Navigation – Plan du site

AccueilRubriquesColloques2024O bicentenário da independência...Cultural diplomacy in the nationa...

2024
O bicentenário da independência do Brasil. História e memória de uma nação no mundo global

Cultural diplomacy in the national construction of Brazil: the French artistic mission of 1816

Hermano do Amaral Pinto Neto et Gabriela Gomes Coelho Ferreira

Résumé

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role played by Portuguese authorities alongside Joachim Le Breton in the establishment of the 1816 French artistic mission to Brazil, as an international movement that could be understood as a notable predecessor to what we know today as cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a term that often refers to the instrumentalization and projection of culture into the international arena. In this sense, culture was leveraged as an international asset for the construction of the Brigantine monarchy in Brazil. In this article we propose a wider approach in which “European culture” is instrumentalized by a state to elevate a colony to an Empire, capable of accommodating its European ruling class and sovereign.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1 Ruffini, Pierre-Bruno. Science and Diplomacy. A New Dimension of International Relations, 1st ed., (...)

1Cultural diplomacy, or the use of culture as an instrument of foreign policy, aims at promoting determined interests and values through cultural tools. According to Pierre-Bruno Ruffini, cultural diplomacy is a form of diplomacy of influence, being widely used in the international scene, where the logic of confrontation coexists in a continuum with the logic of influence and, therefore, power.1

2This paper approaches culture from a wider perspective, in which it encompasses material, intellectual and emotional features of a social group. The proposed path is in line with what is understood as the cultural policy of the Joanine government in Brazil, concerning the promotion of the arts and the sciences, with the creation of key institutions and actions within the framework of knowledge politics. Joanine cultural policy focused on the construction and – internal and external – legitimation of a Luso-Brazilian empire. In this sense, culture was a crucial policy apparatus for the maintenance and advancement of the political sovereignty of the Brigantine monarchy on both sides of the Atlantic.

3It is in this light that this article proposes the examination of the French mission of 1816 to Rio de Janeiro. The foreign mission is analyzed as one of the instruments of the Joanine cultural policy, displaying what could be understood as notable predecessors to what we know today as cultural diplomacy.

The Portuguese court in Brazil

4There can only be little doubt that the flight of the Portuguese court from Lisbon in November 1807 was a hastily put-together affair at the face of an imminent Napoleonic invasion of the kingdom, preceded by months of dithering, indecisiveness and ultimately unsuccessful attempts at playing both sides (namely, the two great powers of the age, France and Great Britain) to maintain the territorial integrity of continental Portugal and the inalienable right of the House of Braganza to rule over it. However, it was a very effective one, the possible response that the Portuguese court could muster to counteract the French invasion against unfavorable odds. To escape from French armies meant to deny Napoleon the physical custody of the Portuguese royal family, in a time when property of the territory was intrinsically linked to the person upon whose head the crown rested. Without the Braganzas on hand, it would be difficult to legitimately enforce the terms of the 1807 Treaty of Fontainebleau, which foresaw the partition of the Portuguese territory among the invading powers. To make matters worse, not only had the Braganzas escaped from Napoleon’s grasp, but they had also taken with them a fair share of the Portuguese governing apparatus, from courtiers and officials to crucial state assets.

5With the mainland sovereignty of Portugal under constant threat, Brazil had historically appeared to the Portuguese court as a lifeline. Enormous, rich and with untapped demographic and economic potential, over the 18th century the colony would come to be regarded, amongst the Portuguese intelligentsia, as the most precious asset of the Empire. Brazil would be instrumentalized in the defense of Portuguese sovereignty in Europe, rather than the other way around.

6From 1808 to 1821, the city of Rio de Janeiro would serve as the capital of not only the Brazilian colony, but of the entire Portuguese Empire, harboring the royal family, the court and the government, and all the institutions which that entails. Certainly, modernizing the urban landscape of Rio de Janeiro and the local colonial administration to bring them up to European standards was no easy task. The needs and demands for the functioning of a European royal court and administration differed wildly from the needs and demands of a colony. For this reason, the government in exile installed new governing infrastructure that would be indispensable for promoting Rio de Janeiro as the capital of the Portuguese Empire.

  • 2 Meirelles, Juliana Gesuelli. Política e cultura no governo de Dom João VI: imprensa, teatros, acad (...)
  • 3 Ibid, p. 11-13.

7Many of these projects, designed for the political and intellectual education of enlightened subjects, had as their end goal the defense of the political sovereignty of Portugal and the House of Braganza, and the creation of a mirror image of Lisbon in Rio de Janeiro.2Four key institutions were created during the Joanine period, within the framework of knowledge politics. The first was the Royal Press, established already in May 1808, which provided an essential service to state administration and the governing apparatus. The second was the creation of the Royal Military Academy in 1810, which not only trained officers for the improvement of the royal army, but also educated priceless engineers. The third was the São João Theater (1813), a focal point of courtly life and entertainment that put the Brazilian Joanine society in close contact with the sophisticated high culture of the European royal courts. The fourth and last one was the opening of the royal library to the public in 1814, of the greatest importance to the state-sponsored control and dissemination of knowledge among the society.3

8Far from being a footnote in history, or even being the sole domain of art historians, it can be argued that the cultural policy of the Joanine period was a priority of the thinkers and makers of the nascent Luso-Brazilian state. It concerned, after all, the construction and legitimation of a Luso-Brazilian empire that had been in the works since much before the Braganzas fled their homeland rather than face Napoleon’s wrath, from Antônio Vieira’s advice to D. João IV to D. Luís da Cunha’s vision of an American empire, which also influenced Pombaline policy for Brazil. Cultural policy was instrumentalized for the advancement of the political sovereignty of the Brigantine monarchy to great effect. Henceforth, Brazil would be a kingdom of equal standing to Portugal in the pluricontinental monarchy of the Braganzas, whose capital would remain Rio de Janeiro indefinitely.

The French Mission in Brazil

9On March 26th, 1816, a group of French émigrés composed of prominent artists, artisans and craftsmen arrived in Rio de Janeiro. They had made their strenuous way to Brazil in order to seek employment in the court of the newly-created kingdom. These included the famed painters Jean-Baptiste Debret and Nicolas-Antoine Taunay, the Swiss engraver Charles Simon Pradier, the engineer François Ovide and the sculptors Marc and Zéphyrin Ferrez, all of whom would in time offer significant contributions to the local circles. At their head stood the formidable Joachim Le Breton, former secretary of the Institut de France who had once served as the administrator of Fine Arts during the Directorate, a valued member of the French cultural circles. They were promptly welcomed by the Joanine government in Rio de Janeiro, being taken under the direct patronage of D. João VI and offered formal public stipends with the creation of the Royal School of Sciences, Arts and Crafts in August of that same year, the first of its kind in Portuguese America.

10This group came to be known as the French Artistic Mission to Brazil. Their many contributions to the artistic field in the country to-be are well known, having eventually led to the formal establishment of the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts in 1826, not long after Brazilian independence had been realized. A far more nuanced matter than its legacy, there does not seem to be a firm consensus in scholarship regarding the causes and main drivers of the 1816 French mission. We shall see that it can be regarded as one of the most important precedents to the formulation and application of cultural diplomacy in Joanine Brazil, aimed at leveraging foreign assets and resources to develop cultural, artistic, scientific and even industrial environments apt to the national construction of Brazil as a europeanized Brigantine monarchy in the Americas.

  • 4 Debret apud Pedrosa. In: PEDROSA, Mário. Acadêmicos e Modernos. Textos Escolhidos III. Org. Otília (...)
  • 5 Taunay, Afonso d’Escragnolle. A Missão Artística de 1816. Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Educação e (...)
  • 6 Apud Schwarcz. See: Lima, Oliveira. D. João VI no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1996.

11Over the years, the French Artistic Mission has been under the intense scrutiny of Brazilian historiography, although it seems that it has not received the attention it deserves in international scholarship. One of the earliest works to examine the object at hand was a first-hand account authored by Debret himself. There, concerning the origin of the mission, the painter wrote that “the Marquis of Marialva, Portuguese ambassador in the court of France residing in Paris, came to an understanding, in 1815, with the Count of Barca, then foreign minister in Rio de Janeiro, for the creation of an Academy of Fine Arts, according to the French model.”4. Scholarship began to take deeper looks into the French mission for the celebration of its centenary in 1916. Afonso d’Escragnolle Taunay argued that the mission had first been conceived by the Count of Barca, who had instructed the Portuguese representatives in Paris to prospect candidates for the artistic mission. They had in turn consulted with Alexander von Humboldt, who had served as the bridge between the Portuguese government and his colleague, Joachim Le Breton, who then presented his proposal for the structure of the mission and the purported Brazilian academy.5 Taunay’s argument complemented that of Oliveira Lima, who had written in 1908 that the mission had been conceived and centrally planned in Rio de Janeiro.6

  • 7 Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. O Sol do Brasil. Nicolas-Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas fran (...)
  • 8 Freire, Laudelino. Um século de pintura - Apontamentos para a história da pintura no Brasil: de 18 (...)
  • 9 Rios Filho, Morales de los. O ensino artístico. Subsídio para a sua História. Rio de Janeiro: Impr (...)
  • 10 Barata, Mário. “Manuscrito inédito de Lebreton sobre o estabelecimento de dupla escola de artes no (...)
  • 11 Pedrosa, Mário. Acadêmicos e Modernos. Textos Escolhidos III. Org. Otília Arantes. São Paulo: EDUS (...)
  • 12 Mello Júnior, Donato. “Nicolau Antônio Taunay - Precursor da Missão Artística Francesa de 1816 - D (...)
  • 13 Dias, Elaine. “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a corte portuguesa na Europa. O nascimen (...)
  • 14 Telles, Patricia D. O Cavaleiro Brito e o Conde da Barca. Dois diplomatas portugueses e a missão f (...)

12While still recognizing the importance of Taunay’s work, scholarship has since then debated the exact degree of direct involvement of the Portuguese court in Rio de Janeiro in organizing Le Breton’s mission. Recently, Lilia Schwarcz pointed out the acute debate between Taunay’s interpretation, which she considers hegemonic, and more critical outlooks.7 Taunay did not go unquestioned from the start, with Laudelino Freire placing a greater emphasis on Le Breton’s agency than his counterpart and refusing to regard the mission as having been an official governmental enterprise.8 Freire’s would remain a relatively isolated opposition, however, and in 1942 Morales de los Rios Filho endorsed Taunay’s interpretation and claimed that a fine arts academy was a natural next step in Joanine statebuilding of the period.9 In 1959, however, Mário Barata published a collection of Le Breton’s original writings that contained implications towards his more prevalent role in assembling the mission.10 Two years earlier, Mário Pedrosa, although extensively referring to Taunay's work, had already decried the very concept of a French mission as a legend.11 Donato Mello Júnior12 and Elaine Dias13 have since made further documental contributions to historiography that have offered greater clarity on the correspondence between members of the French mission and the Portuguese authorities of the time. More recently, Patricia Telles has studied D. João’s representative at the French court, the Chévalier Brito, and how he was personally committed to the success of the French mission, in the name of building a new Empire co-led by Portugal and Brazil.14

13Of course, the role played by Joachim Le Breton in assembling the French Artistic Mission seems to be undeniable today, grounded on documentation and solid historiography both. It is not our goal to defend the hegemonic interpretation, but neither is simply adding just another voice to the critical chorus. It is possible to see in the French mission an innovative precedent to cultural diplomacy, both when we take a closer look at the correspondence between Le Breton and the Portuguese authorities, and when we consider the case within the wider context of Portuguese (or, as we might as well say, Luso-Brazilian) state policy at the time.

  • 15 Having occupied the position from January 1814 to November 1816. See: Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão (...)
  • 16 Dias, Elaine. “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a corte portuguesa na Europa. O nascimen (...)

14The cast of this play must include all players of relevance. Le Breton was already introduced. On the Portuguese side, we must consider four officials. First and foremost, we must note Francisco José Maria de Brito (1760-1825), who introduced himself as the Chévalier Brito. By 1815, he was the chargé d’affaires in Paris, standing in for the Marquis of Marialva. The latter was himself a prestigious diplomat in D. João’s service, the ambassador to France and later the extraordinary ambassador to Vienna, where he led the negotiations for the marriage of Prince D. Pedro to the Archduchess Maria Leopoldina of Habsburg. Marialva’s involvement with the French mission was limited. The same could not be said about the Marquis of Aguiar, who was, at the time, D. João’s foreign minister,15 though apparently he was present in Paris in the second half of 1815, where he corresponded with Le Breton alongside Brito.16 At last, but not least, there was the Count of Barca, the powerful and enlightened chief minister to D. João following the passing of Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho. Barca was said to have been a cultured man, interested in the advancement of the arts, sciences and industry; he was certainly a francophile, having been the leader of the French faction at court in the prelude to the escape to Brazil. Barca had become committed to the concept of an American empire, and had lofty plans for it which included, of course, the promotion of learning, education and the crafts. He stunned the French consul in Rio de Janeiro, when he claimed, in 1817, that the Portuguese in exile were prepared to renounce Europe and become only Americans.

15A timeline of events, then, is in order. We must first head to France and return to March 1815, before even the faintest indications of a possible artistic mission to Brazil. The counter-revolutionary government of Louis XVIII was committed to the reorganization of the state administration that Napoleonic France had left in its wake. In an attempt to return the administration of the various literary and scientific academies of France to the way it had been under the Ancien Regime, Louis XVIII decreed a general reform of the Institut de France. This carried severe implications for the career of Joachim Le Breton, who had been one of the brains behind the Napoleonic institute. The reform was halted when Napoleon returned to power for one last time, only to meet a bloody end at Waterloo. The final Bourbon Restoration, on July 8th, 1815, inaugurated a new wave of anti-Napoleonic persecution in France, which came to be known as the second White Terror. Napoleonic sympathizers and supporters suffered from mob justice and Bourbon reprisals, and several hundred lost their lives to murders, lynchings and state executions. All in all, it was not a cheery time to be regarded as a Napoleonic sympathizer in France, which is instrumental to understanding the willingness of Le Breton to seek means of escape, if not for himself, for many of his like-minded colleagues.

16At the same time, life went on as usual across the sea in Brazil. Even following Napoleon’s final defeat, Dom João’s court had no intention of returning to Lisbon. Preparations were underway for the elevation of Brazil to the legal status of kingdom, which would eventually come to pass in December 1815, simultaneously with the correspondence, in Paris, between the Portuguese embassy and Le Breton. The Count of Barca had wished to celebrate the imminent creation of the United Kingdom with the establishment, in Rio de Janeiro, of a state-sponsored Academic Institute. It is unknown when exactly Barca informed the Marquis of Marialva that he wished to encourage the settlement, in Rio de Janeiro, of scientists, artists and craftsmen, but it must have been after the Hundred Days. Marialva is then said to have approached Humboldt for recommendations. As seen, Taunay claims that Humboldt spread the word and eventually caught Le Breton’s attention, who then submitted his proposal to the Portuguese embassy, though this timeline of events is difficult to prove. What is certain is the existence of a double movement: Marialva’s consultations with Humboldt for the establishment of an artistic colony in Brazil in Barca’s behalf, and Le Breton’s own proposal and correspondence with the Portuguese embassy in Paris, both of which likely occurred in the same timeframe of July-August 1815.

17The conception of Le Breton’s mission seems to have originally belonged to Le Breton himself, who, in corresponding with Marialva and the Chévalier Brito in August 1815, found more than willing ears to listen to his proposal, which deeply synergized with Joanine statebuilding in Brazil and the instructions received from the Count of Barca. This will be a common theme throughout the relationship between Le Breton and the Portuguese authorities, with the latter, however, being reluctant to commit resources for the transportation or even extend official invitations to the prospective French settlers in the relatively short time frame between the origin of the mission, in August 1815, and its departure from France in January 1816. The Portuguese authorities were certainly aware of the potential migration as early as August 27th, when the Chévalier Brito reported on the desire of some renowned artists to settle in Brazil.

18Le Breton argued for the establishment in Brazil of a project aimed at developing the national industry and crafts through the local settlement of French émigrés, mirroring similar processes that had occurred in the United States, the Netherlands and Germany. Brazil had yet to receive an influx of the qualified émigrés, and was ideally positioned in the New World as it did not suffer from the same trials that plagued the former Spanish colonies. Le Breton would vouch for the members of this purported mission, reassuring the Portuguese court that they would not be importing agitators. He concluded by mentioning that several skilled laborers found themselves adrift in post-Restoration France, and that they could be put to better use in Brazil; Le Breton presents a list of several possible candidates, who would become a solid foundation for the construction of the national industry in Brazil. It is worth noting that the last restrictions to the installation of workshops and industries in Brazil had been lifted by the Prince Regent on August 11th, 1815, very much in time for Le Breton’s ambitious program.

19On October 9th, Brito sent a report to the Joanine court, in which he informed the Prince Regent and his ministers of Le Breton’s proposal. This report is interesting for three reasons: (i) it proves that the royal court in Rio de Janeiro was aware of Le Breton’s proposal in detail before the coming of the mission; (ii) it highlights the preference of the Portuguese authorities for the settlement of skilled laborers, craftsmen and engineers whose skills related more to practical applications for the establishment of a national industry in Brazil; and (iii) it reassures Le Breton, with the knowledge of the royal court, that the émigrés would be welcomed in Brazil. Indeed, it is true that the Portuguese government would not commit resources to bring the members of the French mission to Brazil, and that Brito would have to use his personal funds to sponsor the travel of some of them. It equally stands to reason, however, that, travel costs notwithstanding, Brito had guaranteed that the émigrés would be received in Brazil, once they had arrived, adding at least a level of official and diplomatic assurance to the mission.

20Moreover, even if the Joanine court never issued formal invitations to the members of the French mission, neither did the royal cabinet write to Paris ordering them not to come, even though they were already aware of Le Breton’s proposal and personnel in detail. It is clear that the court manifested a greater interest in the crafts more so than in the arts, but the fact that a negative response was never issued, even though it could very well have been, is telling. One wonders if the lack of direct invitations is simply not the consequence of the time and distance between Rio de Janeiro and Paris, on the one hand, and the haste of the French émigrés to leave the country and seek new employment (especially after Le Breton was implicated in a controversy over the return of looted art and artifacts), on the other, in addition to being an expression of the traditional caution and slow pace in the decision-making process of the Joanine court.

21The benefits for the Luso-Brazilian state are more dispersed, as there was still a lack of clarity regarding the goals and activities of the French mission when they first arrived. However, it is undeniable that Joanine statebuilding had a demand for the development of state institutions for the arts, the crafts and the sciences, and that the Count of Barca’s desire to establish an Academic Institute in Brazil was his own design, and not Le Breton’s. The advantages of the settlement of experienced craftsmen and artisans in Rio de Janeiro are evident for the lifestyle of the court and the local production capabilities, as are the benefits reaped from the recruitment of engineers and architects from abroad, given the low offer of these professions in the New World at large. The positive effects of the development of the fine arts are less clear, including to the policymakers of the time, who seemed to prioritize practical applications and the national industry. Nevertheless, the potential contribution of the arts in creating a new imperial iconography for the new Portuguese Empire in America cannot be underestimated. Moreover, we cannot neglect to mention that from the start it was demanded from Le Breton to incorporate Portuguese subjects in any academy or institution he was to direct in Brazil, with the expectation for the transmission of technical knowledge and the enlargement and improvement of the native pool of skilled craftsmen available for the country’s internal economy; from the Luso-Brazilian point of view, eventually, the Le Breton mission was not conceived as a vanity project, but as a key aspect for Joanine statebuilding.

Conclusion

  • 17 Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. O Sol do Brasil. Nicolas-Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas fran (...)

22As we stated before, it has never been our purpose to debate the origins of the Le Breton mission, nor to challenge the hegemonic interpretation or to simply endorse the critical literature. The question of who first had the idea for the Le Breton mission is not as relevant as one could think. Rather, we have focused our efforts in highlighting the connections between state diplomacy and the cultural policy of the Portuguese Empire in Brazil. Le Breton’s mission may not have been centrally planned from Rio de Janeiro, but, as Schwarcz herself admits it, “whether they were invited or not, the point is that, based on the exchange of correspondence, a relationship between the officials of the Portuguese diplomacy and the French artists can be attested.”17

23As a matter of consequence, accredited Portuguese diplomats were ultimately involved in the organization of the French Mission, from the Count of Barca’s original orders for the Marquis of Marialva to scout for enlightened settlers to the personal enthusiasm shared by the Chévalier Brito and the Marquis of Aguiar with Le Breton’s original proposal, which they went to great lengths to publicize and support, financially and politically. Regardless of who had the original idea for the Le Breton mission in particular, it is undeniable that the Portuguese representatives in Paris sponsored Le Breton’s proposal to the best of their abilities, within the wider context of Joanine cultural policy. Even with a strong involvement of Le Breton in designing the mission itself, it was only within the framework of Joanine cultural policy for statebuilding, combined with the direct sponsorship of Portuguese diplomats, including the foreign minister of the time, that the Mission was later executed. The instrumentalization of culture displays the modus operandi of what we conceptualize today as cultural diplomacy. Therefore, it is possible to view in the negotiations surrounding the Le Breton mission a significant precedent to cultural diplomacy in Brazil, in which the diplomatic infrastructure was mobilized to bring in foreign assets that could significantly contribute to the national construction of the nascent empire.

Haut de page

Bibliographie

Barata, Mário. “Manuscrito inédito de Lebreton sobre o estabelecimento de dupla escola de artes no Rio de Janeiro, em 1816.” Revista do Serviço do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, 1959, no 14, p. 283-307.

Dias, Elaine. “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a corte portuguesa na Europa. O nascimento da Missão Artística de 1816”. Anais do Museu Paulista, jul/dec 2006, vol. 14, no 2, p. 301-313.

Freire, Laudelino. Um século de pintura - Apontamentos para a história da pintura no Brasil: de 1816 a 1916. Rio de Janeiro: Tip. Rohe, 1916.

Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão. As singularidades da Independência do Brasil. Brasília: FUNAG, 2022.

Lima, Oliveira. D. João VI no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1996.

Mello Júnior, Donato. “Nicolau Antônio Taunay - Precursor da Missão Artística Francesa de 1816 - Duas cartas suas inéditas colocam-no na origem remota da Missão”. Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, apr/jun 1980, no 327, p. 5-18.

Meirelles, Juliana Gesuelli. Política e cultura no governo de Dom João VI: imprensa, teatros, academias e bibliotecas (1792-1821). São Bernardo do Campo: Editora UFABC, 2017.

Pedrosa, Mário. Acadêmicos e Modernos. Textos Escolhidos III. Org. Otília Arantes. São Paulo: EDUSP, 1998.

Rios Filho, Morales de los. O ensino artístico. Subsídio para a sua História. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1942.

Ruffini, Pierre-Bruno. Science and Diplomacy. A New Dimension of International Relations, 1st ed., Springer Cham, 2017.

Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. O Sol do Brasil. Nicolas-Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas franceses na corte de d. João. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2008.

Taunay, Afonso d’Escragnolle. A Missão Artística de 1816. Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Educação e Cultura, 1956.

Telles, Patricia D. O Cavaleiro Brito e o Conde da Barca. Dois diplomatas portugueses e a missão francesa de 1816 ao Brasil. Documenta, 2017.

Haut de page

Notes

1 Ruffini, Pierre-Bruno. Science and Diplomacy. A New Dimension of International Relations, 1st ed., Springer Cham, 2017.

2 Meirelles, Juliana Gesuelli. Política e cultura no governo de Dom João VI: imprensa, teatros, academias e bibliotecas (1792-1821). São Bernardo do Campo: Editora UFABC, 2017, p. 8.

3 Ibid, p. 11-13.

4 Debret apud Pedrosa. In: PEDROSA, Mário. Acadêmicos e Modernos. Textos Escolhidos III. Org. Otília Arantes. São Paulo: EDUSP, 1998, p. 67.

5 Taunay, Afonso d’Escragnolle. A Missão Artística de 1816. Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Educação e Cultura, 1956.

6 Apud Schwarcz. See: Lima, Oliveira. D. João VI no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, 1996.

7 Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. O Sol do Brasil. Nicolas-Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas franceses na corte de d. João. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2008, p. 177-181.

8 Freire, Laudelino. Um século de pintura - Apontamentos para a história da pintura no Brasil: de 1816 a 1916. Rio de Janeiro: Tip. Rohe, 1916.

9 Rios Filho, Morales de los. O ensino artístico. Subsídio para a sua História. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1942.

10 Barata, Mário. “Manuscrito inédito de Lebreton sobre o estabelecimento de dupla escola de artes no Rio de Janeiro, em 1816.” Revista do Serviço do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, 1959, no 14, p. 283-307.

11 Pedrosa, Mário. Acadêmicos e Modernos. Textos Escolhidos III. Org. Otília Arantes. São Paulo: EDUSP, 1998, p. 41.

12 Mello Júnior, Donato. “Nicolau Antônio Taunay - Precursor da Missão Artística Francesa de 1816 - Duas cartas suas inéditas colocam-no na origem remota da Missão”. Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, apr/jun 1980, no 327, p. 5-18.

13 Dias, Elaine. “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a corte portuguesa na Europa. O nascimento da Missão Artística de 1816”. Anais do Museu Paulista, jul/dec 2006, vol. 14, no 2, p. 301-313.

14 Telles, Patricia D. O Cavaleiro Brito e o Conde da Barca. Dois diplomatas portugueses e a missão francesa de 1816 ao Brasil. Documenta, 2017.

15 Having occupied the position from January 1814 to November 1816. See: Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão. As singularidades da Independência do Brasil. Brasília: FUNAG, 2022, p. 238.

16 Dias, Elaine. “Correspondências entre Joachim Le Breton e a corte portuguesa na Europa. O nascimento da Missão Artística de 1816”. Anais do Museu Paulista, jul/dec 2006, vol. 14, no 2, p. 305.

17 Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. O Sol do Brasil. Nicolas-Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas franceses na corte de d. João. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2008, p. 188.

Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique

Hermano do Amaral Pinto Neto et Gabriela Gomes Coelho Ferreira, « Cultural diplomacy in the national construction of Brazil: the French artistic mission of 1816 »Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En ligne], Colloques, mis en ligne le 21 juin 2024, consulté le 20 juillet 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/96163 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/11vrm

Haut de page

Auteurs

Hermano do Amaral Pinto Neto

Center for the Study of International Negotiations of the University of São Paulo (Caeni-USP)

Gabriela Gomes Coelho Ferreira

Center for the Study of International Negotiations of the University of São Paulo (Caeni-USP)

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

CC-BY-NC-ND-4.0

Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.

Haut de page
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search