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Education for citizenship, diversity and “Britishness” 1997-2007

Hugh Starkey
p. 95-108


Alongside sweeping constitutional reforms the first New Labour government introduced compulsory education for citizenship. The preparatory Crick Report (1998) proposed a model that would explore rather than define national identity. Following the 1999 Macpherson Report, that identified institutional racism in public services, citizenship education was intended to ensure the curriculum reflects a diverse British society. However there has been little pressure from inspectors for schools to implement this. Post 9/11 and 7/7 the government’s security agenda expects citizenship education to promote ‘community cohesion’. Gordon Brown articulated concerns to create common understandings of ‘Britishness’ which led to a curriculum review Diversity and Citizenship (2007) proposing a new theme ‘Identity and Diversity : Living Together in the UK’ to be included from 2008. Whilst this is uncontroversial, there are still political struggles around how it may be conceived and implemented.

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Citizenship education and constitutional reform

  • 1  Hennessy, P., 1995.

1Creative ambiguity is a diplomatic term that frequently characterises a British approach to achieving a political consensus. The British system of governance seems to operate without the need to define its core principles. The unwritten British constitution relies on a system of ‘hidden wiring’ leaving much space for interpretation and also for implicit understandings.1 The assertion of tradition and precedent are powerfully authoritative arguments in many British contexts. There is no official source of definitions of citizenship (other than entitlement to nationality) or ‘Britishness’. However the programme of constitutional reform started in 1997 has led to a concern to make understandings of citizenship and national identity more explicit.

2A new programme of citizenship education for England was introduced during a period when the New Labour government, elected in May 1997, was engaging in intensive constitutional reform. Legislation included the introduction of the Human Rights Act 1998, incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) into UK law and the establishment of a Scottish Parliament and a Welsh Assembly. The settlement in Northern Ireland also provided for devolved government. Further devolution to regional level was prefigured in the creation of an assembly and elected mayor for London. Other levels of local government may now choose a directly elected mayor. The upper chamber of parliament was significantly reformed. Following the House of Lords Act of 1999, most hereditary peers are no longer entitled to participate in legislation.

3The Human Rights Act may be considered to be a constitutional document in the sense that the judiciary and the administration are required to refer to it when making judgements and decisions. Failure to guarantee the basic legal and political rights promoted and protected in the ECHR can be challenged in the courts of the UK.

4These constitutional developments, perhaps particularly those associated with devolution, encouraged public debate about the meanings of nationality, national identity and citizenship and the extent to which individuals and groups from both majority and minority communities feel a sense of belonging to the United Kingdom and/or its constituent countries of England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. Citizenship education, like the constitutional reforms, was introduced partly in order to counteract a feeling of disinterest in formal political processes, as expressed by record levels of voter abstentions. Its aim is to bolster support for democracy by rendering the system more transparent and explicit.

  • 2  Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, 1998, p. 8.
  • 3  Ibid.

5The programme of citizenship education for England was developed by an Advisory Group on Citizenship, chaired by Bernard Crick. The Group’s report, commonly known as the Crick report, claims that : “There are worrying levels of apathy, ignorance and cynicism about public life”.2 The apparent apathy of the young is seen as a threat to democracy itself, with the report quoting the Lord Chancellor as saying : “Unless we become a nation of engaged citizens, our democracy is not secure”.3

  • 4  Best, F., 1991.

6The concern to encourage ‘a nation of engaged citizens’ raises issues of national identity. Citizens are more likely to engage with the nation if they identify with it and feel a sense of belonging. A national programme of citizenship education might be expected to have as an aim the intention to demonstrate that all, irrespective of religious, political or cultural affiliation have their place in the nation. In France this is achieved through the concept of a theoretical Republican citizenship firmly grounded in the universal principles defined in human rights instruments that underpin liberal democracy (Best, 1991).4 Since all are entitled to equal human rights, all are equal as citizens.

7However, a colour and gender-blind approach to citizenship does not necessarily lead to equality in practice. As the official Equalities Review noted :

  • 5  Phillips, T., 2007, p. 5.

it may take some decades to achieve parity in employment or education for some groups; over 75 years in the case of women’s political representation and equal pay, half a century in the case of educational attainment of some ethnic minority children.5

  • 6  Banks, J.A., (ed.) 2004, p. 5.

8The difference between rhetoric and reality can lead to disillusionment and a feeling of exclusion rather than inclusion in the nation. As a leading specialist on multicultural education in the USA has noted : “a citizen’s racial, cultural, language and religious characteristics often significantly influence whether she is viewed as a citizen within her society”.6

  • 7  Parekh, B., 2000.
  • 8  Ibid., p. 149.
  • 9  Richardson, R., 2000.

9This issue was directly addressed with the publication of The Future of Multiethnic Britain (the Parekh report).7 This early contribution to debates on Britishness also made recommendations about citizenship education, namely that in the interests of building a ‘community of communities’ the programme of study should include specifically “human rights principles ; stress on skills of deliberation, advocacy and campaigning ; understanding of equality legislation ; and opposition to racist beliefs and behaviour”.8However, the influence of the Crick report on the implementation of citizenship education in schools was so strong that the Parekh report had no discernable impact on the curriculum. This is likely to be attributable in part to very hostile press coverage of the Parekh report.9

  • 10  Osler, A., 2000a.
  • 11  Olssen, M., 2004.
  • 12  Osler A., & Starkey H., 2005.

10Attempts by academics to raise the issue of diversity and human rights in relation to citizenship received scant attention at the time when citizenship education was introduced to schools. A government-funded seminar series put diversity, identity and equality onto the agenda but it was left to individual university training courses for citizenship teachers to determine the extent to which these dimensions were emphasised.10 Subsequent calls for ‘the re-visioning of citizenship education’ to incorporate the insights of the Parekh report11 and for ‘changing citizenship’ so as to reformulate it as ‘democracy and inclusion in education’12 provided an academic rationale for reviewing the programme of study for citizenship. By late 2006 this coincided with a government agenda on security that paved the way for a review of citizenship education intended to address the missing dimensions of unity and diversity within the national democracy.

The Crick report and national identity

  • 13  Department for education and Employment & Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, 1999.

11The programme of study for citizenship education in England consists of a brief formal list of skills, knowledge and understanding to be achieved and attainment targets to be met.13 The Crick report made references to the changing constitutional context in which citizenship education was introduced, arguing that by the end of compulsory schooling at age 16 pupils should :

  • 14  QCA, op. cit., 1998, p. 51.

know about the changing constitution of the UK, including the relationship between the two Houses of Parliament, the changing role of the monarchy, shifting relationships between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and Britain’s relationship with the European Union and the Commonwealth.14

12British citizenship is presented as inclusive of national differences between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The general intention is clearly to be inclusive :

  • 15 Ibid., p. 17.

[A] main aim for the whole community should be to find or restore a sense of common citizenship, including a national identity that is secure enough to find a place in the plurality of nations, cultures, ethnic identities and religions long found in the United Kingdom. Citizenship education creates a common ground between different ethnic and religious identities.15

13However, the makeup of the Advisory Group meant that no one challenged a now notorious sentence that implied that minorities cannot necessarily be relied upon to conform to the laws, standards, customs and conventions of British society:

  • 16  Ibid., p. 18.

Minorities must learn and respect the laws, codes and conventions as much as the majority - not merely because it is useful to do so, but because this process helps foster common citizenship.16

14The Crick report implied that visible minorities need to change in order to become part of the nation. No similar demand is placed on the majority white community, who are simply required to ‘tolerate’ minorities. There is no recognition that minorities also exercise tolerance as part of the everyday experience of living together in a multicultural society.

15There is an implicit recognition of the multiple identities held by British citizens. Yet there is also the hint that ‘national identity’ and ‘common citizenship’ may, in fact, be fragile. The report’s language suggests that some British citizens, presumably those who are not white, cannot really call Britain home :

  • 17  Ibid.

these matters of national identity in a pluralist society are complex and should never be taken for granted. We all need to learn more about each other. This should entail learning not only about the United Kingdom - including all four of its component parts - but also about the European, Commonwealth and the global dimensions of citizenship, with due regard being given to the homelands of our minority communities and to the main countries of British emigration.17

  • 18  Osler,A., 2000b.

16Ironically the report itself reflects rather than challenges institutionalized racism in Britain.18

  • 19  Osler, A., & Starkey H., 2001 & 2004.

17The Crick report contains few references to documents or symbols that might reinforce a national identity. In fact the only documents cited are the international human rights texts. The institutions referred to in the programs of study include parliament, the criminal and civil justice systems, the European Union, the Commonwealth and the United Nations. The Crick report also included “the changing role of the monarchy” but along with other national institutions which retain a powerful role in British society, such as the Established Church and the armed forces, the monarchy is omitted from the programmes of study. There is no reference to national symbols such as the national flag or the national anthem. In this sense, neither the Crick report nor the programmes of study are prescriptive of a national identity.19

  • 20  Pykett, J., 2007, p. 311.
  • 21  Kiwan, D., 2007, p. 36.
  • 22  Ibid.
  • 23 Ibid., p. 35.
  • 24  Pykett, op. cit., p. 307.

18Recent research reveals that some members of the Advisory Group felt multiculturalism was ‘overdone’ in schools.20 The composition of the Group was defined by one member as those ‘likely to contribute to a sensible discussion’.21 This implicit consensus about the limits of debate was a serious weakness of the Group as Bernard Crick acknowledged.22 Many members of the Group were reluctant to engage with issues of equalities, feeling that ‘the issue of diversity was not something of relevance to them’.23 To address diversity would have taken the Group beyond its comfort zone and into the political arena. The prominent discourse of members of the Group has been summarised as : ‘there was absolutely nothing political about Citizenship Education’.24

Diversity and security as a challenge to citizenship education

  • 25  Macpherson, W., 1999.
  • 26  Home Office, 1999.
  • 27  Osler, A., & Morrison, M., 2000.

19The first challenges to the initial programme of citizenship education as developed in the Crick report came even before the implementation in the 2002/3 school year of citizenship education as a statutory subject in secondary schools. The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry report highlighted the institutional racism pervading the police force and other aspects of British life, including the education service.25 The report identified the key role that schools can play in challenging racism. The Government responded by acknowledging institutional racism and identifying citizenship education as the key curriculum area which would contribute to challenging and eliminating racism.26 The recommendation was accepted in principle by the education ministry (DfEE), but initially stubbornly opposed by the inspection service OFSTED. It was this refusal that caused the resignation of the chief inspector of schools, following his appearance before the Education and Employment select committee.27

20In introducing citizenship education it was certainly the intention of some in government that it should promote cultural diversity and address the institutional racism. However, whilst Home Office ministers vigorously attempted to implement the recommendations of the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, support from the Education department was muted. Thus the Home Secretary (Jack Straw) spoke for the DfEE in responding to the Macpherson report :

  • 28  Hansard, 29 March 1999, col. 767.

My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Education and Employment is taking a number of steps aimed at promoting cultural diversity and preventing racism in our schools. Citizenship education, which will foster an understanding of cultural diversity in Britain, has a prominent place in the revised national curriculum.28

21In fact it was not until the curriculum revision of 2006 that the DfEE actually took up this agenda. The result was that in schools there was little uptake of the possibilities offered by citizenship education to consider diversity. As the inspector responsible for citizenship education observed :

  • 29  House of Commons Education and Skills Select Committee, 2007, Ev 6.

the diversity of the UK, the EU, the Commonwealth… are somewhat neglected, I think, because some of them are perceived to be dull and some of them are particularly sensitive areas that some teachers go to with great reluctance. I am talking about, for example, the diversity of the UK.29

22The al-Qaeda attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 also occurred before citizenship education became compulsory. The attacks led to the raising of security to the top of the political agenda. The ministry responsible for domestic security, the Home Office, prepared legislation and administrative arrangements for defining citizenship more precisely in terms of nationality. The Nationality, Asylum and Immigration Act [2002] instituted provision for ceremonies to mark acceptance into British citizenship for those wishing to acquire it. These were introduced in 2004. Following the Act, UK residents applying for formal national citizenship are required to show ‘a sufficient knowledge of English, Welsh or Scottish Gaelic’. Figures are not yet available to reveal the numbers opting for the latter two linguistic options, though it would be quite surprising if any availed themselves of them. The Act also requires applicants to undertake a test to demonstrate ‘a sufficient knowledge about life in the United Kingdom’.

  • 30  Home Office, 2003 & 2004.

23Having moved from the education ministry to the Home Office, David Blunkett, once again called on his university teacher and mentor, now Sir Bernard Crick, to chair an advisory group and produce a report and guidance to make detailed proposals for the content of the citizenship test.30 The guidance Life in the United Kingdom : a journey to citizenship is effectively a handbook to be learnt in order to prepare the test. The basic features of the constitution are described including the role of the monarchy. There is no emphasis on national symbols such as the flag or national anthem. It is deemed more important to know what to do in case of a road accident or in the event of spilling a stranger’s drink in a pub ‘it is good manners (and prudent) to offer to buy another’.

Musings on Britishness from the leadership of New Labour

24Even before the July 2005 London suicide bombings and the subsequent preoccupation with defending the nation from terrorism that provided the impetus for the Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Act [2006], Gordon Brown embarked on a series of speeches discussing the meanings of Britishness and advocating an important role for citizenship education. Appropriately, he used the British Council as a platform, adopting a historical perspective :

  • 31  Brown, G., 2004.

I believe strongly in the case for citizenship lessons in our schools but for citizenship to matter more, these changes to the curriculum must be part of a far more extensive debate - a debate that, like the wide ranging debate we see in America about what it is to be an American and what America stands for, includes our culture and history as well as our constitution and laws.31

25Brown’s model is clearly the USA, and like the prescription in the Crick report, he considers that Britishness is something to be debated and therefore constructed.

  • 32  Brown, G., 2006.

26Speaking two years later in 2006, this time to the Fabian Society, and in the wake of the London bombings, Brown called for the necessity of developing “a clear view of what being British means, what you value about being British and what gives us purpose as a nation32. Given his affinity to the USA he was not hesitant to call for “a strong modern sense of patriotism and patriotic purpose which binds people together”. In Brown’s view, patriotism is “founded not on ethnicity nor race, not just on institutions we share and respect, but on enduring ideals”. However, Brown has found it difficult to specify uniquely British values and ideals.

27As one of the final acts of political leadership of his premiership, Tony Blair made a series of keynote speeches under the generic title “Our Nation’s Future”. One of these, given to an invited audience including Bhikhu Parekh, Trevor Phillips and school children, at 10 Downing Street, was headlined as “The duty to integrate”. It emphasised and celebrated the multicultural composition of British society and stressed the need for greater social integration with a key role attributed to citizenship education. The values underpinning British democracy can be defined in terms of human rights :

  • 33  Blair, T., 2006.

We have a very established set of rights that constitute our citizenship. We should not be shy to teach them. That is why citizenship became part of the statutory national curriculum in secondary schools in 2002.33

28However, the task of drafting recommendations on the precise approach to Britishness in the school curriculum was given to a small working group chaired by a recently retired secondary head, himself of mixed heritage.

The Ajegbo curriculum review

29The Qualifications and Curriculum Authority has responsibility for the programmes of study in the national curriculum. As part of its preparations for the revised curriculum due to come into force in September 2008, it initiated, in 2006, a review of citizenship education. This review was to take particular account of the contribution of citizenship to promoting community cohesion by providing advice on teaching about diversity. It was also expected to address Britishness.

30The terms of reference of the curriculum review were to :

  • Review the teaching specifically of ethnic, religious and cultural diversity across the curriculum to age 19.

    • 34  Ajegbo, K., 2007, p. 14.

    In relation to Citizenship, explore particularly whether or not ‘modern British social and cultural history’ should be a fourth pillar of the Citizenship curriculum.34

  • 35  Hudson, A., 2005.
  • 36  Kiwan, D., 2007.
  • 37  Maylor et al., 2007.

31Sir Keith Ajegbo, a headteacher very widely respected for the development of citizenship education in his school35 was asked to chair a small group consisting of Dina Kiwan, previously a member of Bernard Crick’s Home Office ‘Life in the UK’ Advisory Group and Seema Sharma, Ajegbo’s Assistant Headteacher. Kiwan had recently completed a doctoral thesis on the workings of the 1998 Crick Advisory Group.36 The DfES also commissioned a research study, consisting of a literature review and case study research to support the Ajegbo panel.37

  • 38  QCA, op. cit., 1998.

32The review was published in early 2007. Its main recommendation was to build on the original Crick report which had recommended that citizenship education should have three main strands : social and moral responsibility, community involvement and political literacy.38 The review proposes :

33A fourth ‘strand’ should be explicitly developed, entitled ‘Identity and Diversity : Living Together in the UK’. This strand will bring together three conceptual components :

  1. Critical thinking about ethnicity, religion and ‘race’

  2. An explicit link to political issues and values

    • 39  Ajegbo, K., op. cit., p. 97.

    The use of contemporary history in teachers’ pedagogy to illuminate thinking about contemporary issues relating to citizenship.39

34In spite of the professional issues raised when teachers of citizenship are expected to teach (or use) history, which is itself an established school and university discipline, the recommendation was immediately accepted and the new strand included in the curriculum for 2008.

35Another recommendation continues the theme of exploring notions of Britishness in a very open-ended way. The proposal to promote a national Who Do We Think We Are ? week, building on an idea derived from a BBC television series, was also accepted by the education ministry under its new title Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF). It commissioned a consortium to provide ideas and materials for a pilot week in the summer term 2008.


36Concerns about numbers of asylum seekers entering the UK following wars in the Balkans and the Middle East led successive New Labour governments from 1997 to legislate for more prescriptive definitions of eligibility for residence and then citizenship. This immigration legislation has required more explicit explanations and definitions of national citizenship. Simultaneously nationalist agendas in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have raised issues of the essence of what binds the UK together. As a Scottish MP and Prime Minister, Gordon Brown is acutely aware of the potential fragility of the union and hence his attention to addressing the issue of Britishness.

37Whilst the Government has introduced citizenship education in schools and has announced that this will also address issues of unity, diversity, patriotism, community cohesion and race equality, there is insufficient funding to provide even one trained citizenship teacher for each secondary school. Citizenship education therefore provides an opportunity to address this agenda rather than a concerted effort to ensure that it is effective.

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Ajegbo, K., Curriculum Review Diversity and Citizenship, London : Department for Education and Skills, 2007.

Banks, J.A., (ed.), Diversity and citizenship education : global perspectives, San Francisco : CA, Jossey-Bass, 2004.

Best, F., Human Rights Education and Teacher Training, in, H. Starkey (ed.), The Challenge of Human Rights Education, London : Cassell, 1991.

Blair, T., (08/12/2006), The Duty to Integrate : shared British values, speech at 10 Downing Street,

Brown, G., (07/07/2004), British Council Annual Lecture, London :

Brown, G., (16/01/2006), Who do we want to be ? The future of Britishness, speech given to the Fabian Society,

Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) & Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA), The National Curriculum for England key stages 3 and 4, London : Stationery Office, 1999.

Hennessy, P., The Hidden Wiring : unearthing the British Constitution, London : Victor Gollancz, 1995.

Home Office, Stephen Lawrence Inquiry : Home Secretary’s action plan, London : 1999.

Home Office, The New and the Old : report of the ‘Life in the United Kingdom’ Advisory Group, London : Home Office, 2003.

Home Office, Life in the United Kingdom : a journey to citizenship, London : Stationery Office, 2004.

House of Commons Education and Skills Select Committee, Citizenship Education. Second report of session 2006-07, London : Stationery Office, 2007.

Hudson, A., “Citizenship Education and Students’ Identities : a school-based action research project”, in, A. Osler (ed.), Teachers, Human Rights and Diversity : educating citizens in multicultural societies, Stoke on Trent : Trentham Books, 2005.

Kiwan, D., Education for Inclusive Citizenship, London : Routledge, 2007.

Macpherson, W., The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, London : The Stationery Office, 1999.

Maylor, U., Read, B., Mendick, H., Ross, A., & Rollock, N., Diversity and Citizenship in the Curriculum : research review (Research Report 819), London : Department for Education and Skills, 2007.

Olssen, M., “From the Crick Report to the Parekh Report : multiculturalism, cultural difference, and democracy - the re-visioning of citizenship education”, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 25(2), pp. 179-192, 2004.

Osler, A., (ed.), Citizenship and Democracy in Schools : diversity, identity, equality, Stoke on Trent : Trentham Books, 2000a.

Osler, A., “The Crick Report : difference, equality and racial justice”, Curriculum Journal, 11(1), pp. 25-37, 2000b.

Osler, A., & Morrison, M., Inspecting Schools for Racial Equality : OFSTED’s strengths and weaknesses, Stoke-on-Trent : Trentham Books, (for the Commission for Racial Equality), 2000.

Osler, A., & Starkey, H., “Citizenship Education and National Identities in France and England : inclusive or exclusive ?”, Oxford Review of Education, 27(2), pp. 287-305, 2001.

Osler, A., & Starkey, H., “Citizenship education and cultural diversity in France and England”, in, J. Demaine (ed.) Citizenship and Political Education Today, Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

Osler, A. & Starkey, H., Changing citizenship : democracy and inclusion in education, Maidenhead : Open University Press, 2005.

Parekh, B., The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain, London : The Runnymede Trust, 2000.

Phillips, T., Fairness and Freedom : The Final Report of the Equalities Review, London : Department for Communities and Local Government, 2007.

Pykett, J., “Making citizens governable ? The Crick Report as governmental technology”, in, Journal of Education Policy, 22(3), pp. 301-319, 2007.

Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools : Final Report of the Advisory Group on Citizenship (the Crick Report), London : Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA)),1998.

Richardson, R., “Children will be told lies”, in, Runnymede Bulletin, (324), pp. 12-17, 2000, (accessed 17/12/2007).

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1  Hennessy, P., 1995.

2  Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, 1998, p. 8.

3  Ibid.

4  Best, F., 1991.

5  Phillips, T., 2007, p. 5.

6  Banks, J.A., (ed.) 2004, p. 5.

7  Parekh, B., 2000.

8  Ibid., p. 149.

9  Richardson, R., 2000.

10  Osler, A., 2000a.

11  Olssen, M., 2004.

12  Osler A., & Starkey H., 2005.

13  Department for education and Employment & Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, 1999.

14  QCA, op. cit., 1998, p. 51.

15 Ibid., p. 17.

16  Ibid., p. 18.

17  Ibid.

18  Osler,A., 2000b.

19  Osler, A., & Starkey H., 2001 & 2004.

20  Pykett, J., 2007, p. 311.

21  Kiwan, D., 2007, p. 36.

22  Ibid.

23 Ibid., p. 35.

24  Pykett, op. cit., p. 307.

25  Macpherson, W., 1999.

26  Home Office, 1999.

27  Osler, A., & Morrison, M., 2000.

28  Hansard, 29 March 1999, col. 767.

29  House of Commons Education and Skills Select Committee, 2007, Ev 6.

30  Home Office, 2003 & 2004.

31  Brown, G., 2004.

32  Brown, G., 2006.

33  Blair, T., 2006.

34  Ajegbo, K., 2007, p. 14.

35  Hudson, A., 2005.

36  Kiwan, D., 2007.

37  Maylor et al., 2007.

38  QCA, op. cit., 1998.

39  Ajegbo, K., op. cit., p. 97.

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Hugh Starkey

Reader of Education à l'Université de Londres, Institute of Education

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