics of support and alignment mobilized by the protagonist under study.

51 MAE. CADN. 432PO/C/1-318, no 136 Protection de non nationaux.

52 SRE, fond Manuel de Zamacona e Inclán, file 16-4-4, “Carta al Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores”, May 28, 1911.

53 SRE, fond Manuel de Zamacona e Inclán, file 16-4-4, “Carta de Victoriano Salado Álvarez”, May 30, 1911.

54 On the effects of the revolutionary violence within the Mexican Mahjar and the Postrevolutionary Reparations Committees, see, Pastor, Camila, The Mexican Mahjar, p. 122-132.

55 Alfaro-Velcamp, Theresa, So far from Allah, So Close to Mexico, p. 76; González Navarro, Moisés, “Xenofobia y xenofilia en la Revolución mexicana”, Historia mexicana, 1969, vol. 18, no 4 (72), p. 575.

56 Díaz de Kuri, Martha; & Lourdes Macluf, De Líbano a México: Crónica de un pueblo migrante, México, N.P., 1999, p. 92.

57 González Navarro, Moisés, “Xenofobia y xenofilia en la Revolución mexicana”, p. 612.

58 See, Taboada, Hernán, “Aliados y enemigos en América latina: Otomanistas, arabistas y francófilos”, Rubio Navarro, José Fernando (ed.), 1915: El año más largo del Imperio otomano, Bogota, Universidad Externado/Ankara Üniversitesi, 2015, p. 411-412.

59 “El reto de un general metafísico”, El imparcial: diario ilustrado de la mañana, no 6433, November 12, 1911.

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Titre Front cover of the text: État des Ottomans au Mexique: Devoirs de l’Empire: à leur égard, remèdes [State of the Ottomans in Mexico: Duties of the Empire: towards them, remedies] by Joseph A. Schemonti.
Crédits Source: Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi. HR.SYS.00077.
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Francisco Reyes, « The Arab Mexicans before the Great War: Mobility Causes, Ottomanism, and Consular Aspirations »Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En ligne], Questions du temps présent, mis en ligne le 21 juin 2024, consulté le 20 juillet 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/95882 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/11vrf

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