Bibliographie
Anello, P., 1984, Polifemo e Galatea, SEIA, 1, p. 11-51.
Baron, C.A., 2009, The Use and Abuse of Historians: Polybios’ Book 12 and our Evidence for Timaios, AncSoc, 39, p. 1-34.
Baron, C.A., 2013, Timaeus of Tauromenium and Hellenistic Historiography, Cambridge.
Brown, T.S., 1958, Timaeus of Tauromenium, Berkeley.
Burnyeat, M. and Frede, M., 2015, The Pseudo-Platonic Seventh Letter, Oxford.
Campbell, B., 1984, Thought and Political Action in Athenian Tradition: the Emergence of the Alienated Intellectual, HPTh, 5, p. 17-59.
Canfora, L., 2002, Platone e i tiranni, in N. Bonacasa, F. Braccesi, and E. De Miro (eds.), La Sicilia dei due Dionisî, Rome, p. 11-18.
Collin Bouffier, S., 2010, Les élites face au tyran en Sicile grecque à l’époque classique, in L. Capdetrey and Y. Lafond (eds.), La cité et ses élites: pratiques et representation des forms de domination et de contrôle social dans les cités grecques, Bordeaux, p. 291-306.
Consolo Langher, S.N., 1993, Macedonia e Sicilia nell’età del Diadochi e di Agatocle: linee della politica occidentale di Cassandro, Tolomeo, Demetrio, in Ancient Macedonia V, Thessaloniki, p. 345-372.
Consolo Langher, S.N., 2005, Polibio e gli storici contemporanei di Agatocle (Duride tra Polibio e Diodoro), in G. Schepens and J. Bollensée (eds.), The Shadow of Polybius: Intertextuality as a Research Tool in Greek Historiography, Leuven, p. 165-182.
DeVoto, J., 2006, Politics and Philosophy at the Court of the Dionysii, AHB, 20, p. 15-29.
Duncan, A., 2012, A Theseus outside Athens: Dionysius I of Syracuse and Tragic Self-presentation, in K. Bosher (ed.), Theater outside Athens: Drama in Greek Sicily and South Italy, Cambridge, p. 137-155.
Farenga, V., 1981, The Paradigmatic Tyrant: Greek Tyranny and the Ideology of the Proper, Helios, 8, p. 1-31.
Feeney, D., 2007, Caesar’s Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History, Berkeley.
Fongoni, A., 2005, Antifane e Filosseno, QUCC, 81, p. 91-98.
Fongoni, A., 2014. Philoxeni Cytherii testimonia et fragmenta, Pisa.
Galvagno, E., 2000, Politica ed economia nella Sicilia greca, Rome.
Garland, R., 2014, Wandering Greeks: the Ancient Greek Diaspora from the Age of Homer to the Death of Alexander the Great, Princeton.
Grandolini, S., 2006, Riflessioni sull’aneddotica relativa a Filosseno di Citera, Sileno, 32, p. 75-96.
Haake, M., 2007, Der Philosoph in der Stadt: Untersuchungen zur öffentichen Rede über Philosophen und Philosophie in den hellenistischen Poleis, Munich.
Haake, M., 2019, Philosophy and the “Mediterranean Wide Web”: Connecting Elites and Connections in the Upper classes of the Graeco-Roman World between the Late Archaic Period and Late Antiquity, in M. Dana and I. Savalli-Lestrade (eds.), La cité interconnectée dans le monde gréco-romain (ive siècle a.C.-ive siècle p.C.), Bordeaux, p. 307-325.
Habicht, C., 1997, Athens from Alexander to Antony, Cambridge, MA.
Harris, J.R., 2017, Scholarship and Leadership on the Black Sea: Clearchus of Heraclea as (un)enlightened Tyrant, CHS Research Bulletin, 5.2, (http://www.chs-fellows.org/2017/09/11/clearchus-of-heraclea/).
Harris, J.R., 2018, Continuity through Rupture: Space, Time and Politics in the Mass Migrations of Dionysius the Elder, in S. Montel and A. Pollini (eds.), La question de l’espace au ive siècle avant J.-C. dans les mondes grec et étrusco-italique: continuités, ruptures, reprises, Besançon, p. 135-157.
Herman, G., 1987, Ritualised Friendship and the Greek City, Cambridge.
Herman, G., 1997, The Court Society of the Hellenistic Age, in P. Cartledge, P. Garnsey, and E. S. Gruen (eds.), Hellenistic Constructs: Essays in Culture, History, and Historiography, Berkeley, p. 199-224.
Hordern, J.H., 1999, The Cyclops of Philoxenus, CQ, 49, p. 445-455.
Hordern, J.H., 2004, Cyclopea: Philoxenus, Theocritus, Callimachus, Bion, CQ, 54, p. 285-292.
Isnardi Parente, M., 1979. Studi sull’Accademia platonica antica, Firenze.
Jazdzewska, K., 2013, Like Some Odysseus: Aelius Aristides and Plato’s Visits to Sicily, Eos, 100, p. 317-326.
LeVen, P.A., 2013, The Many-headed Muse: Tradition and Innovation in Late Classical Greek Lyric Poetry, Cambridge.
Lomas, K., 2006, Tyrants and the Polis: Migration, Identity and Urban Development in Sicily, in S. Lewis (ed.), Ancient Tyranny, Edinburgh, p. 95-118.
Malkin, I., Constantakopoulou, C., and Panagopoulou, K. (eds.), 2009, Greek and Roman Networks in the Mediterranean, London.
Marasco, G., 1982, La preparazione dell’impresa di Dione in Sicilia, Prometheus, 8, p. 152-176.
Marchiandi, D., 2007, Kallippos di Aixone, un ateniese tiranno di Siracusa e la tomba della sua famiglia al Pireo, in E. Greco and M. Lombardo (eds.), Atene e l’Occidente – i grandi temi, Athens, p. 481-509.
Meister, K.F., 1970, Das Exil des Timaios von Tauromenium, Kokalos, 1970, p. 53-59.
Moatti, C. and Van Damme, S., 2007, Procédures de contrôle et d’identification, in C. Moatti and S. Van Damme (eds.), La mobilité intellectuelle en Méditerranée, de l’antiquité à l’époque moderne (MEFRIM 119), p. 125-127.
Momigliano, A., 2012, Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography, Chicago.
Monoson, S.S., 2000, Plato’s Democratic Entanglements: Athenian Politics and the Practice of Philosophy, Princeton.
Monoson, S.S., 2012, Dionysius I and Sicilian Theatrical Traditions in Plato’s Republic: Representing Continuities between Democracy and Tyranny, in K. Bosher (ed.), Theater outside Athens: Drama in Greek Sicily and South Italy, Cambridge.
Montiglio, S., 2000, Wandering Philosophers in Classical Greece, JHS, 120, p. 86-105.
Montiglio, S., 2005, Wandering in Ancient Greek Culture, Chicago.
Mooren, L., 1985, The Ptolemaic Court System, CE, 60, p. 214-222.
Moyer, I.S., 2011, Court, Chora, and Culture in Late Ptolemaic Egypt, AJP, 132, p. 15-44.
Muccioli, F., 2004, Filosseno di Citera, Dionisio I e la fortuna del mito di Polifemo e Galatea tra iv e iii secolo a.C., Sungraphê, 6, p. 121-147.
Muccioli, F., 2018, Le orecchie lunghe di Alessandro Magno: satira del potere nel mondo greco (IV-I secolo a.C.), Rome.
Oost, S.I., 1976, The Tyrant Kings of Syracuse, CP, 71, p. 224-236.
Pagni, S., 2013, La danza del Ciclope in Aristoph. Plut. 291, Prometheus, 39, p. 56-68.
Pearson, L., 1987, The Greek Historians of the West: Timaeus and his Predecessors, Atlanta.
Power, T., 2013, Kyklops Kitharoidos: Dithyramb and Nomos in Play, in B. Kowalzig and P. Wilson (eds.), Dithyramb in Context, Oxford, p. 237-256.
Pownall, F., 2017, Dionysius I and the Creation of a New-style Macedonian Monarchy, AHB, 31, p. 21-38.
Reid, H.L. and Ralkowski, M. (eds.), 2019, Plato at Syracuse: Essays on Plato in Western Greece, Sioux City.
Riginos, A.S., 1976, Platonica: the Anecdotes Concerning the Life and Writings of Plato, Leiden.
Sabattini, C., 1989, Leptine di Siracusa: potere e consenso all’epoca di Dionisio I, RSA, 19, 7-65.
Sacks, K.S., 1990, Diodorus Siculus and the First Century, Princeton.
Sancho Royo, A., 1983, Análisis de los motivos de composición del Cíclope de Filóxeno de Citera, Habis, 14, p. 33-50.
Sanders, L.J., 1979, Plato’s First Visit to Sicily, Kokalos, 25, p. 207-219.
Sanders, L.J., 1979-1980, Dionysius I of Syracuse and the Validity of the Hostile Tradition, SCI, 5, p. 64-84.
Sanders, L.J., 2008, The Legend of Dion, Toronto.
Sordi, M., 1990, Filisto e la propaganda dionigiana, in H. Verdin, G. Schepens and E. de Kayser (eds.), Purposes of History: Studies in Greek Historiography from the 4th to the 2nd Centuries BC, Leuven, p. 159-171.
Sordi, M., 2008, I philoi a Siracusa da Ermocrate ai Dionisii, in C. Bearzot and F. Landucci Gattinoni (eds.), Partiti e fazioni nell’esperienza politica greca, Milano, p. 153-165.
Sutton, D.F., 1983, Dithyramb as Δρᾶμα: Philoxenus of Cythera’s “Cyclops or Galatea”, QUCC, 13, p. 37-43.
Vaglio, M., 2001, Filosseno e il Ciclope: Polifemo, i Galli e la propaganda di Dionigi di Siracusa, Hesperìa, 14, p. 171-177.
Vatai, F. L., 1984, Intellectuals in Politics in the Greek World: from Early Times to the Hellenistic Age, London.
Vattuone, R., 1983, Ricerche su Timeo: la ‘pueritia’ di Agatocle, Bologna.
Vattuone, R. (ed.), 2002, Storici greci d’Occidente, Bologna.
Vattuone, R., 2005, Timeo, Polibio e la storiografia greca d’occidente, in G. Schepens and J. Bollensée (eds.), The Shadow of Polybius: Intertextuality as a Research Tool in Greek Historiography, Leuven, p. 73-88.
Vlassopoulos, K., 2007, Between East and West: the Greek Poleis as Part of a World-system, Ancient West and East, 6, p. 91-111.
Webster, T.B.L., 1970, Studies in Later Greek Comedy, Manchester.
Haut de page
Notes
I especially would like to thank Laura Loddo for allowing me to present these ideas at her conference in Aix-en-Provence, as well as for her patience and kindness while I wrestled this article into publishable form. I also am grateful to the two anonymous readers for their extremely precise and helpful comments. Special thanks also to Harvard’s Center for Hellenic Studies for their research support.
For discussion of voluntary and involuntary migration, see Garland, 2014, especially p. 82-86 and Vlassopoulos, 2007, p. 98-100.
For large-scale forced migration in Sicily, see Harris, 2018 and Lomas, 2006.
Two poignant examples appear in Diod. Sic. 13.89 and 13.111.3-6, with the hasty departure of the inhabitants of Acragas and Camarina in the wake of the Carthaginian invasion of 406-405 BC.
For Clearchus and his relationship with scholars, see Harris, 2017.
For networks of philosophers and their effects on society, see Haake, 2019.
For these networks of philia, see Herman, 1987, especially p. 44-54. For Greek social networks in general, see Malkin et al., 2009.
Tauromenium had been repurposed as a garrison by Dionysius I after 392 BC (Diod. Sic. 14.96.4). For the re-foundation of the city under Andromachus, see Diod. Sic. 16.7.1 (= FGrH 566 T3a). For the welcome of Timoleon by Andromachus, see Plut. Tim. 10.6-9 (= FGrH 566 T3b).
The title was (Σικελικαὶ) Ἱστορίαι or Ἰταλικὰ καὶ Σικελικά; cf. Suda, s.v. Τίμαιος (= FGrH 566 T1). Books 13-33 recounted the reigns of the Dionysii and Timoleon, while books 34-38 focused on Agathocles. For an overview of the work of Timaeus, see Baron, 2013, p. 28-38 and Vattuone, 2002, p. 178-181.
Diod. Sic. 21.17.1 (= FGrH 566 T4a) notes that Timaeus was banished from Sicily by Agathocles (φυγαδευθεὶς γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ᾽Αγαθοκλέους ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας). Regarding his exile, Polyb. 12.25h.1 (= FGrH 566 T4b) states: πεντήκοντα συνεχῶς ἔτη διατρίψας ᾽Αθήνησι ξενιτεύων. See Plut. De exil. 605c for the general exile of scholars in antiquity.
Scholars have debated whether Timaeus left Sicily in the 330s or 310s. Brown, 1958, p. 1-10 argues for the earlier date (i.e. Timaeus studied in Athens but could not return). Meister, 1970 argues for c. 315 (i.e. after Agathocles’ accession to power and taking of Tauromenium, cf. Diod. Sic. 19.65), with a possible return in the 260s, a view also argued for by Baron, 2013, p. 17-22.
Polyb. 12.26b.4 (τοσαύτην ποιεῖται σπουδὴν περὶ τοῦ τὴν μὲν Σικελίαν μεγαλομερεστέραν ποιῆσαι τῆς συμπάσης ῾Ελλάδος). See Vattuone, 2005, p. 102-109 for the Histories as Lokalgeschichte. Jacoby also includes Timaeus as an “Autor über einzelne Städte (Länder)”.
Diod. Sic. 5.3.1-3 (= FGrH 566 F164) for the rape of Persephone at Enna and Diod. Sic. 5.2.4 (= FGrH 566 F164) for the provision of grain by Demeter to the Sicilians.
Polyb. 12.23.6-7 (= FGrH 566 F119a) famously complains that Timaeus vaunts the success of Timoleon, who sought glory in the “saucer” of Sicily (ἐν ὀξυβάφωι) to make his own works appear greater.
Feeney, 2007, p. 44-52 analyzes synchronization in Timaeus and notes the theme of competition with Greece.
One myth of Gelon concerning his rescue from death by a wolf as a child is repeated in Tzetz. Chil. 4.266 (= FGrH 566 F95). The Timaean synchronization between the victory of Gelon over the Carthaginians at Himera and the Greeks at Thermopylae is found in Diod. Sic. 11.24.1.
Brown, 1958, p. 75-79 evaluates Dionysius I in the works of Timaeus.
The scholium to Aeschines 2, 10 (= FGrH 566 F29) notes ἀλάστωρ ἐστὶ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ ᾽Ιταλίας, καὶ ἐάνπερ ἀφεθῆι, τὰς χώρας διαφθερεῖ.
See Vattuone, 2002, p. 192-203 for an analysis of Agathocles’ portrayal in Timaeus.
Diod. Sic. 21.17.1-3.
Polyb. 12.15 (= FGrH 566 F124b) notes the glut of insults about Agathocles, cf. Baron, 2009.
Diod. Sic. 15.35.2 (= FGrH 566 F124c).
Diod. Sic. 19.3.1-2, cf. Just. Epit. 31.1.3-5.
Diod. Sic. 19.7-8.
Diod. Sic. 19.2.2-8. Just. Epit. 22.1.6 notes that Agathocles received citizenship later. For analysis of this birth story, see Vattuone, 1983, especially p. 4-15.
Diod. Sic. 19.4.1-2.
Diod. Sic. 20.68-69, cf. Just. Epit. 22.8. For Timaean passages in the African campaign, see Pearson, 1987, p. 238-255.
Baron, 2013, p. 52-57 summarizes the use of Timaeus in various authors, including Athenaeus, Plutarch, Cicero, Varro and Justin.
For contemporary and later sources concerning Agathocles that counter his barbaric image, see Consolo Langher, 2005, p. 165-172.
For the depiction of Timaeus as Ἐπιτίμαιος, see Ath. 6.103.272b and his entry in the Suda. Momigliano, 2012, p. 37-41 discusses the ancient portrayal of Timaeus.
For discussion of Polybius’ denigration of Timaeus, see Polyb. 12.25 and Sacks, 1981, p. 31-48.
Baron, 2013, p. 113-137 argues that the polemical nature of scholarly research was common in Athens and for the participation of Timaeus in Athenian intellectual life.
For discussion of oligarchic and tyrannical rule in Athens during this time, see Habicht, 1997.
For links between Athens and the West during this time, see Baron, 2013, p. 95-105.
Diod. Sic. 20.40.1-4 and Consolo Langher, 1993, p. 346-352.
Diod. Sic. 20.40.5-7 and Just. Epit. 22.7.4.
Plut. Pyrrh. 10.7.
Diod. Sic. 21.15 and 21.16.5, with Just. Epit. 23.2, for the guest exchange between Agathocles the Younger and Oxythemis of Larisa, who was present in Syracuse at the time of Agathocles’ death.
Diod. Sic. 21.17.1 (= FGrH 566 F124d) states: ζῶντα μὲν ἀμύνασθαι τὸν δυνάστην οὐκ ἴσχυσε.
For a brief overview of the courts of Dionysius I and Dionysius II, see DeVoto, 2006. For philoi in the Syracusan courts, see Sordi, 2008.
Diod. Sic. 15.6.
For this relationship between social space and geographic space at the court, see Moyer, 2011, and more generally the volume on court relations in which it is found.
For social interactions, see Herman, 1997, p. 202-207. For social and geographic movement, see Mooren, 1985.
See especially Moatti, Van Damme, 2007 for this relationship between intellectual mobility, power, and change.
The most thorough recent work on the biography and fragments of Philoxenus is Fongoni, 2014. Philoxenus must have escaped Syracuse sometime before 390, when his satirical play Cyclops was produced at Athens. Diod. Sic. 15.6 suggests that Philoxenus returned again in 386/5, although the Suda suggests that he never came back.
Plut. Mor. De vit. aer. 831f-832a states that Philoxenus was given a plot of land in Sicily. A scholium to Ar. Plut. 179c-d notes that Dionysius gave to Philoxenus Laïs, the daughter of Timander of Hykkara, as wife.
Ath. 1.11.6e-f.
For treatment of this story, see Diod. Sic. 15.6, Cic. Att. 4.6.2, Plut. De Alex. fort. 334c, Plut. De tranq. anim. 471e, Lucian. Ind. 15, Ael. VH 12.44, Amm. Marc. 15.5.37, Tzetz. Chil. 5.23 and 10.358, cf. Grandolini, 2006, p. 81-90 and the testimonia in Fongoni, 2014. For Doulon as the nickname of Philoxenus, see the entry in Hesychius (s.v. Δούλωνα) and Fongoni, 2014, p. 14-15 for analysis.
For the joke of taking Philoxenus back to the quarries, see Stob Flor. 3.13.31 and Suda, s.v. εἰς λατομίας and Ἄπαγέ με εἰς τὰς λατομίας.
For Philoxenus and Galateia, see Ath. 1.11.6e-7a (= FGrH 1012 F2) and Ael. VH 12.44, with Muccioli, 2004, p. 124-126.
For the reply to Dionysius, see Suda, s.v. Φιλοξένου γραμμάτιον.
Ath. 1.11.6e (= FGrH 1012 F13) notes that the play of Philoxenus represented himself as Odysseus, the aulos player as the nymph Galateia, and the tyrant as Dionysius. A scholium to Aristophanes’ Wealth notes that the poor eyesight of Dionysius was equated to that of Polyphemus.
Fongoni, 2014, p. 15-19 and p. 97-99 discusses the text (= Page, PMG 815-821). The play had been produced by the time of Aristophanes’ Wealth, as the latter mentions the twanging of a lyre and bag of vegetables, references to the text of Philoxenus. For discussion of the genre of the Cyclops, see Hordern, 1999 and Sutton, 1983. Ath. 13.17.564e (= Page, PMG 821) also suggests that it was a drama with singers and parts.
Ath. 1.11.7a (= Page, PMG 816) argues that the Cyclops was court satire. The scholium of Tzet. in Ar. Plut. 290 also suggests that the mistreatment of Philoxenus was the main cause for the Cyclops. Hordern, 1999 and Power, 2013 suggest that this work may have parodied contemporary works or kitharoidoi and not Dionysius.
For a description of earlier versions of the Polyphemus myth, see Sancho Royo, 1983.
For this analysis of the similarities between Odysseus and Philoxenus, see LeVen, 2014, p. 131-134.
For the Sicilian connections of Polyphemus, see Anello, 1984, p. 35-39.
For comparisons between the figure of the Cyclops and men in power, beginning with Dionysius I, see the first chapter of Muccioli, 2018.
The fragments of Dionysius are collected in TGF 76. His most famous work, The Ransom of Hector won first prize at the Lenaea of 367. Duncan, 2012, p. 143-149 discusses his talent and innovations in tragedy.
See Duncan, 2012, p. 149-154 for his representation as just king in his tragedies, cf. TGF 76 F4 and 5. Lysias 6.4-6 and Polyb. 15.35.4 refer to Dionysius as a king. Oost, 1976, p. 232-236 argues that Dionysius took the title basileus, but his title more likely was stratêgos autokratôr or archôn, cf. IG II² 18, 103, and 105.
Although perhaps anecdotal, many sources refer to his Persian behavior (Ath. 12.50.535e-f for kingly dress, Ath. 6.59.251e-f (= FGrH 268 F4) and Livy 24.5.4 for purple robes, and Ath. 12.50.535e-536a (= FGrH 76 F14) for his crown). See Pownall, 2017 for further discussion.
Plut. De Alex. fort. 338c refers to the naming of his daughters.
For analysis of the dance of the Cyclops, see Pagni, 2013, p. 290-295. The terms θρεττανελό and παρενσαλεύων represent strumming and drunken dancing respectively. See Theoc. Id. 6 and 11 for the theme of the lovesick Cyclops, as well as Plut. [De Mus.] 1142a, which all likely derive from the portrayal in Philoxenus. For further discussion of these sources, see Hordern, 2004.
Diod. Sic. 15.6.3.
Wealth was produced in Athens c. 388. The reference to Philoxenus is found in line 550, while lines 290-295 likely reference the Cyclops portrayed by Philoxenus, cf. Pagni, 2013 and Webster, 1970, p. 20-22.
The inscription, dated to 393/2 BC, is IG II2 18.
For this term, see PCG F9. For the daughters of Dionysius, see Cic. Tusc. 5.58.
Ath. 11.64.482d (= PCG F16).
Dionysius was said to have loved the tragedies of Euripides and Aeschylus and purchased their memorabilia. See TGF 76 T19 and Lucian. Ind. 15. Eubulus’ Spartans or Leda may also have parodied the Leda of Dionysius.
For Philoxenus’ portrayal of the Cyclops continuing into the Hellenistic period (Theocritus and Posidippus) and even the fifth century AD, see Hordern, 2004.
For the performance of the Cyclops at the court of Philip II, see Page, PMG 840. For the later performances of the Cyclops, see Polyb. 4.20.8-9 and Fongoni, 2005, p. 97-98.
For an overview of the representation of Dionysius in these plays, see Duncan, 2012, p. 138-141, Webster, 1970, p. 28-30, Sanders, 1979-1980, p. 72-77, and Sanders, 1979, p. 214-217.
For the honorary inscription, see IG II² 18. Lys. 19.19 mentions the approach of the Athenians through Eunomus for a marriage between Dionysius and the daughter of the Cypriot king to create an alliance between the three powers and to turn Dionysius away from his alliance with Sparta. Eubulus’ Geryon perhaps attacked this alliance.
These men included Isocrates, Plato, Xenophon and Andocides. The latter was perhaps the first Athenian to visit Dionysius during his exile between 405-402 (Lys. 6.6-7), cf. Sanders, 1979-1980, p. 66-70.
Vaglio, 2001 and Muccioli, 2004, p. 134-140 discuss Galateia and Polyphemus in light of politics within Dionysius’ empire.
Although all of the Platonic Epistles may be forgeries, I believe that the longest and most important of them (the Seventh), if not written by Plato, likely was written by a contemporary with an intimate knowledge of Plato and the Academy. See Burnyeat-Frede, 2015 for recent criticism of the authenticity of the Seventh Letter. For general recent discussion on the Seventh Letter, see the edited volume of Reid and Ralkowski, 2019.
See Riginos, 1976, p. 60-69 for the travels of Plato. Montiglio, 2005, p. 155-163 discusses learning as one primary reason for the travels of Plato, cf. Cic. Fin. 5.19 and Diog. Laert. 3.6.
For the first visit of Plato to Syracuse, see Diod. Sic. 15.7 and Nep. Dion 2.2, as well as Sanders, 1979. Canfora, 2002 also analyzes this visit in the context of the philosopher-lawmaker, cf. Pl. Ep. 7.328a-c.
In addition to those in the note above, passages mentioning their conversations also include Diog. Laert. 3.18-20 and Plut. Dion 5.1-5. Riginos, 1976, p. 74-79 provides an overview and list of other sources for this episode.
The story is made more plausible by the fact that both Sparta and Aegina were hostile to Athens at this time. Those sources following this version include Diog. Laer. 3.19-20, Ael. Arist. Or. 46.232-234, and Olympiod. In Alcib. 2.121-126.
Riginos, 1976, p. 86-92 gives a complete rundown of all sources describing Plato’s sale into slavery. Sources include Diod. Sic. 15.7.1, Plut. De tranq. anim. 471e-f and Tzetz. Chil. 5.138-151, 5.174-177, and 10.862-878. The expulsion of Plato and his capture by enemies of Athens on the high sea also may have been conflated into one event.
For these effects of wandering, see Montiglio, 2005, p. 35-37.
See Campbell, 1984 for fourth-century intellectuals and the reasons behind their mobility.
For a full list of these sources, see Riginos, 1976, p. 70-74. Jazdzewska, 2013 also analyzes the reaction to his Sicilian voyages.
For the reference to Plato as parasite and dog of the Dionysii, see Diog. Laert. 6.40 and Ael. VH 14.33. For the episode with the vegetables, see Diog. Laert. 6.58.
Moatti, Van Damme, 2007, while discussing the links in antiquity between the transmission of knowledge and the mobility of scholars, stress the importance of self-reflexivity in their writings, as they discuss their own experiences and movements.
For his opinion of his travels, see Pl. Ep. 7.345d-e and 7.350c-d, as well as Montiglio, 2000, p. 96-98 and Jazdzewska, 2013.
Aelius Aristides, who denigrates Plato’s travels to Sicily, describes Plato as commiserating with the Cyclops in Def. Quat. 389, cf. Def. Or. 280 and Def. Quat. 306 for his wanderings.
Pl. Resp. 9.577a (συνῳκηκότος δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ παραγεγονότος ἔν τε ταῖς κατ᾽ οἰκίαν πράξεσιν).
Debt abolition and new land division: Pl. Resp. 8.566a and 8.566d-e; the elite as the enemy: Pl. Resp. 8.566a; stirring up wars: Pl. Resp. 8.566e; slaves as citizens: Pl. Resp. 8.567e; bodyguard: Pl. Resp. 8.566b.
Pl. Resp. 8.565e-566a and 8.567b (ὑπεξαιρεῖν δὴ τούτους πάντας δεῖ τὸν τύραννον, εἰ μέλλει ἄρξειν, ἕως ἂν μήτε φίλων μήτ᾽ ἐχθρῶν λίπῃ μηδένα ὅτου τι ὄφελος).
Pl. Resp. 9.577c-578a.
Pl. Resp. 9.578a-c for the misery of the tyrant; cf. Pl. Ep. 7.332c for Dionysius as poor in loyal friends (πένης γὰρ ἦν ἀνδρῶν φίλων καὶ πιστῶν). See Monoson, 2012 for an overview of the miserable life of the tyrant in the Republic.
Pl. Resp. 9.578e-579a.
Farenga, 1981, p. 6-10 analyzes Book 8 of the Republic as considering the degeneration of the city under the tyrant and the change of oppositions in the city under tyranny (e.g. free and slave).
Pl. Resp. 9.568b-c. Monoson, 2012, p. 160-165 analyzes the reception of tragedy in Plato’s Republic.
Diod. Sic. 14.109.
Lys. 33 and Dion. Hal. Lys. 28-29.
Lys. 33,1 and 3 (πολλὰς δὲ πόλεις ὑπὸ τυράννων ἀναστάτους γεγενημένας), and 33.6 (τοὺς δὲ τυράννους ἐξελάσαντες κοινὴν ἅπασι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν κατέστησαν).
Diod. Sic. 15.6.3.
For a comprehensive discussion of the figure of Dion, see Sanders, 2008, especially Chapter 4.
For the marriage of Dionysius to Aristomache, see Plut. Dion 3-4, 1 and Diod. Sic. 14.44.8; cf. Diod. Sic. 16.6.3.
Plut. Dion 6-10.
Pl. Ep. 7.329c-330b and Plut. Dion 16 for the first visit; Pl. Ep. 7.350a-b and Plut. Dion 18-20 for the second.
Helicon of Cyzicus, Aristippus of Cyrene, Aeschines of Sphettus, and the tragedian Carcinus, famously lampooned in Aristophanes’ Wasps, were all members.
For the Dionysiokolakes, see Ath. 6.55.249e-f; cf. Ath. 10.46.435e.
Plut. Dion 11.2-12 and 14.1-2.
Plut. Dion 14.3-5. Diod. Sic. 15.6.4 is vague concerning the reason for exile.
Diod. Sic. 14.5-15.3 and Plut. Dion 15.1.
Diod. Sic. 15.7.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5b), cf. Aen. Tact. 10.20-21 for the exile of Leptines.
Diod. Sic. 14.102. For the political and military importance of Leptines, see Sabattini, 1989.
Aen. Tact. 10.21 also notes his popularity with the Syracusans.
Diod. Sic. 15.7.4 for Thurii and the marriage to Dikaiosynê upon his return. Diod. Sic. 15.17.1 for the battle at Cronium and his death. Aen. Tact. 10.21 provides an alternate exile for Leptines at Himera as head of a garrison.
Philistus was a youth and spectator during the campaign of Gylippus (Plut. Nic. 19 = FGrH 556 T2). For Philistus as a syngenês of Dionysius, see Suda, s.v. Φίλιστος (= FGrH 556 T1). Philistus paid a fine for Dionysius (Diod. Sic. 13.91.4 = FGrH 556 T3), so that the future tyrant could continue to stir up the crowd to follow him, and he famously appears early in Dionysius’ reign as the main supporter when Dionysius’ reign is challenged by internal revolt (Diod. Sic. 14.8).
For Philistus as philotyrannos, see Nep. Dion 3.1-3 (= FGrH 556 T5d) and Diod. Sic. 14.8.5 (= FGrH 556 T4). For an overview of Philistus’ work as propaganda, see Sordi, 1990.
For the exile of Philistus (which perhaps occurred at the same time as the exile/murder of other court members), see Diod. Sic. 15.7.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5b).
Plut. Dion 11.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5c) notes that Philistus spent his exile in Adria, Plut. De exil. 605c (= FGrH 556 T5a) suggests Epirus, and Plin. HN 3.120-121 (= FGrH 556 T8) ties him to the Po river valley.
For the idea of Philistus’ history as an attempt to return to Syracuse, see Paus. 1.13.9 (= FGrH T13a).
Note that Diod. Sic. 15.7.3 refers only to the banishment of Philistus. Book 15 of Diodorus thus has very little information for the final seventeen years of Dionysius’ reign.
Plut. Dion 11.4-7 (= FGrH 556 T5c).
For the relationship between the elites and tyrants in Sicily, see Collin Bouffier, 2010.
Diod. Sic. 15.17.1-2.
Diod. Sic. 15.17.4-5.
Diod. Sic. 15.17.4 for Sparta; Diod. Sic. 16.6.4-5 and Nep. Dion 4.1 and 5.1 for Corinth; Marasco, 1982, p. 163-172 for foreign support of Dion.
Plut. Dion 4.2-3 for Dion’s life of virtue; Pl. Ep. 7.327a-328a for Plato’s early philosophical education of Dion.
Plut. Dion 10 for Dion’s education of Dionysius II; Plut. Dion 11.1-2 for the reasons behind Plato’s visit.
Monoson, 2000 for the role of the Seventh Letter and the ways in which it explains the role of Plato.
Pl. Ep. 7.330d-332d and 332e-333a respectively.
Pl. Ep. 7.350c-d. For the role of Plato in the attack, see Galvagno, 2000, p. 129-136 and p. 170-174.
Diog. Laert. 3.23 and Plut. Prin. Inerudit. 779d. Other examples include Menedemus to Pyrrha and Phormion to Elis (Plut. Prae. ger. reip. 10.15).
Aristotle founded a new branch of the Academy in Assos; cf. Diog. Laert. 3.46 and Strabo 13.608.
See Ath. 11.119.508f-509b and Diog. Laert. 3.46 for a list of Academic tyrants. See Ar. Pol. 5.1311b and Dem. 23.119 for the murder of Kotys.
For Clearchus of Heraclea and Chion, see Harris, 2017. For an overview of all relations within the Academy, see Vatai, 1984, p. 63-98 and Isnardi Parente, 1979.
Plut. Dion 12.5 notes 800 mercenaries, while Diod. Sic. 16.9.5 states 1,000.
Plut. Dion 22.1-2.
Plut. Dion 22.3-4 and 23.2.
Plut. Dion 25 (Synalus) and Diod. Sic. 16.9.4 (Paralus) for this episode. Plut. Dion 5.8 and Nep. Dion 1.5 for Dion as ambassador. Note that Dion was exile under suspicion of secret contact with Carthage (Plut. Dion 14.4-5 = FGrH 566 F113).
For Callippus and his family, see Dem. 36.53 and 50.47-52, with IG II2 1609, 5408, 5432, 5433, and 5450. See Marchiandi, 2007 for his life and political importance.
Plut. Dion 17.2 and 54.1, Ath. 11.119.508e-f, Diog. Laert. 3.46, and Pl. Ep. 7.333e for their relationship.
Plut. Dion 28.3 and 54.1.
Plut. Dion 57, Nep. Dion 9, and Pl. Ep. 7.334a.
For relations between politics and philosophers in the Hellenistic period, see especially Haake, 2007.
Haut de page