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Lead tablets and styli: daily writing in Iberia between the 5th and 1st centuries BC

Lamelles de plomb et styli : l’écriture quotidienne du ve au ier s. av. J.-C.
Ignacio Simón Cornago
p. 177-194

Résumés

Cet article aborde les inscriptions ibériques réalisées sur des lamelles de plomb et la façon dont on leur substitua les tablettes de cire au cours des iie  et ier  siècles av. J.-C. L’épigraphie ibérique se caractérise par l’usage de feuilles de plomb comme support d’écriture, un usage qui fut emprunté aux Grecs. Les feuilles de plomb constituaient une alternative bon marché au papyrus qu’il fallait importer de l’autre côté de la Méditerranée. En dépit des problèmes d’interprétation soulevés par la langue ibérique, on peut classer les textes en listes, lettres et documents caractéristiques de l’écrit du quotidien. On connaît aujourd’hui plus d’une centaine de lamelles de plomb comportant des inscriptions ibériques datant du ve au ier siècles av. J.-C. Nonobstant, leur nombre s’est vu diminuer fortement entre les iiie et iie siècles, ce qui coïncide avec l’apparition des stylets en os dans la région. Cela nous permet d’émettre l’hypothèse que les lamelles de plomb furent remplacées par les tablettes de cire comme supports d’écriture quotidiens. Il est possible que les tabulae ceratae aient été introduites par les Romains dans la péninsule Ibérique, mais nous disposons d’arguments contextuels pour affirmer qu’elles furent également utilisées par les populations locales.

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1The understanding of literacy in Iberian society, and how it changed throughout the Second Iron Age, can benefit by combining the study of Iberian inscriptions on lead tablets with that of writing implements such as bone styli, used to write on wax tablets. This study proposes that during the 2nd century BC the use of lead was substituted by wax tablets as a daily writing material. Iberians frequently used lead tablets to write inventories, lists and letters during the Later Iron Age. They were phased out in the final part of the Millennium, a time when the appearance of bone styli becomes common. This has led many to assume that lead sheets were progressively substituted by wax tablets during that time.

1. Iberian inscriptions on lead sheets

2A staple of Iberian epigraphy is the use of lead sheets for writing. More than a hundred such examples can be found, spanning the 5th to the 1st century BC. This significant corpus shares three characteristics: 1) The Iberians borrowed from the Greeks the custom of writing on lead; 2) Lead may well have been a handy substitute for the importing of papyrus from the other end of the Mediterranean; 3) The texts contained in these sheets, despite the interpretation problems inherent with Iberian language, are clearly inventories, lists and letters: documentary texts dealing with a daily use of the written word.

  • 1 Jordan, 1980, p. 226-227; De Hoz, 1999, p. 443-444; Dana, 2015, p. 115, believes that le (...)
  • 2 Decourt, 2014; Dana, 2015, p. 115. In Sicily (Morgantina and Camarina) lead sheets were (...)
  • 3 The lead sheets of this region were inventoried in the IGEP, nr. 129-133 and 1 (...)
  • 4 De Hoz, 1999, p. 443-447
  • 5 Only one Iberian example, which was nailed to a column, appears to have been w (...)
  • 6 MLH III, F.13.2, F.20.1, F.20.3 and also the piece from the Marsal collection (Untermann (...)
  • 7 Rodríguez Ramos, 1997, p. 17.

3Greek use of lead for writing was not limited to defixiones, indeed there are examples in which other types of texts were engraved, such as missives, loan agreements, sales and the Athenian cavalry archives1. A considerable portion of these come from the two opposite ends of Greek colonization: the Black Sea and the Gulf of Lion (fig. 1)2. This latter region, neighboring Iberian culture, has a large number of surviving testimonies. In addition, the use of this material for inscriptions was one of the most long-standing contributions of the Greeks to Iberian writing culture3. This use of lead constitutes a relevant contribution of Greek civilization to Iberian written culture4. Indeed, the use that Iberian epigraphy does of lead is exceptional, with over one hundred examples, within the Ancient world. In the West, lead is rarely used for its magical nature –very few Greek texts on lead in this region are defixiones. Likewise, despite the fact that this material shares durability with stone or bronze it, unlike those, is not used for public display5. It is, on the other hand, cheap and abundant, when papyrus is difficult to come by. The short-lived nature of these texts is testified by: 1) the sketchy way in which the text is written in some of them; 2) the fact that many sheets are re-used; and 3) the existence of palimpsests6. Papyrus was produced far away, so a necessary substitute was found in the plumbeous sheets. Finally, many of the inscriptions were found in settlements that were destroyed. This indicates that the material was normally recycled, and only forced abandonment resulted in the caches that we currently benefit from7.

Fig. 1. Map of Greek leads: 1. Olbia; 2. Marsella; 3. Agde; 4. Lattes; 5. Pech Maho; 6. Ruscino; 7. Rosas; 8. Ampurias

Fig. 1. Map of Greek leads: 1. Olbia; 2.           Marsella; 3. Agde; 4. Lattes; 5. Pech Maho; 6. Ruscino; 7. Rosas; 8.           Ampurias
  • 8 A typology according to size and format can be found in Morell, 2009, p. 256, fig. (...)
  • 9 Simón, 2012; Bonet, 2013.
  • 10 These can’t be associated with defixiones because they are not secondary deposits, albei (...)
  • 11 The piece G.7.2 was found in room 48 of La Bastida, in the same house as room 49, which (...)
  • 12 Regarding the interpretation of Iberian leads, see Untermann, 1987, 1996, 2001, and Ordu (...)

4The lead sheets that were used to write are fine –approximately 1 mm thick– 10-15 cm rectangular sheets that are usually stored folded or furled8. They were specifically designed for writing, usually for everyday purpose; indeed, most of the testimonies recovered come from domestic contexts9. Only four were found in entombments: one at El Cigarralejo (tomb 1, G.13.1) and a group of three together at Orleyl (tomb II, F.9.5-7) 10. Lead is an inexpensive material which is easily malleable, even for incising a text11. Unfortunately, our understanding of the Iberian language is still in its infancy, but some internal and external arguments indicate that the texts inscribed into these sheets were mainly accounting documents and missives12.

  1. Accounting. Name lists are frequent13, as well as the term salir and various mensuration and numeral signs14. Salir also appears on Iberian coinage, leading some to suggest it may mean ‘coin’ or ‘money’15. Occasionally, roster names are followed by recurring terms, such as the Palamós sheet, where some names are followed by the words kate or batir (MLH III-1, C.4.1). Other times, the names are suffixed formulaically by elements: on side B of the Mogente sheet (MLH III-1, G.7.2, fig. 2), each name is followed by a suffix, a metrological value and a numeral. In this last example, some of the names are crossed out horizontally, in the same way as the sheet from Coimbra del Barrancho Ancho16.
  2. Correspondence. At least three Iberian lead sheets, and possibly many more, are letters, given that they have text on both sides (G.1.1, La Serreta de Alcoy, Pech Maho17 and Ampurias, fig. 3).18 This double-sided use echoes Greek missives both on papyrus and lead, the sheets found at Hermonassa and Nikonion are excellent examples19. The longer text is the side that is rolled inward, right across from the long side of the sheet. The shorter text, on the other hand, is on the opposite side, perpendicular to the former. This latter text is visible when the lead sheet is rolled up, and the Greeks used it to write the name of the recipient and, sometimes, the sender as well. The Iberian examples may have done the same, since all three do have a clearly recognizable personal name, undoubtedly the recipients20. A similar disposition is found in the Celtiberian lead sheet of Cuenca, although the sheet is square and it is folded up, not rolled up. In this case, the shorter text was visible when the missive was folded up, and it contains a personal name in dative case –abulei kaikokum21– followed by tatuz, third person imperative of the verb ‘to give’, clarifying that here is the recipient of the letter22.

Fig. 2. Iberian lead of Mogente (MLH III-1: G.7.2)

Fig. 2. Iberian lead of Mogente (MLH III-1: G.7.2)

Fig. 3. Iberian lead of Ampurias (Sanmartí, 1988)

Fig. 3. Iberian lead of Ampurias (Sanmartí,           1988)

2. Chronology of the documents

  • 23 Ruiz Darasse, 2006, p. 168; Morell, 2009, ch. 9.
  • 24 De Hoz, 1995, p. 70.
  • 25 Sanmartí, 1988, p. 109.
  • 26 Solier, Barbouteau, 1988, p. 85-87.
  • 27 Camañes et al., 2010, p. 237.
  • 28 Lorrio, Velaza, 2005.
  • 29 Rodríguez Ramos, 2004, p. 223.
  • 30 C.0.1, C.0.2, F.20.4, F.21.1, La Mazorra (Fletcher, 1982, p. 6-8).
  • 31 Casinos (Ferrer, Escrivà 2014), Tàrrega (Ferrer, Garcès, 2013), Llano de la Consolación (...)
  • 32 For example, a large part of the lead documents from La Serreta, Alcoy, have been revise (...)
  • 33 Some lead inscriptions have been disregarded because they were not written on tablets, b (...)

5The chronology of the lead sheets basically corresponds with that of all Iberian epigraphy, with the oldest examples being from the end of the 5th century BC, and the last ones belonging to the end of the millennium. Several recent studies, however, point out that these lead sheets cease to be used around the 3rd century BC, based on regional studies of Valencia and Catalonia23. This is not the consensus, however. De Hoz had already argued that lead was used for Iberian inscriptions well into the final phase (2nd and 1st centuries BC), using the examples of the lead sheets found at Ampurias and Gruissan24. The first example was dated to transition from the 3rd to the 2nd centuries BC based on the archaeological context25. The second one was found alongside other materials of a 1st century BC shipwreck in Mateilles lagoon26. More recent discoveries appear to support De Hoz’s conclusions: a lead sheet was found in an archaeological context from 100 BC at Monteró27, as well as the only Celtiberian lead sheet which can hardly be earlier than the 2nd century BC28. In addition, many of the sheets which lack any archaeological context could very well be from the last two centuries. The three examples from El Pico de los Ajos (F.20.1-3) can be paleographically dated to this final period,29 and the absence of “dual system” writing –which appears to stop being used in the last two centuries BC– also supports a later chronology. On the other hand, many of the lead sheets documented were found in the destructions from the transition from the 3rd to the 2nd centuries, whereas the many destructions of the 1st century fail to provide almost any examples, indicating that their use was in sharp decline. Indeed, although late-period examples do exist, the use of lead for writing decreases dramatically between the 3rd and 2nd centuries. Before exploring this evolution is explored any further, the origin of many of these hundred documents is private collections30, casual finds –including the exceptional examples from Los Villares (F.17.1-4) or Pico de los Ajos (F.20.1-3)31– or old excavations32. In all these cases, establishing reliable chronologies is challenging because internal criteria, such as paleography, are often questionable as well33.

  • 34 Aranegui, 2004, p. 76-78.
  • 35 Burriel et al., 2011.
  • 36 Regarding the site, see Bonet, Vives-Ferrándiz, 2011; the leads have been spec (...)
  • 37 Cuadrado, 1987, p. 121-123.
  • 38 Muñoz, 1990, p. 98.
  • 39 Barberà, Sanmartí, 1982.
  • 40 Riurò, 1982, p. 131.
  • 41 Ferrer, Velaza, 2008.
  • 42 Velaza, 2004, p. 326.
  • 43 See also De Hoz, 2011b, p. 386-388.
  • 44 Untermann, 2014, PM I-V.
  • 45 The lead documents from this site were excavated a long time ago. Nonetheless, an improv (...)
  • 46 Probably the two documents published by Benages, 1990, as well as a later publication (...)
  • 47 The site was destroyed at this time, but many of the lead documents may have well been o (...)
  • 48 Guérin, Silgo, 1996.
  • 49 Ferrer, 2013.
  • 50 C.1.6 (Morell, 2009, p. 295) and the one published by Sanmartí, 1988.

6The oldest lead sheets containing Iberian inscriptions belong to the 4th century BC, albeit there are several which may be even earlier. One example comes from Grau Vell (Sagunto)34, or the one from Tos Pelat, a site abandoned between the end of the 5th century and mid-4th century35. Many examples are demonstrably from the 4th century: three sheets from La Bastida (Mogente)36, and one each from El Cigarralejo (G.13.1)37, Coimbra del Barranco Ancho38, or Peña del Moro (C.17.1)39. The 3rd century is attested by the sheets of Palamós (C.4.1)40, Pontòs41, Puig de Castellar (Santa Coloma de Gramanet)42 and El Amarejo43. Nonetheless, the largest group is found in the various destruction phases documented at the turn of the 3rd-2nd centuries BC, during the Second Punic War or in the various campaigns carried out in its wake against various Iberian peoples. They are the five written lead sheets from Pech Maho44, two from San Miguel de Liria (F.13.2), five from Ullastret (C.2.3-7)45, three from Castellet de Banyoles46, ten from La Serreta47, as well as two isolated finds probably associated with Castellet de Bernabe48 and La Palma.49 In addition, two of the sheets found at Ampurias establish this period as an ante quem chronology50.

  • 51 Three from Monteró (Camarasa, Lleida) and one from San Esteban de Olriols (Hue (...)
  • 52 Camañes et al., 2010, p. 237. Several sites can be found in this place (Principal et al.(...)
  • 53 Lorrio, Velaza, 2005.
  • 54 Dana, 2015, p. 115-116.
  • 55 The two Greek defixiones from Ampurias are dated to the 4th-3rd centuries BC (IGF, nº 132-133).

7The sharp decline in the use lead as a writing material between the Second Punic War and the ensuing years. The many destructions that take place during the Civil Wars of the 1st century BC yield no such sheets. Interestingly, no lead sheets were used in areas, such as the middle Ebro valley, were writing itself did not appear until the 2nd or 1st centuries BC (fig. 4). The westernmost finds come from the valley of the Segre51, and even there one of the finds is precisely one of the last examples: Monteró 1, a Roman castellum from the transition from the 2nd to the 1st centuries52. In Celtiberia vernacular epigraphy appears during or after Roman conquest, and there is only one sheet rescued from the black market and, apparently, found at La Manchuela (province of Cuenca)53. In parallel, Greek lead inscriptions disappear after the 3rd century BC in the Gulf of Lion. Indeed, the letters and contracts in lead from the area are from the 5th-3rd centuries54. Only the lead sheet of Olbia (IGF, nº70), considered a defixio or ‘prayer for justice’, seems to be from the 2nd-1st centuries55.

Fig 4. Map of Iberian lead tablets: 1. Ensérune; 2. Montlaurès; 3. Gruissan; 4. Pech Maho; 5. Ruscino; 6. Pontós; 7. Ampurias; 8. Ullastret; 9. Palamós; 10. Santa Coloma de Gramanet; 11. Sant Just Desvern; 12. Castellet de Banyoles; 13. La Palma; 14. Camarasa; 15. Tárrega; 16. La Granja d’Escarp; 17. Olriols; 18. Puebla Tornesa; 19. Castellón; 20. Bechí; 21. Orleyl; 22. Grau Vell; 23. Sagunto; 24. Morvedre; 25. Casinos; 26. Castellet de Berbabé; 27. San Miguel de Liria; 28. Los Villares; 29. Tos Pelat; 30. Utiel; 31. Yátova; 31. Ayora; 33. Turis; 34. Enguera; 35. Mogente; 36. Gandía; 37. Albaida; 38. Almarejo; 39. Montealegre del Castillo; 40. Alfafara; 41. Balones; 42. La Serreta; 43. Coimbra; 44. Cigarralejo; 45. Montejícar; 46. Gádor.

Fig 4. Map of Iberian lead tablets: 1.           Ensérune; 2. Montlaurès; 3. Gruissan; 4. Pech Maho; 5. Ruscino; 6.           Pontós; 7. Ampurias; 8. Ullastret; 9. Palamós; 10. Santa Coloma de           Gramanet; 11. Sant Just Desvern; 12. Castellet de Banyoles; 13. La           Palma; 14. Camarasa; 15. Tárrega; 16. La Granja d’Escarp; 17.           Olriols; 18. Puebla Tornesa; 19. Castellón; 20. Bechí; 21. Orleyl;           22. Grau Vell; 23. Sagunto; 24. Morvedre; 25. Casinos; 26. Castellet           de Berbabé; 27. San Miguel de Liria; 28. Los Villares; 29. Tos           Pelat; 30. Utiel; 31. Yátova; 31. Ayora; 33. Turis; 34. Enguera; 35.           Mogente; 36. Gandía; 37. Albaida; 38. Almarejo; 39. Montealegre del           Castillo; 40. Alfafara; 41. Balones; 42. La Serreta; 43. Coimbra;           44. Cigarralejo; 45. Montejícar; 46. Gádor.
  • 56 The oldest examples are from the Republican period: ELRH, C87, U29, U33-37. Naturally, t (...)

8Finally, the lead sheet disappears as a writing material in the Roman imperial period, except for this use to write curses –defixiones56. Under Augustus indigenous writing and languages in Hispania practically disappears. Nonetheless, Latin epigraphy continues to use many types, materials and formats previously used in Iberian and Celtiberian inscriptions, such as the bronze tabulae, steles, mosaics, graphites and potter stamps. Lead sheets, however, were not maintained, except to write curses.

3. Bone styli and wax tablets

  • 57 In one of the Greek magical papyri the text mentions that for writing on a lead sheet th (...)
  • 58 Božič, Feugère, 2004, p. 30-31.
  • 59 Béal, 1983, p. 151.

9Writing on a lead sheet is easy given the ductility of the material, but it nonetheless required the use of a metal stylus that, unfortunately, has never been archaeologically found for certain in Iberia57. Bone styli, however, have been found in Iberian contexts of the 2nd-1st centuries BC (fig. 5). There is little research on the Iron Age bone industry, and for the Roman period there is often certain typological confusion that has hindered meaningful research as to their function until very recently. This recent work has cleared the doubts surrounding their use, and these objects are garnering increasing attention, particularly in Roman republican military studies, contexts in which they are quite common. In a key article on writing utensils, Božič and Feugère58 have collected formal and contextual arguments to support that these sharp bones are disposable styli, and not spindles59. From a formal point of view, their sharp tip would be useless in a spindle, and the smoothness of the spherical heads can easily be attributed to their use as erasers. Contextual evidence also supports their writing functionality, because they have never been found near whorls, and yet they do appear in tombs and shipwrecks near other writing instruments, notwithstanding their mentioned frequency in military camps.

Fig. 5. Map of sites where bone styli are found (II-I BC): 1. Ensérune; 2. Vieille Toulouse; 3. Ruscino; 4. Ampurias; 5. Sant Julià de Ramís; 6. Burriac; 7. Torre dels Encantats; 8. Cabrera de Mar; 9. Cardona; 10. Torre Roja; 11. Badalona; 12. Olérdola; 13. Tarragona; 14. Sant Miquel de Sorba; 15. Lérida; 16. Oliete; 17. La Cabañeta; 18. Zaragoza; 19. Botorrita; 20. Inestrillas; 21. Valencia; 22. Libisosa; 23. Cáceres el Viejo; 24. Son Espases.

Fig. 5. Map of sites where bone styli are found (II-I BC): 1. Ensérune; 2.           Vieille Toulouse; 3. Ruscino; 4. Ampurias; 5. Sant Julià de Ramís;           6. Burriac; 7. Torre dels Encantats; 8. Cabrera de Mar; 9. Cardona;           10. Torre Roja; 11. Badalona; 12. Olérdola; 13. Tarragona; 14. Sant           Miquel de Sorba; 15. Lérida; 16. Oliete; 17. La Cabañeta; 18.           Zaragoza; 19. Botorrita; 20. Inestrillas; 21. Valencia; 22.           Libisosa; 23. Cáceres el Viejo; 24. Son Espases.
  • 60 The most complete typology, especially of biconic types, can be found in Gostenčnik, 200 (...)
  • 61 Božič, Feugère, 2004, p. 30-31.
  • 62 A 2nd century BC fragment recently found in the excavations at Saint Roch neig (...)
  • 63 Olesti, 2019, p. 60.
  • 64 See Andrews, 2012. Alonso, 2013, has published a catalogue with all the examples found i (...)

10Styli are pointed instruments with a widening that helps grab them, either between the shaft and the tip –in a conical stylus– or halfway down the shaft –in a biconical stylus60. One tip is sharpened for incising, and the other is beveled or rounded for erasing by flattening the wax (uertere stilum). Conical styli are typical in the earlier period (2nd-1st centuries BC), and they are replaced by biconical styli under Augustus61. The former are precisely the most commonly found in Republican camps. These bone styli were used to inscribe in wax tablets, which is meaningful information for the history of writing because these tablets –tabulae ceratae– must have been very common, and yet they have only very exceptionally survived to our time62. Other instruments are associated with these wax tablets, such as the spatulas used to flatten the wax, with very few documented63, and the seal boxes, whose very relation with these tablets is controversial64.

  • 65 For the Numantine camps (Luik, 2002, n.º 262-266, 346-352) and for Cáceres el Viejo (Ulb (...)
  • 66 Olèrdola (Molist, 2014, p. 242, fig. 14, n.º 11) or the Camp de les Lloses (Ca (...)
  • 67 Ribera, 2017, fig. 20.
  • 68 Mayayo, e.p.
  • 69 At the Ulu Burum shipwreck a 15th century BC diptych of wax tablets was found (Payton, (...)
  • 70 Rébé, 2016, has published around sixty from the old excavations at Ruscino, albeit three (...)
  • 71 Olesti, 2019, p. 63, on Baetulo and Iluro.
  • 72 Simón, in press.

11No styli have been found in Iberia prior to the 2nd century BC. The fact that they are all from after Roman conquest, and they have been primarily found in military camps (the Numantine camps, or Cáceres el Viejo)65, as well as other military instalations (Olèrdola and Camp de les Lloses)66, colonies (Valentia67) or strongly Italicized sites (La Cabañeta)68, appears to indicate that these instruments came to Iberia borne by the Romans themselves, despite their ancient existence in other parts of the Mediterranean69. In any case, they also appear in Iberian settlements such as Ruscino (MLH II, B.8)70, Azaila (MLH III, E.1), El Palomar de Oliete (MLH III, E.5; fig. 6), Iluro or Baetulo (MLH, C.8),71 where Iberian writing is common, and Latin is barely, if at all, present, indicating that they were used by local population to use with their own writing72.

Fig. 6. Bone styli from El Palomar, Oliete (Museo de Teruel)

Fig. 6. Bone styli from El Palomar, Oliete           (Museo de Teruel)
  • 73 Beltrán, 2005, p. 24, points this absence out. Not a single example of learning how to w (...)
  • 74 Gener et al., 2012; Almagro-Gorbea, 2017, has published another piece stored i (...)

12Writing instruments such as the stylus shed more light on the practice of writing, but there are still many shadows over what Iberian literacy was like. It is likely that in the pre-Roman period other materials were used apart from lead. Indeed, lead sheets with daily usage abound, but there are no writing exercises73. In addition, other writing instruments have been identified, suggesting that other writing materials were used to write on, such as papyrus, which is indirectly present in the cretulae, which have only been found in Cádiz74.

Conclusions: lead sheets and wax tablets

  • 75 Ruiz Darasse, 2006, p. 168.
  • 76 Morell, 2009, ch. 9.
  • 77 Beltrán, 2004, p. 67-68.
  • 78 Barrandon, 2013.
  • 79 IGF, n.º 135.
  • 80 IGEP, n.º 129.
  • 81 katulati, in the latter example, has been classified as Iberian or Gallic name (...)
  • 82 Rodríguez Ramos, 2001, p. 33-34, has considered an alternative hypothesis in which the L (...)
  • 83 Rafel et al., 2010.
  • 84 Morell, 2009, p. 302.
  • 85 Barrandon, 2013.

13The disappearance, or sharp decline, of Iberian lead sheets has been pointed out for Valencia by Ruiz Darasse75, and for Catalonia by Morell76. Beltrán also pointed out that this reduction may have been due to ‘alterations in the trading networks, or the way in which trading agreements were written down’77. Barrandon (2013) also believes that changes in the trading system finished off lead sheets78. This author establishes two hypotheses; one is a change in the networks themselves, and the other is a problem with the distribution of lead: 1. The sheets were used in trade between Greeks and Iberians, but the arrival of Italic traders disrupted these relations; 2. Access to lead deposits was restricted after the Romans took control of silver production around Cartagena. Both ideas, however, have been challenged. One of them is that although there are Iberian names in the Greek lead sheet of Pech Maho79 and one from Ampurias80, the opposite is nowhere to be found, either Greek names listed in Iberian texts, or even as recipients of letters81. Emporion was a key ally of Rome during the conquest, so it seems unlikely that it would be marginalized economically as the hypothesis would suggest82. Regarding the second hypothesis proposed by Barrandon, the analysis of lead objects from Ampurias pointed out that it came, not only from the Southeast, but also from the Priorat (province of Tarragona) and southern France83. Already Morell had discarded that there would be any shortage of lead, opting rather for the natural substitution of one material for ‘new types of more efficient materials’84. Indeed, Barrandon believes such new materials would be the “tablettes noircies”85.

  • 86 Regarding the use of tablets: Degni, 1998, and the various studies found in Lalou, (...)

14The recent study and analysis of styli, which is not part of the studies mentioned above, proves that wax tablets were used in Iberia starting in the 2nd-1st centuries BC. They were possibly introduced in Iberia by the Romans, but nonetheless contextual analysis appears to indicate that the local population also used them. In the Roman world wax tablets were used for different types of texts, such as wills, contracts, accounting (codices accepti et expensi), letters and teaching86, and some of these functions echo those which Iberians ascribed to lead sheets. The distribution maps of Iberian leads and styli overlap tellingly (figs. 4 and 5). The exception is the middle Ebro valley, where Celtiberian and Iberian epigraphy only appeared in the 2nd-1st centuries BC, already under Roman rule. In this part, no lead documents can be found at all. Finally, lead sheets tend to disappear between the later 3rd century and early 2nd century BC, and it is in the ensuing century when bone styli spread. It is therefore probable that wax tablets did substitute lead sheets, which had, until then, been a traditional element of Iberian literacy.

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Notes

1 Jordan, 1980, p. 226-227; De Hoz, 1999, p. 443-444; Dana, 2015, p. 115, believes that lead began to be used for writing in the Ionian cities of Asia Minor.

2 Decourt, 2014; Dana, 2015, p. 115. In Sicily (Morgantina and Camarina) lead sheets were used for writing up purchase agreements, De Hoz, 1994.

3 The lead sheets of this region were inventoried in the IGEP, nr. 129-133 and 165, as well as IGF, no. 4, 70, 130, 135 and 159; recent findings should be included: Bats, 2010, and Rebé et al., 2017.

4 De Hoz, 1999, p. 443-447

5 Only one Iberian example, which was nailed to a column, appears to have been written for public display: C.1.5 (Ampurias). In the Greek corpus there is also the exception of the lex sacra of Selinus, written on a lead sheet with a peculiar layout which has been explored in depth by Dimartino, 2015.

6 MLH III, F.13.2, F.20.1, F.20.3 and also the piece from the Marsal collection (Untermann, 1998).

7 Rodríguez Ramos, 1997, p. 17.

8 A typology according to size and format can be found in Morell, 2009, p. 256, fig. 72.

9 Simón, 2012; Bonet, 2013.

10 These can’t be associated with defixiones because they are not secondary deposits, albeit religious content is not ruled out (De Hoz, 1995, p. 60-61). There is no testimony associated with religious usage, save for the small sheets found at Amarejo, an apparently votive deposit (Broncano, 1989).

11 The piece G.7.2 was found in room 48 of La Bastida, in the same house as room 49, which is interpreted as a smithy because trivets, nozzles, iron tools, and lead sheets were found (Bonet, Guérin, 1995, p. 100).

12 Regarding the interpretation of Iberian leads, see Untermann, 1987, 1996, 2001, and Orduña, 2005.

13 There is no question regarding the roster nature of C.0.1, C.4.1, F.21.1, G.7.2 and several of the pieces found at Pech Maho (Untermann, 2014, PM I-III).

14 Numbers are found in C.0.1, C.0.2, C.2.4, F.9.3, F.9.8, F.13.2, F.17.1, F.20.2, F.20.3, F.21.1, G.0.1, G.1.1, G.1.6, G.7.2, H.1.1, as well as one of the documents from Tivissa (Asensio et al., 2003) and the one from Puig Castellar (Velaza, 2004c, p. 326-327). On the metrological signs see De Hoz, 1981; De Hoz, 2011b, p. 191-200; Ferrer, 2011.

15 MLH III-1, § 579; Moncunill, 2007, p. 274.

16 López, 2016.

17 Untermann, 2014, PM V.

18 Sanmartí, 1988; Orduña, 2005, p. 273; Untermann, 2014, EMP I.

19 Pavlichenko, Kashaev, 2012; Dana et al., 2018.

20 sakaŕiskeŕ-ar-nai, leisir-en-ḿi and katulatie-(e)n.

21 Ballester, 2008.

22 Lorrio, Velaza, 2005, p. 1041.

23 Ruiz Darasse, 2006, p. 168; Morell, 2009, ch. 9.

24 De Hoz, 1995, p. 70.

25 Sanmartí, 1988, p. 109.

26 Solier, Barbouteau, 1988, p. 85-87.

27 Camañes et al., 2010, p. 237.

28 Lorrio, Velaza, 2005.

29 Rodríguez Ramos, 2004, p. 223.

30 C.0.1, C.0.2, F.20.4, F.21.1, La Mazorra (Fletcher, 1982, p. 6-8).

31 Casinos (Ferrer, Escrivà 2014), Tàrrega (Ferrer, Garcès, 2013), Llano de la Consolación (G.15.1), Gádor (H.1.1), Castellón (F.6.1), Bechí (F.7.1), Gandía (Fletcher, Silgo, 1992-1993), Camp de Morvedre (Silgo, Tolosa, 2000), Sagunto (Silgo, Gozalbes, 1996-1997), Camarasa (Ferrer et al., 2008), Los Allozos (Pachón et al., 2004).

32 For example, a large part of the lead documents from La Serreta, Alcoy, have been revised by Grau, Segura, 1994-1995.

33 Some lead inscriptions have been disregarded because they were not written on tablets, but rather other lead objects such as pondera, labels or glands: Areyns de Mar (C.6.1), Badalona (Comas et al., 2002), Puig Castellar (Morell, Moncunill, 2008), Alcanar (Ferrer et al., 2008), Sagunto (F.11.25), Los Villares (F.17.4) and Yátova (F.20.5).

34 Aranegui, 2004, p. 76-78.

35 Burriel et al., 2011.

36 Regarding the site, see Bonet, Vives-Ferrándiz, 2011; the leads have been specifically dealt with by De Hoz, 2011a.

37 Cuadrado, 1987, p. 121-123.

38 Muñoz, 1990, p. 98.

39 Barberà, Sanmartí, 1982.

40 Riurò, 1982, p. 131.

41 Ferrer, Velaza, 2008.

42 Velaza, 2004, p. 326.

43 See also De Hoz, 2011b, p. 386-388.

44 Untermann, 2014, PM I-V.

45 The lead documents from this site were excavated a long time ago. Nonetheless, an improved chronology has been brought to light by Morell, 2009, p. 266-268.

46 Probably the two documents published by Benages, 1990, as well as a later publication (Asensio et al., 2003).

47 The site was destroyed at this time, but many of the lead documents may have well been older, from the 4th century BC (Grau, Segura, 1994-1995).

48 Guérin, Silgo, 1996.

49 Ferrer, 2013.

50 C.1.6 (Morell, 2009, p. 295) and the one published by Sanmartí, 1988.

51 Three from Monteró (Camarasa, Lleida) and one from San Esteban de Olriols (Huesca), near the Cinca river (Ferrer, Garcés, 2005). Unfortunately none of them have an identified archaeological context. Ferrer et al., 2008, consider that paleography supports a 3rd century chronology, or at most early 2nd century.

52 Camañes et al., 2010, p. 237. Several sites can be found in this place (Principal et al., 2015), wherefrom two more lead sheets were taken by detectorists: Ferrer et al., 2008.

53 Lorrio, Velaza, 2005.

54 Dana, 2015, p. 115-116.

55 The two Greek defixiones from Ampurias are dated to the 4th-3rd centuries BC (IGF, nº 132-133).

56 The oldest examples are from the Republican period: ELRH, C87, U29, U33-37. Naturally, the use of lead for making labels is not considered. An exception to this is the sheet from Bordeaux (ILA, n.º 395), which has an accounting list from the Imperial period, and which represents an unicum in the use of lead for this kind of texts in this period.

57 In one of the Greek magical papyri the text mentions that for writing on a lead sheet the best stylus is the bronze one, χαλκῳ γραφίῳ (PMG XXXVI 2). Jordan, 2000, p. 92, figs. 3 and 4, points out that the Greek letter on lead found in the Athenian agora reveals double tracing, indicating that it may have been written with a reed pen because “experiments show that fresh thin lead sheets are in fact soft enough to be inscribed with reeds”, but it may have also been done with a metallic pen. A silver object from Burriac (Cabrera de Mar, Barcelona), considered a stylus, has been found together with some bits of charcoal which some believe to have been the burnt remains of the limewood which was the preferred material for tablets in the Classical world (Barberá, Pascual, 1979-80, p. 229).

58 Božič, Feugère, 2004, p. 30-31.

59 Béal, 1983, p. 151.

60 The most complete typology, especially of biconic types, can be found in Gostenčnik, 2005, p. 46-72.

61 Božič, Feugère, 2004, p. 30-31.

62 A 2nd century BC fragment recently found in the excavations at Saint Roch neighborhood in Toulouse (Verrier, 2017, p. 150, fig. 114), and perhaps also the one found in Burriac (Cabrera de Mar, Barberá, Pascual, 1979-80, p. 229).

63 Olesti, 2019, p. 60.

64 See Andrews, 2012. Alonso, 2013, has published a catalogue with all the examples found in Hispania.

65 For the Numantine camps (Luik, 2002, n.º 262-266, 346-352) and for Cáceres el Viejo (Ulbert, 1984, p. 222, lám. 20).

66 Olèrdola (Molist, 2014, p. 242, fig. 14, n.º 11) or the Camp de les Lloses (Catálogo Camp de les Lloses, p. 124).

67 Ribera, 2017, fig. 20.

68 Mayayo, e.p.

69 At the Ulu Burum shipwreck a 15th century BC diptych of wax tablets was found (Payton, 1991).

70 Rébé, 2016, has published around sixty from the old excavations at Ruscino, albeit three of them come from silos (RUS 1968 S8 y RUS 91 004) from the 2nd or early 1st century BC. Another four come from silos of the time of Caesar (RUS 1968 S4 y RUS 1968 S16).

71 Olesti, 2019, p. 63, on Baetulo and Iluro.

72 Simón, in press.

73 Beltrán, 2005, p. 24, points this absence out. Not a single example of learning how to write has been found, despite their necessary existence in abundance. Only the ‘signary of Espanca’ (J.25.1, Castro Verde) could be considered one such example, which survived because it was done on stone. Recently, some Iberian writing signaries have revealed a formal variation which has nothing to do with writing exercises, but rather with a magical-religious function. Of these, only the example from Tos Pelat is written on lead (Velaza, 2012; Ferrer, 2014). In Etruria and other Italian regions linen is used for writing, which is known thanks to the references in Classical literature to libri lintei. One of them has miraculously been preserved –the liber linteus Zagabrensis–, and some possible iconographical examples: Roncalli, 1980, 1985; Piccaluga, 1994.

74 Gener et al., 2012; Almagro-Gorbea, 2017, has published another piece stored in the Museum of Jaén.

75 Ruiz Darasse, 2006, p. 168.

76 Morell, 2009, ch. 9.

77 Beltrán, 2004, p. 67-68.

78 Barrandon, 2013.

79 IGF, n.º 135.

80 IGEP, n.º 129.

81 katulati, in the latter example, has been classified as Iberian or Gallic name, Moncunill, 2010, p. 87.

82 Rodríguez Ramos, 2001, p. 33-34, has considered an alternative hypothesis in which the Levantine Iberian writing diffusion would be the consequence of Roman conquest, and the ensuing expansion of the writing of those who had been allies Massalia and Rome.

83 Rafel et al., 2010.

84 Morell, 2009, p. 302.

85 Barrandon, 2013.

86 Regarding the use of tablets: Degni, 1998, and the various studies found in Lalou, 1992.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1. Map of Greek leads: 1. Olbia; 2. Marsella; 3. Agde; 4. Lattes; 5. Pech Maho; 6. Ruscino; 7. Rosas; 8. Ampurias
URL http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/docannexe/image/22325/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 108k
Titre Fig. 2. Iberian lead of Mogente (MLH III-1: G.7.2)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/docannexe/image/22325/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 241k
Titre Fig. 3. Iberian lead of Ampurias (Sanmartí, 1988)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/docannexe/image/22325/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 435k
Titre Fig 4. Map of Iberian lead tablets: 1. Ensérune; 2. Montlaurès; 3. Gruissan; 4. Pech Maho; 5. Ruscino; 6. Pontós; 7. Ampurias; 8. Ullastret; 9. Palamós; 10. Santa Coloma de Gramanet; 11. Sant Just Desvern; 12. Castellet de Banyoles; 13. La Palma; 14. Camarasa; 15. Tárrega; 16. La Granja d’Escarp; 17. Olriols; 18. Puebla Tornesa; 19. Castellón; 20. Bechí; 21. Orleyl; 22. Grau Vell; 23. Sagunto; 24. Morvedre; 25. Casinos; 26. Castellet de Berbabé; 27. San Miguel de Liria; 28. Los Villares; 29. Tos Pelat; 30. Utiel; 31. Yátova; 31. Ayora; 33. Turis; 34. Enguera; 35. Mogente; 36. Gandía; 37. Albaida; 38. Almarejo; 39. Montealegre del Castillo; 40. Alfafara; 41. Balones; 42. La Serreta; 43. Coimbra; 44. Cigarralejo; 45. Montejícar; 46. Gádor.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/docannexe/image/22325/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 79k
Titre Fig. 5. Map of sites where bone styli are found (II-I BC): 1. Ensérune; 2. Vieille Toulouse; 3. Ruscino; 4. Ampurias; 5. Sant Julià de Ramís; 6. Burriac; 7. Torre dels Encantats; 8. Cabrera de Mar; 9. Cardona; 10. Torre Roja; 11. Badalona; 12. Olérdola; 13. Tarragona; 14. Sant Miquel de Sorba; 15. Lérida; 16. Oliete; 17. La Cabañeta; 18. Zaragoza; 19. Botorrita; 20. Inestrillas; 21. Valencia; 22. Libisosa; 23. Cáceres el Viejo; 24. Son Espases.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/docannexe/image/22325/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 72k
Titre Fig. 6. Bone styli from El Palomar, Oliete (Museo de Teruel)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/docannexe/image/22325/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 62k
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Ignacio Simón Cornago, « Lead tablets and styli: daily writing in Iberia between the 5th and 1st centuries BC »Pallas, 118 | 2022, 177-194.

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Ignacio Simón Cornago, « Lead tablets and styli: daily writing in Iberia between the 5th and 1st centuries BC »Pallas [En ligne], 118 | 2022, mis en ligne le 05 septembre 2023, consulté le 14 septembre 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/pallas/22325 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/pallas.22325

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Ignacio Simón Cornago

Profesor de Historia Antigua
Universidad de Valladolid

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