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O bicentenário da independência do Brasil. História e memória de uma nação no mundo global

Brazilian students in Coimbra: The Academic volunteer Battalion and the defense of liberalism in Portugal (1826–1828)

Estudantes brasileiros em Coimbra: o Batalhão dos voluntários Acadêmicos e a defesa do liberalismo em Portugal (1826-1828)
Estudiantes brasileños en Coimbra: el Batallón de voluntarios Académicos y la defensa del liberalismo en Portugal (1826-1828)
Les étudiants brésiliens à Coimbra : le Bataillon des volontaires Académiques et la défense du libéralisme au Portugal (1826-1828)
Kelly Eleutério Machado Oliveira

Résumés

Cet article discute de la participation des étudiants brésiliens enrôlés dans le Bataillon des volontaires Académiques de Coimbra (1826-1828). À partir de l'analyse des listes nominatives, des correspondances, des registres du Secrétariat de l'Intendance Générale de la Gendarmarie, des mémoires et d'autres documents déposés à l'Institut des Archives Nationales – Torre do Tombo, à la Bibliothèque Nationale du Portugal et aux Archives de l'Université de Coimbra, nous nous proposons d'examiner les liens qui ont uni Portugais et Brésiliens pour la défense de la Charte Constitutionnelle et de la légitimité de D. Pedro I (IV du Portugal) au trône portugais. Les lettres du maranhense Sátiro Mariano Leitão suggèrent que les étudiants brésiliens se sont enrôlés dans le Bataillon plus pour défendre le libéralisme que pour vraiment envisager des projets d'union entre les deux couronnes, même s'il y avait des intérêts dans cette direction. Il était donc nécessaire de défendre un monarque capable de garantir le régime constitutionnel et d'arrêter l'avancement de l'absolutisme – incarné, dans le cas portugais, par D. Miguel.

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Notes de l’auteur

This paper is the result of the research project, carried out at the University of Lisbon between April and September 2023, funded by FAPESP under the Bepe grant (2022/14571-9). The research integrates the main project that is being developed in Brazil (2020/04701-7).

Texte intégral

In defense of the Constitutional Charter and the legitimacy of D. Pedro and his descendants: The Academic volunteer Battalion of Coimbra

  • 2 Bonifácio, Maria de Fátima. D. Maria II. Lisboa: Círculo de leitores, 2011.
  • 3 Fernandes, Paulo Jorge e Almeida, Pedro Tavares. “A Carta Constitucional outorgada em 1826”. In: A (...)

1The death of Don João VI in March 1826 led Portugal to a political crisis that was far from being restricted to the realm. It had “global” consequences. The conflicts became even more evident with the granting of the Brazilian Constitution by Don Pedro I, with the necessary adjustments, to the Portuguese kingdom. The Holy Alliance was shaken; England, although liberal, had no interest, according to Maria de Fátima Bonifácio2, in promoting constitutionalism in Europe. Besides, it seems that it feared that Brazil’s involvement in the succession of the throne could ultimately lead to the loss of the Portuguese colonies in Africa, bringing them closer to the Brazilian Empire, which could strengthen the slave trade. In Portugal, the granting of the Charter reinforced the disputes that made the counter-revolution headed by Don Miguel gain strength and finally allowed him to establish in 1828 a regime of terror. In Brazil, the emperor's attitude sharpened the political crisis in which he was already involved. As Paulo Fernandes and Pedro de Almeida3 have pointed out, the rivalries in Portuguese politics gained a predictable international dimension.

  • 4 Araújo, Ana Cristina. “A legião de Minerva e o patriotismo acadêmico”. In: Araújo, Ana Cristina. R (...)

2The Academic volunteer Battalion of Coimbra was formed in late 1826 during the regency of Infanta D. Isabel Maria. It was not an unprecedented settlement; the academics had already formed a similar Corps in 1808 to fight against the French troops commanded by Junot. Led by José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, the battalion acted in the defense of territory, in the policing, and in the publication of the Minerva Lusitana newspaper (1808-1811). According to Ana Cristina Araújo, this political activism left deep marks in academia4 and, in addition to that, it bequeathed to the battalions that would be formed in the future a name: The Academic volunteer Battalion of Coimbra, an organization very similar to those of the military Corps, and above all, an orientation, which Ana Cristina Araújo called “academic patriotism”.

  • 5 Serrão, Joel. “Batalhões Acadêmicos”. In: Serrão, Joel (Dir.). Dicionário de História de Portugal. (...)

3The Academic Battalion was organized again a few times during the XIX and XX centuries. In 1826 and 1828, the students fought against Miguelite forces; in 1846 and 1847, the Academic Battalion got involved in the Patuleia, a conflict that opposed Chartists (supported by Queen D. Maria II) and Setembrists (defenders of more radical liberalism that dated back to Vintism); and finally, after the proclamation of the Republic (1910) and when the Monarchy was restored (1919) Academic Battalions were organized in Lisbon, Coimbra and Porto5.

  • 6 National Library of Portugal. Apologia dirigida à Nação portuguesa para plena justificação do corp (...)
  • 7 The participation of Brazilians in the battle against the Miguelite forces in Portugal has been ex (...)
  • 8 Valente, Vasco Pulido. “Os levantamentos ‘miguelistas’ contra a Carta Constitucional (1826-1827)”. (...)

4The Battalion of 1826 was organized into six companies, a band, and a General Staff and was composed of 411 students, the vast majority of whom were Portuguese6. The Corps had the participation of 42 Brazilians7 from the provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Bahia, Pernambuco, and Maranhão. The battalion's existence was short, only two months, but its performance was not, by far, solely symbolic. Carrying weapons, academics played a significant role in the fight against the Miguelite guerrillas, who were committed to the Constitutional Charter suppression and the defense of D. Miguel. These students contributed to the momentary victory of the liberal forces in the years 1826 and 18278.

5The uprisings against the Charter made it clear that the counter-revolution was fruitful and striding. When the Academic volunteer Battalion was called again, in May 1828, in the context of the liberal revolution whose epicenter took place in Porto, the scenario was different. It was no longer solely rumors that D. Miguel would be acclaimed absolute king. The coup was being concerted in an alliance between the “throne and the altar” without disregarding the adhesion of the popular sectors of society that were already quite significant by this time.

  • 9 Lousada, Maria Alexandre. “Entre tradição e modernidade: a cultura política contrarrevolucionária (...)

6D. Miguel played the last card in July 1828 establishing a persecutory regime in Portugal, supported by violence, sustained by the defense of the Catholic religion and tradition, the belief in the divine right of kings, aversion to anything foreign, and, therefore, an exacerbated nationalistic discourse. For Maria Alexandre Lousada, the way that Miguelism legitimized the use of violence by the population was undoubtedly one of the main marks of the counter-revolution9.

  • 10 National Library of Portugal. Relação de todos os indivíduos que compuseram o Batalhão de voluntár (...)
  • 11 The crime was orchestrated by members of the secret society called Divodignos. The delegation left (...)

7However, before the last political coup perpetrated by D. Miguel, the liberals summoned again the students of Coimbra, who promptly enlisted in the Academic Battalion. But unlike the 1826 enlistment (411 academics), the Corps formed in 1828 suffered a significant decrease (144 students, according to the list of individuals registered by the Miguelite forces10). Of these 144 students, 115 had belonged to the 1826 Battalion; six were Brazilians (in 1826, this number was 42), and nine had been convicted for the murder of the professors of the University of Coimbra11.

  • 12 This was also the case with other foreigners who became involved in the liberal movement and emigr (...)

8The repression carried out by the Miguelite forces can explain the decrease recorded, as a high number of the men had been arrested. Regarding academics listed as “Brazilian citizens”, it is known that some had graduated and possibly returned to Brazil. Others accompanied the Constitutional Army in the withdrawal from Porto12. Brazilians and Portuguese shared the difficult experience of forced emigration.

  • 13 Maia, Joaquim José da Silva. História da Revolução do Porto em maio de 1828. Dos emigrados portugu (...)
  • 14 In a printed application, dated 1829, written by the Academic volunteers of Coimbra, it is stated (...)
  • 15 National Archive of Torre do Tombo. Relação dos indivíduos pertencentes e adidos à Divisão Portugu (...)

9According to the memoirs of publicist Joaquim José da Silva Maia, written down by his son Emílio da Silva Maia, who was one of the academics in the volunteer Battalion of Coimbra, there were students among the 25 Brazilians who accompanied the Portuguese emigrants13, which does not mean that everyone was enlisted in the Academic Battalion14. However, among those who were, according to the lists we have, we were able to locate the names of Miguel Eugênio Monteiro de Barros (Minas Gerais), Joaquim Vieira da Cunha (Rio Grande do Sul), and Estevão de Assis and Sousa, José Rodrigues Prego e Sátiro Mariano Leitão (all from Maranhão)15.

  • 16 Cardoso, Antônio Manuel Monteiro. A revolução liberal em Trás-os-Montes (1820-1834). Povo e elite. (...)

10Beyond the Academic volunteer Battalion of Coimbra, it is important to mention that the revolutionaries of Porto managed to gather, according to Antônio Cardoso16, 28 volunteer Battalions of D. Pedro IV and D. Maria II in several comarcas; therefore, it’s possible to conclude, the battalions of volunteers were undoubtedly important allies of the Constitutional Army. The use of this force was not, however, a prerogative only of the liberals. D. Miguel would also create in May 1828, precisely to face the revolution of Porto, the Royalist volunteer Battalions.

  • 17 Although being distinct in one point: vagrants, day laborers, and servants – different from the re (...)

11The Royalist Battalions were to be extinguished with the end of the liberal movement but were after all organized, by the Decree of September 26, 1828, as a permanent force. Inspired by the Spanish example17, especially in the Royalist Battalions created by Fernando VII, and possibly in the liberal volunteer Corps themselves, this force served as a Miguelite “police” acting at the local level. Defending the throne and the altar, the Royalist volunteer Battalions certainly contributed to reinforcing the violent nature of the terror regime instituted by D. Miguel.

12As it can be seen, in the war between liberalism and counter-revolution, the Corps of volunteers were indispensable for both sides, whether liberal or royalist. In short, the failure of the 1828 revolution consolidated the usurpation of the throne by D. Miguel, and condemned the Constitutional Army and volunteers, including the Academic volunteers of Coimbra, to the forced displacement to Spain, England, France, Belgium, Terceira Island, and Brazil. In Plymouth, England, the students published letters, proclamations, satires, etc., exposing the ills of the crossing and the precarious conditions to which they were being subjected. They had exchanged books for weapons in the obstinate defense of liberalism and were forced to follow the path of Portuguese exile.

Sátiro Mariano Leitão and the defense of liberalism in Portugal

13The letters published by the Maranhense (person from Maranhão) Sátiro Mariano Leitão, in Plymouth, in November and December 1828, besides narrating in detail the painful path of the Portuguese emigrants from the city of Porto to England, and recording the misery to which the academics of Coimbra were subjected, they also offer some clues that allow us to reflect on the reasons that led him to enlist as a soldier in the Academic volunteer Battalion of Coimbra in 1826 and later in 1828.

14Sátiro Mariano Leitão enrolled at the University of Coimbra in the early 1820s, in Mathematics in 1821 and Philosophy in 1822. Therefore, from his arrival until his involvement in the dispute over the succession of the throne in Portugal, a few years passed. If, in the second half of the 1820s, there were already discussions of Brazilians and Portuguese with clear political content, as contrasting identities, the feeling of belonging could have nuances, after all, the Maranhão that the student had left was part of the Portuguese Monarchy and he was a Portuguese from America himself. Therefore, the issue cannot be reduced to Brazilian versus Portuguese opposition.

15What made him address himself as Brazilian? Being born in Brazil? The questioning does not cover the complexity of the discussion for at least two reasons. First, the Constitution of 1824 extended the definitions by stating that “were Brazilian citizens, among others, those who had been born in Portugal or its colonies, if they were residents in Brazil, and, above all, as long as they adhered to the independence cause” (title 2, article 6). One thing was clear: the relationship between “being Brazilian” and being a citizen. And, secondly, from Coimbra, Sátiro witnessed the disintegration of the Luso-Brazilian empire, possibly, not unaware of the wars for independence in Brazil and the beginning of the process of building the national state.

  • 18 Monteiro, Nuno Gonçalo. “Brasileiros e portugueses, 1822. Trajetórias individuais e produção de di (...)
  • 19 Gonçalves, Andréa Lisly. “ ‘Cidadãos teóricos de uma nação imprecisa’: a ação política de estrange (...)

16Sátiro Mariano Leitão experienced those years of rapid changes that were building a sense of dissimilarity between Brazilians and Portuguese. Despite this, early solidarities or primary bonds were not changing at the same speed as politics. As Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro said, nationality could not determine political-ideological adhesions18, which does not mean there was no sense of belonging. On the other hand, the roots in Portuguese society itself, as suggested by Andréa Lisly Gonçalves19, could make the foreign origin non-important.

  • 20 National Library of Portugal. Carta d’um voluntário acadêmico. Plymouth, November, 2nd, 1828, p. 1

17Sátiro Mariano Leitão arrived at Plymouth on September 11th, 1828, in “a falua that carried 90 Portuguese on board”20. In a letter to a friend whose name we did not identify, he narrated the misfortunes of his journey from Falmouth, his expectations, and, finally, his frustration when disembarking in Plymouth and coming across the “filthy and humid” Depot that would serve as his home. It was not a confidential letter, on the contrary, it was a kind of protest letter aimed at the administration of The Emigration Depot. The student narrated, then, the inequality in the subside distribution, the conditions to which the academics of Coimbra were submitted, and, finally, the persecution he was a victim of when the Depot administrators knew his letter would be published.

  • 21 National Library of Portugal. Duas palavras acerca da carta de José Fidelis da Boa Morte. Plymouth (...)
  • 22 National Library of Portugal. Carta de um ex-voluntário acadêmico. Plymouth: Imprensa de Law, Saun (...)

18The letter (also the reply and rejoinder it evoked) from the Maranhense reveals to us, however, much more than the daily life of the émigrés in Plymouth and the conflicts with the Depot administration. In addition to offering clues about the reasons that led them to enlist in the Academic Battalion, it also indicates their distinct sense of belonging: Maranhense, Brazilian, and Luso-liberal. Although he perceived the Brazilian as different from the Portuguese, “remember, Mr. Fidélis, that I am Brazilian and had no interest in you being free or slave”,21 the cause was not limited to a homeland, which he left “buried in the horrors of the civil war”. What united them was the defense of liberalism, after all, as he recorded “I am a Luso-liberal, I am not a perjurer”.22

  • 23 Cassino, Carmine. “À procura da nação. A comunidade italiana em Lisboa e o exílio político na altu (...)
  • 24 Gonçalves, Andréa Lisly. “ ‘Cidadãos teóricos de uma nação imprecisa’: a ação política de estrange (...)
  • 25 Bracato, Braz A. Aquino. “Exilados Espanhóis em Busca de um Rei Constitucional”. Separata da Revis (...)

19Many historians, such as Carmine Cassino23, have been indicating the existence of a “liberal international” in Europe or, in the words of Andréa Lisly Gonçalves, an “anti-Miguelite international”24 that gathered adherents in Spain, Brazil, Hispanic America, France, England, Italy, etc. In general, they defended a monarch who could guarantee a constitutional regime by stopping the advance of absolutism. It is on this basis that Portuguese and Spanish liberals in exile, for example, came to consider a possible Iberian Union under the government of D. Pedro, soon after he had granted the Charter to Portugal25.

  • 26 National Library of Portugal. Duas palavras acerca da carta de José Fidelis da Boa Morte. Plymouth: (...)

20Sátiro Mariano Leitão concluded his letter in a peremptory tone: “(...) We are going to Brazil (...) bring the orders of the day from Cândido, and I will also take them there to check them and discuss them in sight of my emperor and his king26. Despite the reference to “my emperor and his king”, which, moreover, indicates a common cause, one of defense of D. Pedro under the sign of liberalism, the letters of Sátiro Mariano Leitão do not allow us to affirm that there was a clear project for the reunification of the Brazilian and Portuguese crowns, or even of a great empire that would extend to Spain, even though he was possibly not unaware of them. The Maranhense did not return to Brazil; victim of the counter-revolutionary forces of D. Miguel and forced to emigrate, he died in Plymouth.

  • 27 Carvalho, José Murilo (Org.). A construção da ordem/Teatro de sombras. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização (...)
  • 28 Andrade, Maria Ivone de Ornellas de. O Miguelismo na Universidade. Anais do Congresso História da (...)

21Not all of them had the same fate as Sátiro Mariano Leitão and, therefore, were able to carry out their intention: they returned to Brazil composing, soon, the cadres of the political elite described by José Murilo de Carvalho27. Many others had their names crossed out from the University and, for this reason, graduated in other countries. This purging, executed by the academic police in the service of D. Miguel, was called by Ivone Ornellas de Andrade a “university counter-revolution”.28

  • 29 Cascão, Rui. “A revolta de maio de 1828 na Comarca de Coimbra. Contribuição para uma sociologia da (...)

22According to Rui Cascão, the government of D. Miguel ordered the removal of 425 individuals from the University (students, alumni, and a few professors) involved with the liberal movement. Of these, 365 were enrolled in the 1827/28 school year. This influenced the number of students enrolled in 1829/1830: only 706, compared to 1335 in the previous biennium29. The data reveals the impact of D. Miguel’s politics on the University of Coimbra, an institution that had once been the educational center that received thousands of students, including those from Brazil, who were members of an elite that, precisely because they shared this literate knowledge, would consolidate the basis of prestige on which their political careers would be built in the future.

Final considerations

  • 30 LIMA, Manuel de Oliveira. D. Miguel no Trono (1828-1833). Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1933, (...)

23The reign of D. Miguel was officially recognized by Spain, the Holy See, and the United States. The first alliance would have been based on family relations (the blood ties between the brothers Carlota Joaquina and Fernando VII would have held weight) and politics. Indifferent to the question of legitimacy, since they had the recognition of de facto governments on principle, the United States feared that England, eventually seeing its influence over Portugal faded, would take over Madeira and the Azores. According to the Brazilian diplomat and historian Oliveira Lima, navigation was so important to the USA that of the 505 merchant ships that in 1827 anchored in Rio de Janeiro, 266 were English and 151 American. For Oliveira Lima, therefore, with the recognition of the government of D. Miguel “the United States naturally favored from a general point of view a complete separation of European and American interests, in this particular case of Brazil and Portugal”30.

24Despite the support of the Holy See, the United States, and Spain, according to Daniel Protásio, of the 14 legations with which Portugal had diplomatic relations in February 1828 (still during the validity of the Charter), none lasted after May 6 of that year (shortly after the convocation of the Three States by D. Miguel). The England of Wellington and the Austria of Metternich came very close to recognizing it, but in the end, they did not do so. Unofficial diplomatic representatives were retained in some European capitals, such as London, Paris, Berlin, St. Petersburg, Naples, Turin, etc. Consular and commercial relations were preserved with several states, including Brazil, Great Britain, Morocco, and Piedmont.

  • 31 Protásio, Daniel Estudante. “A diplomacia de D. Miguel e a polêmica dos bloqueios navais (1828-183 (...)

25Daniel Protásio, supported by extensive documentary research at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Fund, stated that there was no suggestion or mention of a formal political-diplomatic relationship between King D. Miguel and the Russian tsar, the Sultan of Morocco, the Court of Naples, and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont. Concluding that receiving a chargé d'affaires was not equivalent to diplomatic recognition31.

26The considerations of Daniel Protasio are very important because they indicate that, although several countries maintained commercial relations with Portugal during the reign of D. Miguel, in formal terms, the regime was much more criticized than accepted. Overall, its legitimacy was sustained more internally than externally. However, it would also be questioned internally. This is what the fights held by the liberals in Portugal have shown us, whether being Portuguese or foreigners.

27The study of the Academic volunteer Battalions of Coimbra in general, and also, more particularly the participation of the Brazilian students who enlisted in them, certainly contributes to the discussion about the long and violent process of construction of the Nation-State in Brazil, it reinforces the research that reveals the persistence of connections between Brazil and Portugal and suggests that independence was not yet consolidated in the second half of the 1820s. At the same time, based on the support of the analytical proposal of global history, the research allows us to integrate Brazil into the broader frameworks of the modern world system.

  • 32 Kuntz Ficker, Sandra. “Mundial, trasnacional, global: un ejercicio de clarificación conceptual de l (...)
  • 33 Marquese, Rafael. “A história global da escravidão atlântica: balanço e perspectivas”. Esboços, Fl (...)

28Although there is no precise definition of what “global history” actually is32, one of its constitutive elements is, as the historian Rafael Marquese has defined, the search for “historical nexuses on a comprehensive scale”.33 The point, therefore, is not only to strengthen the ties between Brazil and Portugal but to understand the Brazilians' participation in the defense of liberalism in Portugal.

  • 34 Gruzinski, Serge. “Os mundos misturados da monarquia católica e outras connected histories”. Topoi (...)

29The circulation of students through various geographical spaces, which Serge Gruzinski called the “nomadism of the men from the Empire”,34 imposes on us an approach to the processes on a transnational scale. The movement of academics indicated, beyond the existence of a “liberal international”, the coexistence of “multiple” belongings. The case of Sátiro Mariano Leitão is a good example: Maranhense, Brazilian and Luso-liberal.

  • 35 Marquese, Rafael de Bivar e Parron, Tâmis Peixoto. “Internacional escravista: a política da Segund (...)

30In the context of the construction of nation-states, states that, as Rafael Marquese and Tâmis Parron have rightly written, are being formed in the “unified theater of the modern world-system, simultaneously local and global”35, we cannot prescind from the most totalizing analyses. The research on Brazilian students in Coimbra who engaged in the fight against the reactionary forces of D. Miguel indicates the complex relationship between the two countries by pointing to a common battle and, also, an unavoidable issue based on “being Brazilian” and “being Portuguese”. The theoretical-methodological contributions of global history can support, finally, the understanding of movements, flows, and connections. Despite what might initially be assumed, the study of Brazilian academics, from this perspective, breaks with methodological nationalism and integrates Brazil into the broader framework of resistance to the counter-revolution in Europe.

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53Rújula, Pedro. Contrarrevolución, Realismo y Carlismo en Aragón y el Maestrazgo, 1820-1840. Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias, 1998.

54Serrão, Joel. “Batalhões Acadêmicos”. In: Serrão, Joel (Dir.). Dicionário de História de Portugal. vol.1. Lisbon: Oficinas Gráficas de Ramos, Afonso e Moita, 1963.

55Silva, Luiz Gustavo Martins da. “´União e olho bem vivo´ – Luta política na imprensa brasileira: o jornal Astréa e o exilado Silva Maia (1821-1830)”. Revista Historiar, v. 14, no 27, p. 76-99, 2022. Available at: historiar.uvanet.br/index.php/1/article/view/442 Accessed October 2023.

56Protásio, Daniel Estudante. “A diplomacia de D. Miguel e a polêmica dos bloqueios navais (1828-1834)”. Memórias. Academia da Marinha: Lisboa, p. 353-365, 2019. Available at https://repositorio.ul.pt/​handle/​10451/​43212 Accessed August 2023.

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Notes

2 Bonifácio, Maria de Fátima. D. Maria II. Lisboa: Círculo de leitores, 2011.

3 Fernandes, Paulo Jorge e Almeida, Pedro Tavares. “A Carta Constitucional outorgada em 1826”. In: Almeida, Pedro Tavares (Org.). O parlamento português. Antigo regime e monarquia constitucional. vol. 1. Lisbon: Assembleia da República, 2023, p. 72-85.

4 Araújo, Ana Cristina. “A legião de Minerva e o patriotismo acadêmico”. In: Araújo, Ana Cristina. Resistência patriótica e Revolução Liberal (1808-1820). Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 2022.

5 Serrão, Joel. “Batalhões Acadêmicos”. In: Serrão, Joel (Dir.). Dicionário de História de Portugal. vol. 1. Lisbon: Oficinas Gráficas de Ramos, Afonso e Moita, 1963, p. 316.

6 National Library of Portugal. Apologia dirigida à Nação portuguesa para plena justificação do corpo de voluntários acadêmicos do ano de 1826 contra as falsas e caluniosas imputações forjadas ao mesmo corpo pelos inimigos do senhor D. Pedro IV e a Carta Constitucional. Coimbra: Imprensa de Trovão e Companhia, 1827. See also: Correia, Lívio. “Relação de todos os indivíduos que compuseram o Batalhão de voluntários Acadêmicos, organizado e armado em Coimbra no ano letivo de 1826 para 1827”. Separata. Revista DisLivro Histórica, v. 1, p. 315-361, 2008.

7 The participation of Brazilians in the battle against the Miguelite forces in Portugal has been exhaustively researched by Professor Andréa Lisly Gonçalves. Among the author's many texts see: Gonçalves, Andréa Lisly. “A luta de brasileiros contra o miguelismo em Portugal (1828-1834): o caso do homem preto Luciano Augusto”. Revista Brasileira de História. São Paulo, v. 33, no 65, p. 211-234, 2013. Available at https://www.scielo.br/j/rbh/a/KV4TBCwtPG9hRyCcyzQSZbp/?format=pdf&lang=pt. Accessed January 2024. It is important to mention that the Brazilians identified by Andréa Lisly Gonçalves, except for the military officer Jerônimo Pereira de Vasconcelos and Antônio José de Miranda, were described as "ordinary people", a designation used to refer to a group of individuals who did not belong to the elite. The students we are referring to in this research were members of a politically and economically influential elite. The costs of maintaining a student at the University of Coimbra were not low, although some could count on pensions, as was the case of Estevão Xavier da Cunha, from Pernambuco. Thus, Brazilians did not form a socially cohesive group.

8 Valente, Vasco Pulido. “Os levantamentos ‘miguelistas’ contra a Carta Constitucional (1826-1827)”. Análise Social, vol. 30, p. 631-651, 1995. Available at https://www.jstor.org/stable/41011111 Accessed November 2023.

9 Lousada, Maria Alexandre. “Entre tradição e modernidade: a cultura política contrarrevolucionária em Portugal, 1820-1834”. In: Miriam Halpern Pereira (Et al.) A Revolução de 1820. Leituras e Impactos. Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2022, p. 195-214.

10 National Library of Portugal. Relação de todos os indivíduos que compuseram o Batalhão de voluntários Acadêmicos, organizado e armado no ano letivo de 1826 para 1827. Publicada por um dos próprios alistados, em Coimbra, na Imprensa de Trovão e Companhia, 1827. E agora fielmente reimpressa e acrescentada com algumas notas corretivas e ilustrativas. Coimbra: Real Imprensa da Universidade, 1828. In addition to this list, see also: National Library of Portugal. Relação das pessoas que notória e indubitavelmente tomaram parte na nefanda rebelião que teve princípio na cidade do Porto em 16 de maio de 1828. Lisbon: Typografia de Bulhões, 1828.

11 The crime was orchestrated by members of the secret society called Divodignos. The delegation left Coimbra with the aim of paying tribute and support to D. Miguel. All the students were sentenced to death by hanging. On the murder of the professors see: Torgal, Luís Reis. Essa palavra liberdade…Revolução Liberal e Contrarrevolução Absolutista (1820-1834). Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 2021.

12 This was also the case with other foreigners who became involved in the liberal movement and emigrated with the Portuguese. Regarding the political engagement of these foreigners, Pedro Dias made some important considerations. Although the nature of the source requires us to be cautious in interpreting and pondering the generalizations made by the author, it is curious to observe how he described the "view" that existed of foreigners in the city of Porto. For him, "Brazilians were all liberals"; the French, "Freemasons and exalted liberals"; the Spaniards, those who were already emigrants, were considered loyal anti-Miguelites and, finally, the "British men", who would have been involved in the Porto Revolution not for "liberal education", but for commercial interests. The "sole motive which led them to take an interest in the cause of the Queen," D. Maria II, was the intention to end the privileges of the Companhia dos Vinhos, "that powerful Pombaline institution”. Dias, Pedro. Subsídios para a História Política do Porto (1823-1828). Porto: Typographia Central, 1896, p. 100.

13 Maia, Joaquim José da Silva. História da Revolução do Porto em maio de 1828. Dos emigrados portugueses pela Espanha, Inglaterra, França e Bélgica. Rio de Janeiro: Typografia Universal de Laemmmert, 1841. Regarding José Joaquim da Silva's trajectory, see: Silva, Luiz Gustavo Martins da. “´União e olho bem vivo´ – Luta política na imprensa brasileira: o jornal Astréa e o exilado Silva Maia (1821-1830)”. Revista Historiar, v. 14, no 27, p. 76–99, 2022. Available at: historiar.uvanet.br/index.php/1/article/view/442 Accessed October 2023.

14 In a printed application, dated 1829, written by the Academic volunteers of Coimbra, it is stated that there were 97 students in Plymouth without making a distinction between Brazilians and Portuguese. See: Requerimento feito pelos voluntários Acadêmicos de Coimbra existentes em Plymouth. Plymouth, 1829. Available at: https://catalogobib.parlamento.pt:82/images/winlibimg.aspx?skey=&adoc=68385&img=503 Accessed April 2024.

15 National Archive of Torre do Tombo. Relação dos indivíduos pertencentes e adidos à Divisão Portuguesa e que com ela emigraram até este porto de Ferrol, de onde embarcaram para a Inglaterra na embarcação Aurora. Ferrol, 24 de agosto de 1828. Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros. Cx. 161.33/34. All the documentation cited in this text, referring to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was located by the historian Andréa Lisly Gonçalves to whom I thank the indication of the Documentary Fund.

16 Cardoso, Antônio Manuel Monteiro. A revolução liberal em Trás-os-Montes (1820-1834). Povo e elite. Porto: Afrontamento, 2007.

17 Although being distinct in one point: vagrants, day laborers, and servants – different from the regulation of the Royalist volunteer Corps in Spain, approved in 1824 – could be admitted as soldiers, which reinforced the Miguelite discourse of respect for the poor and, possibly, further broadened the popular base of support for the regime. On the Royalist volunteer Battalions in Spain, which would have even constituted a parallel army, see: Rújula, Pedro. Contrarrevolución, Realismo y Carlismo en Aragón y el Maestrazgo, 1820-1840. Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias, 1998.

18 Monteiro, Nuno Gonçalo. “Brasileiros e portugueses, 1822. Trajetórias individuais e produção de diferenças”. In: Stumpf, Roberta e Monteiro, Nuno G (orgs.). 1822: das Américas portuguesas ao Brasil. Lisbon: Casa das Letras, 2022, p. 257-294.

19 Gonçalves, Andréa Lisly. “ ‘Cidadãos teóricos de uma nação imprecisa’: a ação política de estrangeiros no reinado de d. Miguel, 1828-1834”. Revista Tempo. vol. 21, no 38, p. 171-191, 2015. Available at https://www.scielo.br/j/tem/a/LXDqJJWWh7Kxfy3t7q5pp3s/abstract/?lang=pt Accessed September 2023.

20 National Library of Portugal. Carta d’um voluntário acadêmico. Plymouth, November, 2nd, 1828, p. 1.

21 National Library of Portugal. Duas palavras acerca da carta de José Fidelis da Boa Morte. Plymouth: Imprensa de Lay, January, 1st, 1829, p. 9 e 10.

22 National Library of Portugal. Carta de um ex-voluntário acadêmico. Plymouth: Imprensa de Law, Saunders e Heydon, November, 2nd, 1828, p. 1v.

23 Cassino, Carmine. “À procura da nação. A comunidade italiana em Lisboa e o exílio político na altura do vintismo”. In: Miriam Halpern Pereira (Et al.). A Revolução de 1820. Leituras e Impactos. Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2022, p. 527-543.

24 Gonçalves, Andréa Lisly. “ ‘Cidadãos teóricos de uma nação imprecisa’: a ação política de estrangeiros no reinado de d. Miguel, 1828-1834”. Revista Tempo. vol. 21, no 38, p. 171-191, 2015. Available at https://www.scielo.br/j/tem/a/LXDqJJWWh7Kxfy3t7q5pp3s/abstract/?lang=pt Accessed September 2023.

25 Bracato, Braz A. Aquino. “Exilados Espanhóis em Busca de um Rei Constitucional”. Separata da Revista Estudos Ibero-Americanos, vol. 11, no 1, p. 77-108, 1985. Available at https://revistaseletronicas.pucrs.br/ojs/index.php/iberoamericana/article/view/36170/0 Accessed April 2024.

26 National Library of Portugal. Duas palavras acerca da carta de José Fidelis da Boa Morte. Plymouth: Imprensa de Lay, January, 1st, 1829, p. 9 e 10.

27 Carvalho, José Murilo (Org.). A construção da ordem/Teatro de sombras. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização brasileira, 2008.

28 Andrade, Maria Ivone de Ornellas de. O Miguelismo na Universidade. Anais do Congresso História da Universidade. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1991, p. 281-293.

29 Cascão, Rui. “A revolta de maio de 1828 na Comarca de Coimbra. Contribuição para uma sociologia da Revolução Liberal”. Revista de História das Ideias, no 7, p. 111-153, 1985. Available at https://www.academia.edu/69535565/A_revolta_de_Maio_de_1828_na_comarca_de_Coimbra_contribui%C3%A7%C3%A3o_para_uma_sociologia_da_revolu%C3%A7%C3%A3o_liberal Accessed May 2023.

30 LIMA, Manuel de Oliveira. D. Miguel no Trono (1828-1833). Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1933, p. 24.

31 Protásio, Daniel Estudante. “A diplomacia de D. Miguel e a polêmica dos bloqueios navais (1828-1834)”. Memórias. Academia da Marinha: Lisboa, p. 353-365, 2019. Available at https://repositorio.ul.pt/handle/10451/43212 Accessed August 2023

32 Kuntz Ficker, Sandra. “Mundial, trasnacional, global: un ejercicio de clarificación conceptual de los estudios globales”. Nuevo Mundo. Mundos Nuevos, p. 1-16, 2014. Available at https://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/66524 Accessed April 2024.

33 Marquese, Rafael. “A história global da escravidão atlântica: balanço e perspectivas”. Esboços, Florianópolis, v. 26, no 41, jan./abr., p. 14-41, 2019. Available at https://periodicos.ufsc.br/index.php/esbocos/article/view/2175-7976.2019v26n41p14 Accessed July 2023.

34 Gruzinski, Serge. “Os mundos misturados da monarquia católica e outras connected histories”. Topoi, Rio de Janeiro, mar. 2001, p. 175-195, 2001. Available at https://www.scielo.br/j/topoi/a/SyxTynYw6ZqQ6cQXYvyYYBj/?lang=pt Accessed May 2024.

35 Marquese, Rafael de Bivar e Parron, Tâmis Peixoto. “Internacional escravista: a política da Segunda Escravidão”. Topoi, v. 12, no 23, jul.-dez. 2011, p. 111. Available at https://www.scielo.br/j/topoi/a/WrGBYmrDBXfPS3S4HTr558L/ Accessed November 2023.

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Kelly Eleutério Machado Oliveira, « Brazilian students in Coimbra: The Academic volunteer Battalion and the defense of liberalism in Portugal (1826–1828) »Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos [En ligne], Colloques, mis en ligne le 21 juin 2024, consulté le 20 juillet 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/nuevomundo/96200 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/11vrn

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Kelly Eleutério Machado Oliveira

Postdoctoral Researcher in History at the University of São Paulo (USP) /scholarship Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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