- 1 Lara Foot Newton also publishes under the name Lara Foot. This article uses Foot Newton because Arm (...)
- 2 In addition to the anti-apartheid plays mentioned earlier, Pieter-Dirk Uys’s works exemplify the cr (...)
1The role that humour can play in colonial resistance has been celebrated by many postcolonial, decolonial, and anticolonial authors. As Chinua Achebe opines in The Education of a British Protected Child, “[d]spossession is, of course, no laughing matter, no occasion for humor. And yet the amazing thing is that the dispossessed will often turn his powerlessness to good account and laugh, and thereby lift himself out of desolation and despair” (2009, 9). In South Africa, the tradition of audiences laughing back at dispossession and colonial violence in theatrical performances can be traced back to several iconic anti-apartheid plays, including Percy Mtwa, Mbongeni Ngema, and Barney Simon’s Woza Albert!; Athol Fugard, John Kani, and Winston Ntshona’s Sizwe Bansi is Dead; and Fugard, Kani, and Ntshona’s The Island. Laughter in these instances may be said to help humanize the dispossessed colonial subject because, as Achebe opines, “humor is quintessentially human” (9). Yet, the transition between apartheid and democracy in South Africa, marked by the 1994 national election, has modified the role that humour occupies in a deeply divided state. As post-apartheid plays such as Lara Foot Newton’s Reach (2009) reveal, humour is a tool that can help people overcome the divisions apartheid established between ethnicities, classes, genders, and generations.1 Whereas apartheid-era playwrights used humour to ridicule state violence and humanize victims, in many post-apartheid plays humour between characters hinges on shared experiences or joking as a means of exorcising anxieties and celebrating a united South African national identity.2
- 3 The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is also referred to through the acronym TRC.
2Reviewers interpret Reach as a work that explores crises impacting reconciliation in the post-apartheid state. Introducing Reach in Armed Response: Plays from South Africa, David Peimer argues that it “is deeply ironic that, after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, both hope and abandonment should emerge as prevalent South African themes” (2009, xv).3 For Peimer, Reach “does not describe this development; it gets inside the very nerve of the tension inherent in these conflicting feelings” (xv). In a similar vein, Greg Homann’s introduction to At This Stage: Plays from Post-Apartheid South Africa describes the play as a “story of trying to connect, of trying to narrow the divide between differing histories, generations and racial lines in an attempt to accept, acknowledge and reconcile the traumatic past” shared by the two central characters (2009, 18). Homann argues that Reach “is as much a reminder of the need for reconciliation as it is a warning that reconciliation is an ongoing process” (18). He views the bond between the two characters as verging on familial, noting by the conclusion that “they have become like mother and son.” (Homann 2009, 19). Expanding on this point, Homann asserts all the plays in his anthology “prioritise the significance of female figures,” suggesting that “mothers, aunts and grandmothers, often in surrogate roles,” are the ones “who have inspired our aspirations and instilled our moral sensibilities.” (19). This is true for Reach because the non-biological familial bond leads to reconciliation in the domestic space.
- 4 Lyn Graybill defines ubuntu in the following terms: “Ubuntu derives from the Xhosa expression ‘Umun (...)
3For Marcia Blumberg, Reach is one of two plays that “premiered in 2007, many years after the formal conclusion of the TRC, to examine how individuals still need to confront the pain of personal happenings instead of those that were dealt with in public forums” (2009, 246). Yvette Hutchison interprets the play as “asking what other things we need to ‘unthink’ in order to achieve ubuntu” (2013, 160).4 Catherine Powell’s master’s thesis is the most comprehensive study of the play to-date. For Powell, “Reach deals with questions of identity, alienation, and belonging” and “explores new ways to heal the wounds left by a continued legacy of violence” (2010, 23; 34). She reads the personal interactions between the play’s characters as a microcosm of the “larger problems of reconciliation and healing in the new South Africa,” arguing acts of caring cultivate reconciliation (Powell, 34–35). Focusing on aspects of the play for which Powell provides cursory analysis, such as the role humour occupies, this article argues humour helps the two characters break stereotypes and construct a familial bond.
4Reach follows the experiences of a reclusive white South African woman named Marion Banning who lives alone on the outskirts of Port Alfred. The text describes her as having “an infinite need,” alienated from both family and friends (Foot Newton 2009b, 129). Her life is primarily occupied with grieving for her murdered son and attempting to reconnect with her estranged daughter living in Australia; but things change when she discovers Solomon Xaba sneaking around her house. He has come to tell his version of events surrounding Marion’s son Jonathan’s murder, a duty placed on “the last person to see someone alive” in Xhosa culture (Foot Newton 2009b, 161). Marion’s relationship with Solomon broaches a range of crises affecting the nation; these include racism, unemployment, violence, AIDS, land distribution, and sexism. By its conclusion, Reach posits friendship and a maternal bond as productive tools to reconcile divisions between groups.
- 5 Foot Newton repeatedly uses a lighter tone or humour in plays exploring serious topics in post-apar (...)
5The play and playwright are canonical in the field of post-apartheid South African theatre, but Reach is of particular significance to contemporary South African drama due to the playwright’s exploration of humour as a potential means to redress crises in the new state.5 Foot Newton has won multiple awards, including a Fleur du Cap Award in 1992 and 2003 and a Standard Bank Young Artist of the Year Award in 1995 (University of Cape Town, 2025). She is the current CEO and Director of the Baxter Theatre in Cape Town, South Africa (University of Cape Town, 2025). Many of her plays have circulated nationally as well as internationally, as is the case with Reach. The play was first performed in 2007 at the Theaterformen festival in Hanover, Germany. After its debut, it ran at the 2007 National Arts Festival. It then appeared at the Baxter Theatre and eventually moved to The Market Theatre, Johannesburg (Homann 2009b, 31). Near the end of 2007 Reach toured extensively in Sweden, staged at theatres in Uppsala, Umeå, and Stockholm (Homann, 31). It was then published twice in 2009, both in Peimer’s Armed Response: Plays from South Africa as Reach and Homann’s At This Stage: Plays from Post-Apartheid South Africa under the title Reach!. Foot Newton then reworked the play into Solomon and Marion in 2013 and published it with Oberon. This article uses the Seagull Books edition, edited by Peimer, as the anthology’s international publisher reflects the global circulation of Reach and the way that theatrical stagings of reconciliation were performed within, and beyond, South Africa’s borders at the time. Peimer’s use of the phrase “plays from South Africa” in the subtitle of his anthology (emphasis added) embodies the same type of transnational circulation that Reach experienced in its debut.
- 6 My discussion of Otherness in this instance draws upon Homi K. Bhabha’s assertion that the Other is (...)
- 7 Foot Newton and Clare Stopford, the director of Reach’s debut, debated whether to cast Solomon as a (...)
6I approach the text as a state-of-the-nation play. In doing so, this article draws upon Nadine Holdsworth’s definition of a state-of-the-nation play as a work that “deploys representations of personal events” to serve “as a microcosm of the nation-state” (2010, 39). If one reads Reach in this way, each character’s distrust of the other becomes emblematic of the trauma extending from apartheid. For instance, Marion frequently views Solomon as Other.6 One such example is when Solomon’s unexpected arrival causes Marion to assume he is a burglar. She has been aware of his presence for several days, without making direct contact, and believes he is planning to kill her: “If you are here to murder me, just hurry up and get on with it. I can’t wait forever, you know” (Foot Newton 2009b, 132). Marion’s reaction is based on Solomon’s outward appearance. She explains her first impression of Solomon in a letter to her daughter, revealing that her preliminary distrust is grounded in the belief that he is “one of those awful tsotsiies [sic],” a dangerous criminal (Foot Newton 2009b, 131).7 As a theatrical device, the letter grants the audience access to Marion’s internal thoughts and biases towards Solomon.
- 8 Julie Berg and Wilfried Schärf corroborate this trend by studying crime statistics between 1994 and (...)
7Marion exemplifies the mindset that Ashraf Jamal describes as sustaining South Africa’s psychological imprisonment when she assumes Solomon is a tsotsi (2005, 17). Building on Albie Sachs’ argument in “Preparing Ourselves for Freedom,” Jamal reflects that, fifteen years after the publication of Sachs’ paper, the “South African imaginary has by no means overwhelmed, bypassed, or ignored the conditions for its continued oppression” (Jamal 2005, 17). Marion, in this instance, is unable to overcome her prejudices about Solomon’s difference and, as a result, fails to trust him or grasp his intent. At this point in the play, the audience is equally ignorant about his purpose. This provides the potential for them to make the same negative assumptions as Marion. Describing her uneasy relationship with Solomon, Peimer notes that the play is “located in a very concrete post-apartheid reality” (2009, xv). In this instance Marion’s fear reflects broad anxieties around violent crime and sexual violence in the early years of national independence. Helen Moffett’s study of sexual violence and the political transition from apartheid to democracy finds the “first ten years of the new state have seen a dramatic increase in sexual assaults on women, children and men” (Moffett 2006, 132).8 It is within this context that one should view Marion’s hesitation as emblematic of a larger population who remain anxious in their interactions with strangers due to a pervasive fear of violence.
8Researchers such as Jamal propose that fostering a love of difference may help South Africans to overcome apartheid divisions and generate new intercultural exchanges after apartheid. Jamal views love as “a resistance act, an act that furthers the attempt to rethink – dream and experience – the inherent heterogeneity of the South African cultural imaginary which, until now, has been intuited as symptomatic of a pathology rather than as that which, all the while, was resistant to pathology” (2005, 24). Jamal’s contribution to current debates on South African nationalism and unity is his insistence that love can reconfigure the material condition of South Africa. Arguing that South Africa’s heterogeneous cultural imaginary is “resistant to pathology,” propagating love for the cultural or ethnic differences of fellow citizens can allow South Africans to dissolve Otherness without erasing differences (Jamal 2005, 24). In this sense learning to value ethnic differences means South Africans will experience a hybrid position, a state that is not based on “radical difference” nor an overwhelming “sameness” that eschews important distinctions between citizens (Jamal 2005, 24). Doing so can help to free South Africans from apartheid and post-apartheid terminology that has moved from a nationalism based on extreme difference to one founded on an overwhelming emphasis on unity, a type of nationalism that risks ignoring important differences between its members. In this case, hybridity is not established on the basis of a racially mixed population, but rather a love of difference and heterogeneity itself.
9It is in the play’s formation of a mother/son relationship between Marion and Solomon that Foot Newton’s Reach epitomizes the kind of liberating love that Jamal describes. Although initially divided at the outset of the play, Marion and Solomon grow closer as they overcome their fears of difference and begin to respect, trust, and eventually care for each other. For Powell, crossing boundaries “through acts of caring catalyzes a process of reconciliation” (2010, 34). But this is only possible because they share a common historical connection: Solomon’s grandmother worked for Marion (Foot Newton 2009b, 132). Overcoming class and cultural stereotypes is an important step to establishing their relationship as both make negative assumptions about the other’s intentions from the outset. As much as Marion is afraid of the physical threat Solomon poses when he first appears, Solomon also makes incorrect assumptions about Marion because of her race: “I thought all white people had groceries” (Foot Newton 2009b, 137). Their first impressions of each other are misguided as we discover that Marion is poorer and more frugal than Solomon supposes and that the latter is not there for malicious purposes, but rather to deliver a confession about witnessing her son’s death. Reach is thus an appropriate title for the play as its audience witnesses Marion and Solomon attempting to span cultural divisions and prejudices to form a familial relationship in the post-apartheid state.
10As a state-of-the-nation play, characters in Reach embody the types of divisions broadly fragmenting citizens in the new state; but the play progresses to show how humour can help characters overcome such divisions by exposing, and rebuking, their anxieties and fears of difference. Humour thus provides the medium through which important social and cultural exchanges occur. For Powell, humour is a strategy to “navigate” the “mutual misconceptions about one another’s cultures” in the culturally and linguistically plural South African state (2010, 46). Expanding on this argument, I propose the humour in the play forms a critical component to the pair’s reconciliation because it actively forges bonds through shared laughter while simultaneously dispelling long-held stereotypes. Postcolonial humour theorists Susanne Reichl and Mark Stein posit shared comic exchanges can produce “communities of laughter” (2005, 13). Discussing postcolonial deployments of humour, they argue that, like Benedict Anderson’s belief that contemporaneous communities can emerge through collective public performances, “unisonance” (Anderson 2006, 145), and shared beliefs, “[l]aughter, too, presupposes shared worlds, shared codes, and shared values” and “is characterized by both subjectivity and inter-subjectivity” (Reichl and Stein 2005, 13). It is in this light that the jokes Marion and Solomon share help to unite them at points when cultural differences or personal prejudices arise.
11Marion’s initial rejection of Solomon is largely overcome when he identifies himself as the grandchild of Thozama, a former domestic worker who helped to raise Marion’s children. This historic link gives Solomon a purpose for being in the house, but Marion remains reticent to trust him. At numerous points after their initial meeting, she requests that he leave when she feels uncomfortable in his presence (Foot Newton 2009b, 133; 139; 146). The play heightens this tension by having Marion uncover contradictions in Solomon’s story, such as the purpose for his visit (139). In this regard Solomon’s distant childhood connection with Marion is insufficient to overcome her fear that he wants money or bears a malign intent. Humour thus functions as a critical tool to allay Marion’s suspicion of Solomon and help the pair forge bonds within a deeply divided society.
- 9 It should be noted here that food and its connection with sustenance and bodily needs are the terra (...)
12The first example of Solomon connecting with Marion on a comic level occurs during his second visit to her home. Debating the limits of what they consider to be edible in each of their cultures – English and Xhosa – Marion tricks Solomon into believing that English South Africans regard pigs’ testicles as “a delicacy,” a deception she corrects by proclaiming “Just pulling your leg” (Foot Newton 2009b, 136). This joke is predicated on catching Solomon making assumptions about the “eccentric” cuisine that white South Africans eat (Foot Newton, 136). Solomon modifies this joke structure to reverse the humour, convincing Marion that he “once ate the eye of a cat,” a lie he tells to poke fun at white assumptions about Xhosa cuisine (Foot Newton, 136). Solomon laughs when Marion seeks clarification on the truthfulness of his statement. Solomon’s rejoinder to the joke, “We might be savage but we are not that bad,” underscores Marion’s ignorance of Xhosa culture by implying that, to believe such a lie, she must view him as “savage” and Other (Foot Newton, 136). In both cases the characters catch the other believing false stereotypes about food tastes.9
13Graeme Dunphy and Rainer Emig, editors of Hybrid Humour: Comedy in Transcultural Perspectives, foreground the divisiveness of stereotypes by describing them as oppositional to hybridity. Basing their argument on Homi K. Bhabha’s discussion of stereotypes in The Location of Culture, they contend: “the stereotype results from a refusal to enter the simultaneously constructive and deconstructive process that is the translation of positions, in other words hybridity – or perhaps more correctly hybridisation” (Dunphy & Emig 2010, 29). Whereas hybridisation subverts cultural hierarchies by rendering identity categories fluid, stereotypes conversely present identities as static and maintain cultural hierarchies by presenting the Other as threatening or contemptible. Stereotypes fix subjects, a key aspect that Bhabha evokes with his use of the term “fixity” (1994, 66). In the example above, both characters are caught fixing the other’s identity in this back-and-forth exchange.
- 10 Beyond the shared codes that Reichl and Stein argue underpin comic exchanges, they note that “If we (...)
14However, this scene is a powerful instance where Solomon uses humour to close the distance between Xhosa culture and Marion’s position by subverting the Otherness generated by the stereotype. His action is a response to Marion’s claim: “There is a certain point, my boy, at which cultures will never collide,” showing that there is in fact a link between their cultures: humour (Foot Newton 2009b, 135). Dunphy and Emig’s argument that stereotyping prevents hybridisation does not reflect their overall view on humour, which they believe generally “resembles hybridity structurally in its modification and transfer of positions” (2010, 25). This is because humour rests on both a “difference (of positions, assumptions, and expectations),” but “also on similarity” (Dunphy & Emig 2010, 25). While different perspectives produce the incongruity from which humour often emerges, like Reichl and Stein (2005, 13), Dunphy and Emig contend the teller and listener must reach a similar understanding to view an exchange as comic (2010, 25).10 In this example, Solomon and Marion’s dialogical foregrounding of stereotypes, and the humour contained therein, constitutes a constructive act of mutual exchange. The joking lays bare the hidden stereotypes that each party holds towards the other and foregrounds their shared values as neither considers pigs’ testicles or cats’ eyes to be edible. Solomon’s joke about the cat’s eye is important because it moves from a moment of aggression, Solomon laughing at Marion’s prejudice, to a moment that ultimately unites the pair when Marion embraces Solomon’s reversal of her initial joke: “My goodness. A Sense of humor! That’s a luck!” (Foot Newton 2009b, 136). This moment segues into Marion inviting Solomon to tea and asking if Solomon has finished school, gestures that signal friendship through showing personal interest in Solomon’s life and sharing food and drink (2009b, 136).
15Humour based on food preferences heightens the play’s exploration of cultural differences between the two characters because food is often representative of culture and tastes. Homann posits that Foot Newton uses food as one of “the various strategies to help shape the relationship between Marion and Solomon” (2009, 19). Noting that both characters prefer food that reflects their cultural backgrounds, Marion opting for “Yorkshire pudding, lamb stew, [and] tea” while Solomon prefers “amanqina (chicken feet), umngqusho (samp and beans), and atcha (spicy chutney),” food functions primarily to discuss the pair’s differences (Homann 2009, 19). Reconciling, or at least foregrounding, their differences through food-based humour is thus a powerful act of transcultural communication. Sharing food-based humour is thus an indicator that Solomon and Marion do get along and, at certain points, share similar tastes regarding what they deem distasteful.
- 11 Solomon associates the name of the paint with white people’s performance of affluence. He contends (...)
16Another significant example of transcultural humour develops during Solomon’s explanation of his dismissal from Woolworths. The comic story begins with Solomon derisively laughing at white upper-class behaviour but ends with another instance of cohesion. The laughter begins when Marion asks Solomon where he managed to find the paint he uses to restore her house. Solomon’s vague response, “[h]ardware,” prompts Marion to dig further, uncovering that Solomon took the paint without paying for it (Foot Newton 2009b, 140). Marion’s appreciation of the colour, admitting that at least he “borrowed a tasteful colour,” causes Solomon’s amusement because it reinforces his own stereotypes of white privilege (Foot Newton 2009b, 140). Solomon finds the situation humorous because he did not select the paint based on colour, but rather on cost: “I just chose the most expensive one. That’s how white people choose, isn’t it?” (Foot Newton 2009b, 141) Marion’s approval of the colour inadvertently reinforces Solomon’s stereotypical view of white citizens as affluent in this case.11
17Solomon’s birth in 1990, the very year of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison and of the unbanning of anti-apartheid political organizations, has not prevented him from adopting the prejudices of the apartheid-era. Unsurprisingly, the cultural and social divisions that fragmented South Africa prior to 1990 also influence the new generation. As Reach exemplifies, the older generation has not yet, to use Jamal’s earlier terminology, “overwhelmed, bypassed, or ignored the conditions for its continued oppression,” while the younger generation may have acquired their parents’ and grandparents’ prejudices (2005, 17). But Solomon’s bigotry is unsettling because he no longer has living parents or a grandmother, which means that he has developed this prejudice through everyday social interactions. Solomon fails to recognize Marion’s poverty, presumably because he has been conditioned to view white South Africans as wealthy.
18Correcting Solomon’s views of whiteness by declaring: “I’ve always been very frugal,” Marion rejects the stereotype of white affluence by contradicting it (Foot Newton 2009b, 141). Additionally, Solomon’s assumption is further undermined by Marion’s surroundings; she lacks many of the necessities Solomon believes all white people possess, such as groceries or a well-maintained house (Foot Newton 2009b, 137). Admittedly, Solomon’s laughter at white consumerism establishes this as a moment of division because Solomon is laughing at stereotypes of whiteness, placing Marion outside of the joke. Helpfully, though, this laughter initiates a conversation where Marion can rebuff the stereotype and hear Solomon’s explanation of its origin. In doing so, Marion discovers that Solomon formed his negative opinion of white South Africans while working as an employee at Woolworths, a position he loses because a white customer complains about his service. As the story develops, we see that Solomon’s racial intolerance is a reaction to his own unjust treatment.
- 12 Part of the customer’s frustration hinges on their belief that Solomon is playing a joke on them: “ (...)
19Solomon’s dismissal from Woolworths is based on racial prejudices that deny the black South African his humanity and culture. As Solomon is unable to direct the white patron to hollandaise sauce, the customer becomes irate with him and questions whether he is an employee, lamenting: “this country’s going down the drain” (Foot Newton 2009b, 142).12 What makes this moment significant is that once again, the play explores differences and misconceptions between English and Xhosa culture through food. The customer’s frustration that Solomon is unable to direct her to the hollandaise sauce ignores his cultural difference and that it is not a staple of his own diet. Solomon’s failure to locate the item leads to his dismissal because the patron interprets his lack of knowledge as a sign of insolence (Foot Newton 2009b, 142). As such, the customer’s failure to empathize with Solomon, or his anxiety in this exchange, both illustrate a complete disregard for his culture and identity.
- 13 Foot Newton translates Sparza as “Corner shop” (2013, 9).
20Both Solomon and the white patron are aware of the power she wields. She speaks to his manager, and he is “fired the same day” (Foot Newton 2009b, 142). Recounting the circumstances around his dismissal for Marion, collective humour once again indicates how both Marion and Solomon understand the social codes of his predicament. Solomon makes the story comic by insulting the white patron at its conclusion. In an effort to possibly appease the customer, Solomon offers to help her save money by showing her where she can buy chickens at a more affordable price. While it is unclear if the insult was intentional in the moment, Solomon admitting the following: “I think I did it on purpose. I was unhappy there. Smiling at everyone, just like a clown,” in retrospect his offer is a subversive act that humiliates the patron (Foot Newton 2009b, 142); it does so by implying she is interested in saving money by shopping at a lower-cost shop. Woolworths has a higher social status than the “Sparza” to which Solomon proposes to take her (Foot Newton 2009b, 142).13 Marion is quick to see the humour in Solomon’s offer and understands the patron would never accept such a proposal, causing her to laugh at the insult. The stage directions note that Marion continues laughing throughout Solomon’s explanation (Foot Newton 2009b, 142).
21The joke’s target in this story, a character representing white privilege and Eurocentric values, is far enough removed from Marion that she can side with Solomon on this occasion of ridicule. This is because Marion views herself as opposed to racism, at one point claiming she “was even a little involved in the struggle [against apartheid]. Not bravely so, but involved” (Foot Newton 2009b, 137). While this statement rings empty, Powell notes how Marion’s remark is “unintentionally comic” due to its “naïveté;” such instances suggest how Marion is trying to distance herself from stereotypes of the white racist (2010, 40). The intimacy of Solomon’s joke, shared only between the two characters, heightens its ability to unify. Humour theorist Moira Smith notes that in limited groups, “joking is much more than a pleasantry to pass the time; it is a key component in the regulation of social life, smoothing interactions, serving as a mechanism of social control, and promoting solidarity” (2009, 159). Solomon’s comic anecdote helps to reconcile his earlier stereotyping of whiteness, chiefly the belief that white people only select items based on expense, and smooths the discomfort between the pair by explaining the origin of his prejudice. Furthermore, listening to this anecdote, Marion gains insight into Solomon’s life and the ongoing systemic racism that disempowers him.
22Blumberg posits the best way for South Africans to reconcile differences in the nation is by shifting people’s perspectives. For her, “sharing, learning, and re-visioning ourselves anew we can value the not-us, without according the designation ‘them’ and build for difference” (1995, 32). Such transcultural exchange manifests in the comic anecdote Solomon tells Marion about his dismissal; Marion is unaware of the numerous hardships he has faced in his life – including the tragic death of both of his parents to AIDS – so that these moments correct her misconceptions. It shifts her opinion of him as a hardened criminal and replaces it with compassion, which is evident in the way she laments the loss of his parents: “That fucking AIDS! God’s sick sense of humor. Why is it that tragedy always strikes the poorer areas?” (Foot Newton 2009b, 144). It also provides new perspectives on her own identity, as Solomon’s revelation implicates Marion as part of his pain, explaining she did not loan Thozama money “to aid Solomon’s dying mother” (Powell 2010, 51). While this information renders Marion as culpable, Powell notes she quickly “sweeps this knowledge aside” and it remains undeveloped throughout the play (51). Importantly, these jokes open deeper conversations about internally held prejudices.
- 14 Foot Newton translates the isiXhosa term “mlungu” as “white” in English (2009b, 142).
- 15 Karoo Moose is another of Foot Newton’s works that expands this comic story in Reach into a full-le (...)
23Appreciating the subversive act Solomon performs when he offers to show the white patron where she can buy chickens for twelve rand, Marion distances herself from the “mlungu” by confessing: “Hollandaise sauce – I’ve always thought it overrated” (Foot Newton 2009b, 142).14 It is through this comic story and others like it, such as Marion’s description of her husband’s painful flatulence and Solomon’s account of Thozama killing and eating a moose in the Karoo, that Reach shows humorous exchanges as building ties while also dispelling characters’ prejudices (Foot Newton 2009b, 156–57).15 Humour facilitates this exchange because, when sharing jokes that transgress social norms, “people who share laughter are co-conspirators in playful rule breaking, and such shared transgression, like other shared guilty pleasures, promotes a feeling of solidarity” (Smith 2015, 160). In the case of Reach the rules being broken through transcultural humour are the divisions historically established during apartheid which continue to divide the post-apartheid state. More importantly, the bond that develops through this joking allows Solomon to reveal that he witnessed Jonathan’s murder because, as Powell aptly identifies, “truth could not come without intimacy” in the play (2010, 46).
- 16 Craig Higginson’s Dream of the Dog, which is published alongside Reach! in Homann’s At the Stage: P (...)
24It is through this transcultural dialogue that both characters form a bond that develops along the lines of mother and child, perhaps due to their respective ages, life experiences, and Marion’s historic ties with Solomon’s grandmother. However, even in forming an affectionate bond, both characters must overcome the barriers of apartheid vocabulary to establish this relationship. Most explicitly, the tenuousness of this project is seen through Solomon’s misinterpretation of Marion’s endearing reference to him as “my boy” (Foot Newton 2009b, 138). Like other moments of cultural exchange in the play, the phrase is first understood as demeaning. Arguing that Marion is calling him “‘my boy’ just like your father called my father,” Solomon exposes the historically racist use of the term (Foot Newton 2009b, 138). In doing so, he identifies the oppressive ways “boy” was used to emphasize the subordinate position of black South African men in society (Foot Newton 2009b, 138). Solomon frames his argument in terms that identify the divergent histories between himself and the Banning family.16
25For Homann, this example contextualizes the respective histories of the two characters. Reach accomplishes this “by giving them a vocabulary that stems from a conditioning under apartheid” (2009, 24). Consequently, Homann argues that “Foot Newton constructs a journey of learning for them,” a journey of re-thinking and restructuring that I argue also occurs throughout the pair’s earlier comic exchanges (24). This process resembles Blumberg’s appeal for “sharing, learning, and re-visioning ourselves anew” (1995, 32), and Jamal’s advocacy that citizens must “attempt to rethink – dream and experience – the inherent heterogeneity” of South Africa through love (2005, 24). However, the play goes beyond re-defining oppressive apartheid terminology; it reconstructs this terminology to evoke familial bonds.
26Embracing Solomon as “my boy,” Marion adopts him into her family (Foot Newton 2009b, 138). When the young man challenges her use of the term based on its racist associations, Marion reminds him that the term “can just as well be a term of endearment” (138). Translating the phrase into isiXhosa, “Nayana wam,” Solomon admits that it is also what his grandmother called him (139). This admission indicates Solomon’s attempts to step outside the historically racist use of the term, overcoming its offensive association in favour of constructing a new meaning, one of care and respect. Importantly, Solomon’s acknowledgment that his grandmother Thozama used it as a term of endearment indicates that “my boy” already has a history of use by a surrogate mother in Solomon’s life (Foot Newton 2009b, 139). Establishing a link between Marion’s use of the term and his own grandmother suggests that Solomon begins to envision Marion as a mother figure.
27Likewise, Marion associates Solomon with her own lost son. In addition to identifying him as her boy, she admits to seeing a likeness of Jonathan in Solomon’s appearance. The visual connection between Jonathan and Solomon occurs when the latter helps to clean out the garage and comes across Jonathan’s old clothing in a box. Solomon causes Marion to discover a resemblance between the two boys when he tries on Jonathan’s shirt. Marion becomes agitated because, as she explains, “For an instant I saw Jonathan” (Foot Newton 2009b, 154). The connection between the two young men gives Marion and Solomon great distress because it reopens the unresolved history surrounding Jonathan’s death. For Marion it reawakens gestures associated with motherhood as she dresses Solomon in an “intimate” but also “uncomfortable way” (Foot Newton 2009b, 154; emphasis in original). For Solomon, the moment is also painful as it appears to remind him of bearing witness to Jonathan’s murder – causing him to sob openly on Marion’s shoulder (Foot Newton 2009b, 154). However, this moment also marks an important turning point in their relationship. Marion’s comparison of Solomon to Jonathan is the ultimate sign of emotional acceptance from Marion because she maintains a close connection to the deceased boy. This connection is so strong that it has caused the destruction of her marriage and ties with her daughter (Foot Newton 2009b, 161; 163).
28Throughout Reach, Marion is obsessed by the bond between a mother and son. She has grieved for seven years and is fixated on her feelings of loss and guilt: “The pain never goes away, Solomon, but it’s mine, no one else’s. I need it to be mine” (Foot Newton 2009b, 161). Because of this, she enacts a similar kind of role as that accorded to mothers at the TRC. For Marion, grief seems to sustain the memory of Jonathan. Arguing that she needs the pain “to be mine,” she reveals how this pain has shaped her sense of identity (161). In fact, Marion’s statements resemble comments made by Thenjiwe Mtintso, who opened a special Human Rights Violation Committee session dedicated to violence against women on 28 July 1997 (Oboe 2007, 61). Mtintso is quoted in an article by Annalisa Oboe as stating: “I have nursed that pain, I have owned that pain. I seem to refuse to move away from that pain. I seem to gain strength from the fact that it is my pain” (67). Oboe argues Mtintso’s statements reveal her identity “is predicated through secret suffering” (67). As such, Oboe believes Mtintso’s control over past trauma and the pain it causes her constitute “subjectivity and strength” (67). While Marion’s grief stems from a murder occurring after apartheid, reported in newspaper headlines such as “Mother of Murdered Boy Collapses at His Funeral,” there are similarities here (Foot Newton 2009b, 161). Both women gain strength by embracing their pain, holding it as their own, and defining themselves through their strength to survive such violence.
- 17 In his reading of Farber’s Molora, Glenn Odom posits: “The continual replaying of the TRC’s mission (...)
29Although Marion’s ownership over her pain may be an expression of agency, her fixation on her lost son ultimately destroys the family, as Powell explains, because Marion “refused to grant an equal partnership in her grief” (2010, 44). And yet Marion’s description of the impact that Jonathan’s death had on her family indicates that Frank, her husband, also tried to deny her grief by sending her for electroshock therapy (Foot Newton 2009b, 161). Marion acknowledges how the therapy temporarily took her pain away, but “it comes back… and then you learn to keep it a secret” (Foot Newton 2009b, 161). This language further shifts Marion closer to the description of secret suffering described by Mtintso, as quoted in Oboe (2007, 67). However, unlike women at the TRC who were called upon by political and religious leaders to help consolidate “the national narrative of sacrifice and redemption” by underwriting “the TRC’s goal of reconciliation and nation building,” Marion is abandoned both by the nation and her family (Samuelson 2007, 161). The attempt to silence and contain Marion’s grief with electroshock therapy contrasts with the nation’s witnessing of grief and mourning performed publicly by mothers at the TRC. Jonathan’s death occurs outside the temporal limits of the TRC, an event which sought to “paint the most complete picture of the abuses that occurred between March 1, 1960, and May 10, 1994” (Krog 1998, vii). And yet, as Marion’s comments capture, Jonathan’s killing is a result of apartheid violence and structural inequality: “[t]his country has been breeding murderers for the past century” and “[i]f we can’t distribute the wealth, then at least we have succeeded in the equal distribution of violence” (Foot Newton 2009b, 160). In its exploration of how past violence impacts survivors and their search for resolution, Reach resembles many of the works staged around the time of the TRC in South Africa. As plays such as Reach, Fatima Dike’s The Return (2009), Yael Farber’s Molora (2008), or Craig Higginson’s Dream of the Dog illustrate, truth telling and reconciliation beyond the TRC are likely to occur outside the realm of national projects of remembering.17 Instead, reconciliation in these plays occurs through intimate moments of truth telling between loved ones, neighbours, or community members in domestic spaces such as kitchens or living rooms across the nation.
30Marion’s connection of Solomon with Jonathan is a clear sign that she no longer sees Solomon as Other; and it is this connection that provides Solomon with the opportunity to honour Jonathan’s memory according to Xhosa custom and translate “acts of mourning and condolence across cultures” (Powell 2010, 48). Critically, Solomon’s account of Jonathan’s murder in Reach differs from the 2013 Solomon and Marion because the fissure between the pair is greater. For instance, Solomon admits to stealing Jonathan’s security code at a bank machine, leading the thieves to target the boy (Foot Newton 2013, 52). This change inflects the meaning of Solomon’s visits – rather than a cultural duty, his arrival may also be an effort to absolve himself of the crime. This modification to the plot in Solomon and Marion seems closer to Powell’s description of Solomon’s character as it was staged at the 2007 National Arts Festival in Makhanda, South Africa (2010, 50). In this sense, the earlier version titled Reach contains a better opportunity for Marion to align herself with Solomon as both are victims of Jonathan’s murder.
31Marion’s refusal to notify the police that Solomon can identify her son’s murderers confirms her new understanding of Solomon’s worldview. At first agitated by his delay (“So why did you come now? What makes you so brave now,” Foot Newton 2009b, 160), Marion’s resistance to go to the police also protects the young man from retributive violence because of the danger he faces if he were to name Jonathan’s murderers. Instead, Marion exemplifies a new route forward through a process of healing that is personal and private, established along lines that encourage understanding between cultures, classes, ages, and races. Describing the play’s progression as similar to developing a photograph, Stopford is quoted by Chris Thurman as proposing that the play “starts as a negative, a dark picture, but grows into a scene with redeeming light and colour” (2007, n/p). This progression adheres to South Africa’s narrative of development toward a brighter future by reconciling the population with its violent past. Significantly, Marion delivers her testimony about the impact Jonathan’s death has had on her life at the play’s conclusion and, in doing so, Marion finds peace with her past (Foot Newton 2009b, 160–1). Her decision to visit her daughter in Australia epitomizes her commitment to move forward and heal her relationship with her daughter (164).
- 18 South Africa hosted the 2010 FIFA World Cup. The stage directions note that: “South Africans see [i (...)
32The final passages of the play reveal the strong mother/son relationship between Marion and Solomon. Although gestures are made throughout Reach to indicate that they both care for the other, Solomon’s closing remarks concretize this relationship. They do so by exemplifying his effort to re-think and re-define apartheid terminology. Using a similar strategy employed by Marion earlier in the play, Solomon transforms traditionally oppressive terms into phrases of respect and care. Echoing Marion’s point about how “my boy” has multiple meanings beyond its historically racist use, Solomon points out that “Mies Marion” can also be a term “Of care. Of caring” (Foot Newton 2009b, 138; 164). In this instance Solomon uses Marion’s strategy of redefining apartheid expressions as terms of endearment to liberate a phrase Marion identifies as “old [and] subservient” (164). This action indicates both Solomon and Marion are strategically redefining terminology identified with hatred into gestures of love. The linguistic wordplay in this final moment also connects back to their earlier comic asides. In the final lines of the play Solomon notes that they require an extension cord to get the television to work so that they can watch the 2010 FIFA World Cup together.18 Marion suggests he should “borrow one,” recalling the earlier language Solomon had used to describe acquiring white paint (164). In both cases, the pair modify their use of language to signify a familial bond and a shared, personal understanding of specific terminology.
- 19 Mary Corrigall’s 2007 review of the performance, titled “Foot-Newton’s Desired Reality Falls Short (...)
33The pair’s construction of a non-biological cross-racial family suggests that propagating a love of difference, as Jamal suggests, may offer a route to unity that avoids displacing ethnic difference with an overwhelming emphasis on sameness (2005, 24). The final sequence where Marion agrees to watch the soccer tournament with Solomon implies that the two have reconciled without being artificially swayed by national narratives espousing unity. Furthermore, this act is not an acceptance of the nation’s call to stage performances of unity in its soccer stadiums, but rather a decision that shows Marion’s respect and curiosity for Solomon’s personal interests. This is because the two plan to celebrate the event privately in her home. Moments of shared laughter and humour aid the private reconciliation as it is through joking in the space of Marion’s home that the pair navigate their prejudices and dispel stereotypes, helping them to move beyond the jaundiced national conditions which are a legacy of apartheid thinking in order to foster love and compassion for each other in the new democracy. While the reconciliation between characters in Reach is presented as wholly successful, Foot Newton’s reworking of the play into Solomon and Marion suggests there was a need to modify the work for a changing political reality.19 And yet, humour seems to have remained a key component of artistic production in the period following the debut of Reach. In fact, just six years later, the 2015 National Arts Festival declared a genre, satire, as its Featured Artist of the Year (2015, 15). Part of the rationale the selection committee provided for this decision is that “[s]atire has the ability to contest boundaries,” works oppositional to stereotypes because it “allow[s] the audience to establish their own truths,” and is an art form that is “inter-culturally charged” (2015,15). Such statements align closely with the role of humour in Reach and foreground Foot Newton’s immense ability to both scrutinize the political realities of the state through her plays, but also anticipate emerging trends for the state and its creative producers alike. This makes Reach an important work in this playwright’s oeuvre and the overall field of contemporary South African drama.