We thank the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments which have helped to improve this research work. We also thank A. Djeflat for his comments which made it possible to improve the first version of this paper.
1The National Innovation System (NIS) represents one of the essential avenues for the economic analysis of the phenomenon of innovation and the strategies of the public authorities which are justified by the considerable impact of innovation on growth and economic development. It has attracted growing interest in economic literature and innovation policies as described by Nelson and Rosenbeg (1993): “[...] The technological capacities of a nation’s enterprises are a primary source of their progress and that these capacities can be built through national action”(3).
2Given the wide differences in levels of development, there are differences in the organization and effectiveness of the NIS that determine the technological performance of a nation. Indeed, there is a gap between the NIS of the most advanced countries in the scientific and technological field, and those of developing countries (DCs). The reasons for the difference in performance of some NIS are related to the innovation capacities of an economy (Attia, 2015). These capacities are determined by the interactions between the elements of the NIS (organizations, institutions, networks related to science and technology, etc.) to promote learning capacities. Regarding the higher education institutions in science and technology, they have been recognized as necessary elements of NIS in developed countries to build learning and innovation capacities (Brundenius et al., 2009). They meet the demand for diverse academic knowledge for public and private interests, just as they provide scientific and technical skills to meet the needs of the productive system. Thus, in advanced countries, the training of this type of skills in the higher education is at the heart of NIS and in continuous connection with economic systems.
3In the case of developing countries, the situation is more complex since the skills acquired by the labor force are low, and in addition, the learning and innovation capacities are limited. In particular, it is because of the training of scientific and technical skills in the higher cycle that is weak and quite often disconnected from the productive and industrial system. Indeed, the capacity to provide qualified skills to implement and apply knowledge from basic research in companies as well as to enhance learning and develop innovation capacities are limited. From then on, the effectiveness of NIS in developing countries is conditioned by the construction of skills for innovation processes (Lundvall et al., 2002). Therefore, higher education institutions will be the main place for the training of these scientific and technical skills.
4Given all the innovation policies put in place in Algeria for more than two decades to promote the development of learning and innovation capacities in the economy, the country does not seem to have succeeded in terms of dynamic development of its NIS (Casadella et Younes Bouacida, 2020). Indeed, the Algerian NIS remains immature and suffers from institutional inertia and under-learning (Amdaoud, 2017), which hampers economic performance. In particular, this is due to the weakness of its superior scientific and technical system, a missing element of its national innovation system.
5If there is an important literature on the construction and analysis of the National Innovation System in Algeria (Casadella and Younes Bouacida, 2020; Amdaoud, 2017; Ben Slimane and Ramadan, 2017; Djeflat, 2016, 2009), there are few studies that have focused their attention on the difficult integration of the higher scientific and technical system into the NIS. Therefore, the aim of this contribution will be to analyze the Algerian NIS in terms of building skills within the higher scientific and technical system to promote learning and innovation capacities. We wonder here why Algeria, despite the training policies implemented in the postgraduate put in place since 1990 to strengthen the scientific and technical system, does not manage to integrate it into its NIS. How will it be able to do this to build a strong NIS and improve its economic performance? To answer these questions, our approach will be first theoretical around the conceptualization of the NIS and the role of higher scientific and technical training in the NIS to build skills and capacities. Then, it will be empirical to study the Algerian NIS, then analyze and understand how the scientific and technical higher system could be strengthened in order to integrate into the NIS. The analysis methodology will consist of mobilizing secondary sources from data of local and international institutions, but also sources from data of innovation surveys that are collected from Algerian companies. These will be science and technology indicators (scientific publications, personnel and resources in R&D, patents, etc.), composite indicators (the Global Innovation Index and the Global Competitiveness Report, etc.) and indicators from the results of innovation surveys (information on what precedes innovation, expenses and innovation results) (Lizuka and Hollanders, 2017).
6This contribution will be organized in four parts. In the first part, we will return to the genesis and the conceptual foundations of the national systems of innovation before a brief presentation of the NIS in the countries of the South. In the second part, we will show the importance of higher scientific and technical training within NIS to promote skills and capacities. In the third part, we will see the links between the scientific and technical system and the national system of innovation in Algeria. We will then present the current situation of the Algerian NIS before analyzing the difficult integration of the scientific and technical system within the NIS. In the fourth part, we will propose policies that would promote the development of the Algerian scientific and technical system in order to build a solid NIS.
7In the 50s and 60s of the XXth century, innovation was seen as a linear process characterized by unidirectional knowledge flows (R&D laboratory, production activity, and diffusion in the innovation market) that ignored the interactions between different actors (technology-push model). Indeed, economists have paid little attention to the complexity of the innovation process to explain the evolution of technological processes. From the 1980s, systemic approaches to innovation led different authors (Freeman, 1987; Lundvall, 1992; Nelson, 1993; Patel and Pavitt, 1994) to focus their attention on the interactions between institutions that interact throughout the creation, dissemination and application of knowledge for understanding the diversity of innovation processes in major developed countries.
8Originally, the concept of NIS was introduced by Freeman (1987) and Lundvall (1992) to describe, understand and analyze how a country can intervene to perfect its technological and innovative capacity. A national innovation system is defined as the set of networks of institutions in the public and private sector (companies, universities, laboratories and research centers, financial institutions, intellectual property institutions, etc.) that produce, absorb use and disseminate scientific and technical knowledge within national boundaries (Niosi et al., 1996). In the NIS, two elements are essential: first, the level of knowledge that is produced and/or used by the different actors. Then, the capacity of the latter to disseminate this knowledge within the system (distribution power), especially to enterprises—major players.
9The construction of the NIS approach developed from two different perspectives (Lundvall, 1992): “narrow” and “broad”. The narrow approach is developed by Nelson (1993) and is limited to R&D, science and technology. This conception of the NIS analyzes the impact of national science and technology policies on knowledge creation and innovation activities within firms. It only involves institutions and organizations related to research and exploration activities (R&D laboratory, research centers, universities, etc.). The broad approach is developed by Freeman (1987) and Lundvall (1992). It is related to learning processes between producers and users. In this approach, innovation is seen as a continuous cumulative process also emanating from the diffusion, absorption and utilization of knowledge (Johnson, Edquist and Lundvall, 2003). If the narrow approach of the NIS has a limited vision of the role of institutions and their influence on the performance of innovation activities, the broad approach will extend to political, economic, social and cultural institutions, but also to all the means available to the financial authorities to act on economic activity, the rules for problem solving, the labor market regulation, the education and vocational training system, etc. These are considered as determinants of innovation. The performance of an NIS is also linked to learning within companies in order to promote learning capacities to innovate.
10Despite the differences in the narrow/broad approach of the NIS concept, it is essential to consider that all economic, social, political and organizational factors, the scientific and technological system, customs, cultural factors and national traditions, legislations, and others that define the innovation system, influence the development, diffusion and use of innovations (Edquist, 1997). In the current literature, it is rather the broad approach that is usually used (Chaminade and al, 2018). “The broad definition of innovation systems inspires a wider set of policies including industrial policy and policies related to competence building such as education and labor market policy.” (Ibid, 9).
11In a concept of NIS in the “broad” sense, the building of innovation capacities is essential. Indeed, innovation capacities are a tool for implementing innovation policies (Adeoti, 2002). These capacities include the activities of producing, using and renewing knowledge, but also in disseminating and absorbing knowledge. They represent all the efforts of economic actors to assimilate, adapt and change existing technologies (Lall, 1997) in order to develop competitiveness in the market. These capacities are therefore dynamic resources to produce new or improved goods, unlike the production capacity assimilated to industrial equipment and machinery (Bell and Pavitt, 1993).
12Innovation capacities are realized through the construction of learning capacities. Learning is the process of acquiring know-how through observation, imitation, testing and repetition, but also through study, research and exploration or relearning processes (Johnson, 1992). As for learning capacities, they are inherent in existing knowledge and experience of routine practices. They also refer to the development of new skills and competences to generate new technologies and productive combinations. Learning has different forms, the main ones being learning by doing, learning by using and learning by interacting (DUI). Beyond these forms of learning, there are also individual learning processes (Edquist, 2001). These are controlled by individuals and are linked to skills training (education and training). These are the skills required for innovation processes. These learning processes are opposed to organizational learning processes that are collective mechanisms controlled by companies (R&D and DUI). In the same vein, Gregersen and al (1997) oppose the direct learning processes of indirect learning processes. Direct learning processes mainly concern the university system, research centers and laboratories and formal organizations. Indirect learning processes relate to the processes of routine learning within previously exposed firms. These two learning processes are essential for the development of learning and innovation capacities.
13The building of innovation capacities is based not only on learning processes but also on learning opportunities, ie the application and use of knowledge by people (Arocena and Sutz, 2003). Learning opportunities are related to the contexts of knowledge demand at the level of labor markets, different incentives put in place by public authorities and innovation policies (Casadella, 2011). Ultimately, learning capacities and learning opportunities create interactive learning highlighting the innovation capacities that drive performance and the effectiveness of national innovation systems (ibid.).
14In short, valuing a multitude of interactive learning spaces helps to promote technological capacities (Arocena and Sutz, 2002). These capacities represent the ability of economic actors to leverage the technological knowledge, skills and experience needed to innovate. They are now at the heart of the development of NIS and economic development (Lall, 1997; Kim, 1997). From then on, the developing countries that are coming off are the ones whose technological capacities of companies are increasing and improving, allowing for evolution in global value chains.
15Between countries, NISs are heterogeneous. Albuquerque (2004, 2001) proposes a complete typology of NIS which concerns three main categories. The mature systems located on the top of the classification and which correspond to the most advanced countries in the scientific and technological field. Next, the catching up systems that concern emerging countries that are approaching the frontiers of knowledge. Finally, immature systems (embryonic or in the process of constitution) that correspond to countries far from technological frontiers (Southern countries), these are the least developed systems. These have a number of common characteristics.
16In immature NIS, the legal arrangements and institutional structures for R&D are inadequate. Scientific and technological infrastructure are weak and R&D spending does not generally exceed 1% of GDP. The research activity is concentrated in the public sector (universities, research centers, etc.) and research in the private sector is very weak. The whole global system by which agents and institutions can increase their stock of knowledge is weak or poorly adapted. The mechanisms that allow the reappropriation of the return on investment in R&D to encourage innovation efforts (intellectual property rights, patents, etc.) are poorly developed. Weak R&D efforts limit the increase in the stock of knowledge, and automatically reduce the absorptive capacity of external knowledge (Cohen and Levinthal, 1990) in a situation where the party of external origin for those countries lagging behind in science and technology is supposed to be dominant. The low absorptive capacity in immature NIS can also be explained by the absence of a real absorption policy, particularly in terms of training people in order to best prepare them for this type of activity.
17In the problematic of the Southern NIS, the learning dynamic that is built by the existence of learning capacities and opportunities is limited. Indeed, the learning capacities (organizational and individual) are weak because of the low quality of the training of scientific and technical skills that are directed towards the field of research and the economic sector. Then, the lack of learning opportunities within the productive structure causes a leakage of local capacities to developed countries. This situation represents in Southern countries the inability to put national capacities available at work (Arocena and Sutz, 2003).
18The heterogeneity of the NIS between the countries of the North and the countries of the South does not come only from the weak capacities themselves. But it also comes from weak networking, on the one hand, between the different research poles (public and private), and on the other hand, between the world of research and the industrial sector because of the weak demand for knowledge (Arocena et al., 2015). As well, this heterogeneity between the NIS of the developed countries and the NIS of the Southern countries is linked to poor governance and a weak institutional framework that penalizes the effective application of innovation policies on the ground.
19While in developed countries the NISs are built in a stable environment favorable to economic activities, the NISs of the developing countries are characterized by economic, political, financial vulnerability and instability, etc. (Cassiolato & Lastres 1999). Problems related to the macroeconomic environment, political, social, etc., encountered by the countries of the South constitute an obstacle to promote innovation (Hobday et al., 2004). The legal frameworks and the institutional structure for R&D and innovation are insufficient, and innovation is conducted informally (Arocena and Sutz, 2003). Unlike developed countries where innovations in the high-tech sectors are sophisticated and based on science and radical innovation, innovation in the South is a reflection of routine learning opportunities within small traditional structures (Djeflat, 2009). Innovation is therefore the result of informal and collective connections between actors, and involves learning techniques by practice, use and interaction (ibid.).
20In short, innovation systems in Southern countries have the characteristic of being poorly organized and incomplete. The focus is then no longer on what constitutes the NIS (actors, networks, etc.), but rather on the missing components of these innovation systems, according to a “hollow” analysis (Haudeville and Le Bas, 2018). In any case, the solutions to these dysfunctions will necessarily be specific to each country and its context in order to build complete and structured innovation systems. But in all cases, they will particularly require the integration of scientific and technological systems into the NIS in order to promote the development of skills and capacities for technological adaptation and innovation.
21In the analysis of the NIS, the university system is essential because it provides the human skills, knowledge and information needed to promote the development of the productive system. Indeed, there has been a need to integrate education systems and human resources into the NIS as an active component in estimating innovation performance (Lundvall and Christensen, 1999). Brundenius et al. (2009) support the idea that higher education systems, but more broadly, training and learning policies are important in innovation processes. According to Gu (1996), a national system of innovation focuses on two essential things: the effectiveness of learning and the capacity and effectiveness of institutions to support learning and therefore knowledge creation. In sum, building learning and innovation capacities in NIS requires promoting a skilled workforce and people qualified for tacit knowledge (informal). These capacities can only be formed in a structured higher scientific and technical system (ibid.).
22As we know, higher education in all fields is linked to the creation of new knowledge. For example, economics researchers who study NIS are useful for analyzing and understanding innovation performance. And more generally, these research studies are useful for theory and politics. In the fields of natural sciences, physical sciences and mathematics, technology, higher education is linked to innovation processes. Indeed, training within universities will enable the development of human skills for the production, use and absorption of knowledge, thus supporting innovation activities and the use and diffusion of new technologies in particularly in information and communication. As a result, higher education has a fundamental leverage role to promote the development of learning capacities closely related to the construction of a knowledge-based economy (Foray, 2009) characterized by the allocation of existing resources for increase the stock of knowledge or Learning economy (Lundvall and Johnson, 1994) characterized by the formation of new resources for innovation activities.
23Thus, the progression in training towards higher education favors creativity and the capacity to adapt by developing knowledge (Hugon, 2005). The aim of university education in science and technology in NIS is twofold: it allows the creation of graduates for the needs of the economic system and it contributes to the development of personnel for R&D activities. As a result, the state largely finances the university system and basic research because this type of public goods can not be appropriated by the private sector (Bellon and Niosi, 1994). Thus, the integration of higher education into NIS is fundamental in two respects: it has a role of higher training agent and executor of basic and applied research (ibid.). Moreover, relations between universities and the economic world can favor the creation of companies stemming from university research (this is the case when entrepreneurial spirit is encouraged among university researchers through measures put in place by public authorities). Finally, the links that are being established between universities and the world of industry (vertical collaborations) make knowledge accessible to economic actors engaged in innovation activities.
24The conceptual framework of the NIS therefore considers public authorities as an institutional context that intervenes through the higher scientific and technical system for the training of skills in order to promote the construction of learning and innovation capacities source of the performance economy of a country. National differences in education systems through higher education partly explain, in the recent past, the rapid technological catch-up of the new industrialized countries such as Korea, Singapore or Taiwan, compared with other countries that have remained underdeveloped.
25If the evolution of science and technology is at the heart of the economic and social evolution of contemporary societies, in developing countries, the situation is not quite the same since the construction of skills in universities remains difficult. Indeed, given the expansion of higher education in developing countries (according to data available from UNESCO, the rate of access to this level increased from 11 to 22% between 1999 and 2010, compared to 29% worldwide) there are wide gaps in this sector. This is the weakness of the student supervision capacities, the insufficiency of the infrastructures, particularly in terms of access to information and communication technologies, the low salaries of the teacher-researchers and the quality average of higher education in general. The offer of this sector is mainly academic type structured by major disciplines. In most cases, there is a mismatch between the structuring of educational streams and the demand of the economic system, which is increasingly turning to problem solving transdisciplinary skills (Gibbons et al., 1994).
26In universities in developing countries, the distribution of students by field of study often shows a predominance for the humanities, economics, literature and social sciences. There is little interest from students, especially female students, in the natural and engineering sciences (Göransson and Brundenius, 2012). On arrival, there is a massive unemployment of graduates who feeds the departure of skills abroad. “It is true that the scientific and technological fields find their justification in the existence of a demand on the labor market and that otherwise they lead to unemployment or expatriation. It is a circular problem of causality that must be broken: without skilled labor, no incentive to create jobs, no jobs, no interest in the scientific and technical training of the labour force. Starting from the idea that a large part of the developing countries represents an important market because of their populations and in some cases, their income level (in our case Algeria), that many products are imported, it is not unreasonable to focus on the attractiveness of scientific and technical skills for investors” (Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2018, p. 13).
27In sum, in the DCs, universities do not yet play their role of providing their societies with human skills, knowledge and information needed to promote the development of the productive system and innovation activities. Universities in developing countries must therefore have a direct contribution to economic development. In concrete terms, this means promoting the transfer of knowledge and technology for the industry sector. More glabally, this is the full meaning of the term “third mission” for universities (Göransson and Brundenius, 2012; Arocena and Sutz, 2012, 2005; Brundenius et al., 2009) which in practice means the capacity and the ability to get closer to the industry and ensure the transfer of knowledge and technology. This third mission highlights the role of higher education in promoting the development of an economic model based on innovation and knowledge.
28In the end, the gaps between developed and immature national innovation systems observed today and which continue to be maintained are particularly related to the differences between the higher scientific and technical systems. Therefore, in developing countries, the quantitative and particularly qualitative improvement of higher education training to promote scientific and technological skills still faces major challenges in building strong, balanced and effective NIS. The example of Algeria rightly illustrates this situation.
29Analysis methodology: in the analysis of different aspects of the NIS, there are generally three types of indicators (Lizuka and Hollanders, 2017):
-
Science and technology indicators which measure the activities concerning the creation, dissemination and transfer of knowledge (scientific publications, citations, personnel and resources in R&D, patents, etc.).
-
The indicators resulting from business innovation surveys. They are linked to the information on what precedes innovation (sources of knowledge, barriers to innovation, factors influencing companies to innovate, etc.), expenditure on innovation (staff training, acquisition of licenses and patents, product design, market analysis etc.) and results of innovation (the introduction of new products and processes, the percentage of sales of new products, etc.).
-
Composite indicators which summarize the multidimensional characteristics of complex ideas such as innovation to explain the innovation process and estimate the performance of innovation systems (Global Innovation Index and the Global Competitiveness Report, etc.).
- 2 “Composite indicators are available at low cost and provide readily comparable indicators that can (...)
30While developing countries have a wide choice of indicators to use for policy purposes, all indicators have their strengths and weaknesses2. However, the use of these three types of indicators is complementary enough to analyze the NISs and innovation processes (ibid.)
31Our analysis methodology will therefore use these three types of indicators in order to describe the different components of the Algerian NIS, measure the production of innovation and analyze in particular the integration of the higher scientific and technical system in the NIS to promote learning and innovation capacities.
32Research hypotheses: Given the innovation policies that have been in place for almost three decades in Algeria, the NIS remains immature and undeveloped. We suppose that this is linked to the insufficiency of the legal devices and the weakness of the institutional structure in terms of R&D that do not generate specific actions promoting the development of learning and innovation capacities (H1). Among the systemic failures of the Algerian NIS that hinder innovation performance, there is in particular the weakness of the higher science and technology system to promote the development of skills and capacities (H2). We suppose that the difficult integration of the Algerian higher scientific and technical system in the NIS is linked to several factors: among these factors, there is first of all the low rate of university enrollments in the scientific and technological sectors, mainly because of the average quality of the primary and secondary education system (H3). Then, there is the low level of scientific and technological skills trained in the higher cycle due to the average quality of the training courses which are quite academic (H4). Finally, there is the lack of institutional diversity in higher education institutions and the state monopoly of skills training (H5). These are the hypotheses that we will try to verify through the analysis methodology described previously in order to bring elements of answers to the questions of research which have been posed.
33Since 1990, Algeria has embarked on the construction of an NIS that can enable it to make a real takeoff of innovation (Djeflat, 2009). This resulted in the creation of a legal and regulatory framework for scientific and technological research activities, the establishment of an institutional framework composed of ministries and specialized agencies (Ibid) and the introduction of financial measures to stimulate innovation activities. However, this innovation strategy has not yet contributed to building or promoting a national innovation system.
- 3 Nevertheless, with distribution and orientation difficulties, since research expenditures are large (...)
- 4 It must be underlined that Africa has set itself within the framework of the Sustainable Developmen (...)
- 5 The scientific and technological research network includes some thirty institutions under the super (...)
34Expenditure on R&D activities in relation to GDP remains extremely low in absolute terms and in terms of the proportion of resources devoted to it. Available data indicate particularly low percentages of 0.230% in 2001, a high of 0.367% in 2002, 0.066% in 2005 (World Bank, 2018) and 0.070% in 2009 (UNESCO, 2015). Compared with two neighboring countries of comparable level, Tunisia and Morocco, which have relatively increased their R&D/GDP ratio in recent years (0.69% and 0.73% respectively in 20103 according to UNESCO), Algeria is far behind and still needs to make a lot of efforts on the aspect of investments in innovation4. The financing of research activities is mainly concentrated in the public sector, Thus, universities and public research centers are the main places where research activities take place5. The level of coordination between these institutions is extremely low, and links with the productive sphere are the exception. Finally, research in the industrial sector is not very well represented. As such, empirical studies have demonstrated a weak involvement of companies in R&D and the production of innovation, mainly because of the absence of qualified personnel, the obstacle to access to funding and the absence of public aid and subsidies (Sedkaoui, 2016; Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2012, 2008).
35The weakness of the resources devoted to research in Algeria has a double negative effect. First, it limits the increase in the stock of internal knowledge, and on the other hand, it reduces the capacity to absorb knowledge of external origin. Indeed, the ranking of countries according to the 2018 Global Innovation Index, which contains indicators on innovation results, shows that Algeria is dropping out of the knowledge creation and absorption aspect. Algeria is ranked 91st and 86th respectively for these two indicators in this ranking based on 126 countries.
36Regarding the number of human resources in the field of research, it remains insufficient. However, according to the Ministry of higher education and scientific research, the number of researchers has increased four-fold between 1996 and 2017. Today, about 35 000 researchers work in a laboratory. The number of permanent researchers in public research centers and units is 2600 (ibid.). In the end, Algeria has 480 researchers/million inhabitants, a level well below the world average of around 1080 researchers/million inhabitants (UNESCO, 2015). We will come back to this point later on.
37In a context where the development of innovation processes requires close interactions between the public research sector and the industry, the situation is different here, as we will see a little later. On the other hand, the low involvement of local firms in R&D activities penalizes innovation performance. From an empirical point of view, a research survey has found that in Algeria, the innovation of companies operating in an emerging market is influenced mainly by external factors (strong growth in demand, low competitive intensity, strong bargaining power of companies and low barriers to entry) and tangible resources (Benamar and Cheriet, 2012). Moreover, it should be noted that other studies on innovation have also pointed out that the culture of innovation is quite little response in Algerian companies (Younes Bouacida, 2006). Indeed, innovation is considered by some Algerian managers as a luxury that will become relevant only at a later stage in the development of the company (Lundvall, 2013). This author explains that this is a misguided and dangerous interpretation, often based on a very close understanding of innovation as always being science-based and related to high technology. Business leaders neglect the fact that economic development requires lifelong learning and progressive innovation (ibid.). In the end, it is not surprising to note that Algeria is ranked 110th in the ranking of countries according to the 2018 Global Innovation Index
38Despite the availability of significant human resource potential in Algeria, learning capacities are low (Mayor et al., 2012) and learning opportunities are insufficient (Casadella and Younes Bouacida, 2019). An innovation survey of a sample of Algerian companies has shown that to the extent that human capacities in companies are not associated with research or innovation activity, they are routinely exercised around recognized gestures and procedures (Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2012). This orientation is not conducive to the development of a learning capacity (individual and collective) which supposes, on the contrary, to permanently question, in order to overcome them, the existing procedures (ibid.). Secondly, learning opportunities in Algeria are rare. Indeed, since the recruitment of graduates on the labor market is limited, public incentives and innovation policies are insufficient, local capacities do not find opportunities to improve their knowledge base. Faced with this, these capacities will tend to disappear, or even go abroad in search of better living conditions. Consequently, the lack of learning opportunities on the labor market becomes more serious than the lack of skills (Arocena and Sutz, 2003). In short, these are common traits found in unbalanced NIS (Narula, 2004) that do not have a strong institutional and adequate base in their functioning, and a lack of an incentive system (Casadella, 2014; Narula, 2004) for the development of learning capacities and the emergence of technological capacities. This situation penalizes a dynamic economic outlook and the performance of the national economy.
39Faced with this, there are in Algeria relays and structures supporting innovation (e.g. National Agency for the Valorisation of the Results of Research and Technological Development, Agency for the development of SMEs and the promotion of innovation, National Agency for the Promotion and Development of Technology Parks...). However, this institutional sub-system of the relay represented by the financial mechanisms of incentives and support for the process of innovation and dissemination of knowledge within companies is not very active. Indeed, from an empirical point of view, the results of a survey have found that in Algeria, these institutions are few in number and undoubtedly very poorly linked to economic activity, whether they are research institutions or some institutions intended to support businesses in technical and innovation matters (Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2012). Consequently, there is no interaction of this relay system with the other institutions which structure the innovation system. The absence of monitoring, long-term strategy as well as the coordination of programs block the proper functioning of the NIS and the process of knowledge dissemination (Ben Slimane and Ramadan, 2017). The implementation of a large-scale action on the part of the public authorities in favor of the creation and definition of the role of structures for the diffusion and transfer of technologies intended for businesses would help to close the large gap between production, distribution and use of knowledge.
40Thus, the Algerian NIS is characterized by institutional and structural dysfunctions (Ben Slimane and Ramadan, 2017; Djeflat, 2003). These authors have shown that the reasons for the failures of the NIS are related to a structural weakness combined with a weakness in institutional coordination and a lack of effectiveness of the actions of the public authorities. Also, the perpetuation of the economy of rent in Algeria has contributed in a considerable way to weaken the State and the institutions. According to the Ibrahim Governance Foundation, which measures governance performance in Africa in 2018, Algeria ranked 27th out of 54 countries (with accelerated deterioration since 2008). Also, in the index of perception of corruption 2019 calculated by Transparency International France, Algeria ranks 106th out of 180 countries. Poor governance through corruption, bureaucracy and patronage does not allow the construction of social capital, the promotion of an environment conducive to research activities and creation and/or use of knowledge. As a result, the development of learning and innovation capacities within society will be automatically limited.
41Compared to the elements that were previously discussed, the Algerian NIS shows some characteristics of immature NIS since its distribution power is almost nil. This is clearly an effect of the unstructured (or archipelago) character of the NIS. Today, the challenge for Algeria is to build a strong NIS based on institutions, organizations and especially human resources and skills to promote capacities. To achieve this objective, this requires appropriate actions to develop and structure the NIS, including the integration of the higher scientific and technical system within the NIS to promote the development of scientific and technical skills.
42In the logic of analysis of the actions of the algerian public authorities for the development of skills, we will use as inputs the scientific and technical training in the higher cycle, as moderators the vertical collaborations and as outputs the production scientific and technological results.
43The Algerian public higher education sector has undergone significant changes in recent decades. Today, it has 107 institutions of higher education (universities, national higher schools, higher normal schools, etc.) spread throughout the national territory. And since 2017, academic institutions in the private sector have been created to contribute to teaching and research. This became possible following the publication of a ministerial decree in the Official Journal on November 13, 2016. This decree sets the specifications and indicates the conditions and general rules for the creation and operation of a private higher education establishment. However, there is still a lack of institutional diversity in higher education establishments in Algeria, especially in the scientific and technological field. According to the Ministry of Higher Education (2019), there are 9 higher education schools and institutes that train 1500 students in the social sciences, mechanics and optics. This seems to be a necessary consequence of the role of public education. Indeed, education in the primary and secondary cycle in Algeria remained mainly the prerogative of the public sector until 2008. Article 18 of the orientation law of 2008 defining the objective of the Algerian school stipulates that “national education is based on the public sector, but the possibility of creating private educational and teaching establishments can be granted to natural or legal persons under private law”. Since then, the proportion of pupils enrolled in private schools has increased, especially in large cities (more than 300 private schools as part of compulsory education in 2015 according to the Ministry of national education). However, more than 90% of pupils in the primary cycle still attend a public school. In secondary education, the percentages decrease slightly. We will come back to this with recommendations on the importance of the diversification of higher education institutions for Algerian NIS development.
- 6 The volume of migrants living in OECD countries with a higher level was around 300 000 in 2012 (CRE (...)
44Since 1990, student enrollment has increased more than five-fold to more than 1.6 million students by the start of the 2016/2017 school year (Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, 2016). Concerning the favorite areas of the students, it is rather the economic, political, human and social sciences and literature. Graduation enrollments in scientific and technological fields account for only 25% of total enrollments (Table 1). Since the Algerian industrial fabric is not very diversified and the economy remains largely dominated for the hydrocarbons sector, job opportunities are weak and higher education leads to intellectual unemployment (17.6% in 2017 according to the NOS). As a result, this leads to a brain drain abroad, a very strong trend in recent decades6.
Table 1. Evolution of the number of students enrolled in graduation in higher education by sector/year in Algeria
|
2010/2011
|
2011/2012
|
2012/2013
|
2016/2017
|
Exact sciences
|
50212
|
62224
|
69492
|
76760
|
Technologies and applied sciences
|
180944
|
194694
|
210794
|
226894
|
Natural sciences /earth/agronomy
|
88667
|
93159
|
103773
|
114387
|
Economic, political, human and social sciences and literature
|
700868
|
678678
|
676023
|
678680
|
Source: The author on the database of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (2018)
- 7 International Program for Monitoring Student Achievement.
- 8 Algeria was not a partner in the last PISA 2018 survey.
45Regarding the low rate of enrollments in graduation in science and technology, it is due to aspirations and prospects of negative careers. But it can be explained in particular by a lesser success in these fields of studies deemed difficult. The reason for this is that the very average level of pupils in the compulsory education cycle (primary and secondary) has a negative impact on their choices for science and technology courses in the higher cycle. As such, we can mobilize two surveys to report on the weakness of the compulsory education system in Algeria. First, the 2018 Global Competitiveness Report, which highlights the average quality of Algerian education systems, since the scores obtained for education do not exceed 3.5 points on a scale of 7. Then, the PISA7 survey (2015) of the OECD which has been set up to assess the extent to which 15-year-olds nearing the end of their compulsory education have acquired skills in science, reading comprehension and mathematics. In this world ranking, Algeria is ranked 69th out of the 72 countries participating in the survey8. On arrival, according to the same survey, only 26% of students would consider practicing a scientific profession. The priority would therefore be to build the foundations of learning in the primary and secondary cycles in order to encourage attendance at scientific and technical courses in higher education.
46The number of teachers has also increased, but less than the number of students. Today, there are about 55 000 teachers, 50% of whom are of magisterial rank (Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, 2017). More than half of these staff are in the scientific and technological field (Table 2). Given the massification of the number of students, the average rate of supervision is one teacher for 28 students, but with great disparities (the ratio is 1 for 80 in the human and social sciences). The poor quality of infrastructure in the higher sector (eg low availability of training services such as access to the internet, digital library, etc.), the average quality of teacher training and the low salaries they receive have a negative impact on the quality of training within universities. “The main danger that accompanies this evolution is to go towards a mass education, insufficiently supervised in number and quality, and a very average level of training. The latter are essentially of academic type structured by major disciplines, defined more by the presence of resources in teachers than by the existence of outlets in the economy. On the other hand, the distribution by discipline leaves little room for scientific and technical fields” (Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2013, p. 5). As the issue of technology transfer is crucial in Algeria, it requires more effort in scientific and technical training for the development of a skilled workforce in order to promote activities for the absorption of knowledge and technology and the improvement of the techniques used.
Table 2. Evolution of the number of university teachers by sector/year in Algeria
|
2010/2011
|
2011/2012
|
2012/2013
|
2016/2017
|
Exact sciences
|
5828
|
6288
|
6580
|
7962
|
Technologies and applied sciences
|
9112
|
9809
|
10475
|
18437
|
Natural sciences /earth/agronomy
|
4122
|
4597
|
5104
|
8733
|
Economic, political, human and social sciences and literature
|
17207
|
19624
|
21670
|
18456
|
Source: The author on the database of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (2018)
47The level of scientific activity is growing rapidly. Indeed, the number of Algerian scientific publications has multiplied by 10 between 1998 and 2014. However, this volume remains insufficient and inferior compared to neighboring countries of comparable level, such as Tunisia or Egypt (Table 3). Between 2008 and 2014, about 60% of Algerian scientific productions were made with foreign researchers. With regard to publications in the fields of natural sciences, physics and engineering, UNESCO statistics show a relative increase in recent years (Table 4). However, the distribution of the number of researchers by discipline reveals that 60% of them are active in the fields of science and technology (Table 5). Also, in 2017, half of doctoral enrollments (about 30 000) are in engineering, the exact sciences and the natural sciences (Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, 2018). In sum, the share of scientific production in the world total, less than 0.20%, remains quite modest. Starting from a rather low level, 8 articles/million inhabitants in 1998, Algeria now has 58 articles/million inhabitants, but remains well below the world average, 147 articles/million inhabitants (UNESCO, 2015). The modest scientific production in Algeria can be explained by two main elements. First, the rapid and continuous growth of student numbers in Algerian universities in recent years has resulted in a shift away from research activities to the benefit of teaching activities. Secondly, there is the average level of researchers linked to the low quality of scientific and technological training in universities that are quite academic. This shows that the increase in the number of researchers cannot be encouraged without an improvement in the quality of training, the enhancement of local skills by more attractive salaries as well as by an improvement in dynamic and reliable infrastructures (Casadella et Younes Bouacida, 2018).
Table 3. Evolution of scientific publications in North Africa (1998-2014)
|
1998
|
2006
|
2008
|
2010
|
2012
|
2014
|
Algeria
|
241
|
977
|
1339
|
1658
|
1842
|
2302
|
Tunisia
|
491
|
1503
|
2068
|
2607
|
2739
|
3068
|
Egypt
|
1313
|
3202
|
4147
|
5529
|
6960
|
8428
|
Source : UNESCO (2015)
Table 4. Number of publications by scientific discipline in Algeria
Year
|
2008
|
2014
|
Natural sciences
|
104
|
168
|
Physics Sciences
|
250
|
406
|
Engineering Sciences
|
332
|
596
|
Source : UNESCO (2015)
Table 5. Breakdown of researchers by sector research in Algeria (2017)
Field of research
|
Number of researchers
|
Engineering
|
10504
|
Mathematical, physical and chemical sciences
|
5319
|
Natural sciences /earth
|
5089
|
Human and social sciences
|
12866
|
Source : The author on the database of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (2018)
48Given the relative improvement in scientific production in Algeria, the impact on innovation activities remains limited. In order to measure the possibilities of valuing the results of research in the productive sphere, we will use the indicator of the number of patents. Between 2002 and 2018, the statistics of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) show that the number of granted patents is very average since it represents only 3974 only. In all of this volume, only 10% of the patents granted are of resident origin. As for patents obtained abroad during the same period, they represent less than 30, of which only 2 patents obtained from the United States Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO), an international reference institution in this field. The Table 6 shows the evolution of patents which have granted in Algeria and obtained abroad over the past ten years. In total, Algeria remains characterized by a very low level of patent production, which results in part from the low R&D expenditure, but also from their orientation.
Table 6. Evolution of the volume of patents granted in Algeria (2011-2018)
Year
|
Residents
|
Not residents
|
Obtained abroad
|
2011
|
93
|
1453
|
1
|
2012
|
41
|
311
|
/
|
2013
|
/
|
37
|
/
|
2014
|
/
|
/
|
1
|
2015
|
74
|
279
|
5
|
2016
|
44
|
339
|
20
|
2017
|
80
|
176
|
5
|
2018
|
27
|
135
|
08
|
Total
|
359
|
2730
|
40
|
Source : WIPO (2020)
49Given this situation, it seems that Algerian companies lack the human skills and experience necessary to carry out research activities, produce knowledge and innovate. Human resources (engineers, technicians, etc.) seem essentially oriented towards the day-to-day running of the business. As such, Mayor et al. (2012) carried out an empirical study which classifies the national technological capacities of 30 African countries. Technological capacities are presented in three dimensions: (1) The available base (Internet use, human resources and R&D), (2) the technological effort of public authorities and companies (technological infrastructures, business performance and innovation policies) and (3) outputs (intellectual property and patents). The analysis leads to define four groups of countries. Algeria is in the last group with the countries with the lowest technological capacities. This group has the most lagging position, in particular with regard to the technological effort of public authorities and companies and the results of intellectual property protection and innovation. The group has an intermediate position in terms of available base. In short, there are shortcomings in combinations between the available base, technological effort and the outputs of innovation in Algeria, which does not allow perfecting its NIS. In the end, the technological and innovative capacities of companies are greatly affected.
50Despite the rather encouraging indicators of research activities within the academic sphere in Algeria, all research studies in this area have found that vertical collaborations, ie the flow of information and knowledge between the world of research and the actors of the innovation system remain weak (Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2020; Younes Bouacida, 2018; Ben Slimane and Ramadan, 2017; Amdaoud, 2016; Djeflat, 2009). Indeed, the global ranking of the Global Index of Innovation 2018 highlights the weakness of vertical collaborations and the lack of the impact of knowledge in Algeria since it is positioned for these two indicators at the bottom of the table (at the 111th and 101st respectively).
51The lack of integration between the world of research and the industrial sector can be explained by various factors. First of all, the low diversification of the industrial fabric is not favorable to the development of a science/industry interface. Secondly, there is a lack of finalization of academic research orientations because of the scientific and technological policy framework which is not generally articulated to the demand of the production sector. In fact, knowledge translation opportunities produced by universities and research institutions within companies are limited. The lack of integration between the world of research and the production system can also be explained by the average level of researchers in the scientific and technological field, in particular because of the fairly academic university training, the statement previously stated. Finally, there is the problem of the brain drain phenomenon and the incapacity of Algeria to keep its brains, which is a great loss for the country in terms of experienced skills.
52In short, in Algeria, learning within higher scientific and technical institutions and feedback on learning processes are limited. This can be explained by the following points: First, the lack of incentives for academic research and academic status does not favor learning processes within formal institutions (Lindegaard, 1997). Second, there is a lack of mechanisms to encourage the mobility of researchers between the world of research and the industry sector to promote the application of advances in knowledge. Finally, the lack of incentives for university researchers to create innovative projects hinders initiatives to promote innovative ideas on the market. In the end, the NIS is hampered by the difficulties of its actors to interconnect and promote the flow of scientific and technological knowledge flows. For a country like Algeria lagging behind in scientific and technological development, learning within academic spheres is important for increasing the stock of knowledge and valuing the knowledge produced in the rest of the economy, in particular in the enterprises.
53The previous presentation showed that the Algerian NIS is characterized by dysfunctions and systemic failures that hinder learning processes and innovation capacities. These failures include, in particular, the weakness of the higher scientific and technological system to promote the development of skills. This weakness is linked as we have seen to several factors: (1) low university enrollment rates in science and technology, (2) lack of institutional diversity in higher education institutions, (3) low level of scientific and technological skills trained in the higher cycle and finally (4) a lack of problem solving transdisciplinary skills (Gibbons et al., 1994). As a result, there may be avenues for government action to promote the development of this missing element of the NIS. The definition of measures to be taken can be achieved by setting up actions to improve the quality of the compulsory education system, the diversifying higher education institutions, the follow-up of the higher scientific and technical training by a vocational training and finally the development of transdisciplinary training (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Policies to promote the higher scientific and technical system in Algeria
Source: The author
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In the field of the compulsory education system, we have already mentioned that the rather average level of pupils influences in a negative way their choices for the scientific and technological sectors in the higher cycle, because that is often synonymous with failure for them. Despite the rather encouraging indicators on education in Algeria (according to UNESCO, the primary and secondary school enrollment rates represent respectively 97.55% and 99.65% in 2016), it remains that the quality of teaching is very average. Given the importance of the resources allocated to the education system that exceeded 9% of GDP in some years (Ministry of Finance in Algeria, 2017), the results are far below what can be expected. This may be the result of insufficient levels of requirements for primary and lower secondary education. “If the quantitative objectives in the form of gross and net enrolment ratios are practically achieved in primary and secondary education, it is appropriate, in a new stage, to highlight objectives for the quality of education” (Haudeville and Younes Bouacida, 2020, p. 15). Therefore, the Algerian education system must fulfill its functions by raising the level of school achievement and the relevance of teaching. This can be achieved, for example, by integrating Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) into the cycle of compulsory education. Indeed, it is an opportunity to develop new pedagogical approaches in order to improve the quality of teaching. These technologies also help to deliver the creative forces of teachers and students. A New Zealand study of three groups of high school students found that computer use appears to have contributed, along with other innovative teaching aids, to increasing student learning in mathematics, science and English (Mckinnon et al., 1996, cited by Archambault, 2010). Thus, improving the quality of training in the primary and secondary cycle in Algeria will help to promote the acquisition of knowledge and skills of students and promote the capacity to use them in the future. Ultimately, students will have the required level for a better attendance of scientific and technological sectors in higher education. In the end, more emphasis will be placed on this type of training to promote science and technology skills.
-
Then, as mentioned above, the algerian state is mainly the only supplier in the field of higher scientific and technical training. As a result, public universities have a monopoly on training. However, institutional diversity and internal competition between higher education institutions in a country is essential (Johnson, 1992). Indeed, it allows to put in competition the public and private institutions for the formation of the best human skills. It also allows students, for example, who have obtained a bachelor’s degree in a university track, to enter a management or private engineering school in order to acquire more skills and knowledge. Finally, Institutional diversity also enhances knowledge-seeking capabilities, particularly in certain fields, as well as bringing these institutions closer to the industry. Ultimately, the state must further strengthen its support for private initiatives for the creation of schools in the primary and secondary cycle, but in particular for the creation of universities and technological institutes. The objective being to allow the development of an efficient higher training system, especially in science and technology for the national innovation system in order to foster the development of a knowledge-based economy and innovation.
-
In order to improve the level of scientific and technological skills that have been developed at the graduate level, it is not unreasonable to follow these higher education courses with a period of training or vocational training once the corresponding training capacities have been put in place. It is true that these qualifying courses have a cost and this cost may in some cases exceed that of higher education. But this problem is probably less restrictive in Algeria than in other developing countries. Indeed, Algeria has abundant financial resources from hydrocarbon revenues (a GDP of 200 millions dollars/year on average over the last ten years), which can be recycled in this type of learning policy to promote capacities.
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Finally, transdisciplinary training is now crucial to promote a knowledge economy. Indeed, the effectiveness of a NIS will depend on the scientific and technical capacities to produce, use, absorb and rapidly transform scientific knowledge into innovation. In a knowledge society, skill needs, especially transdisciplinary skills, are steadily increasing. As a result, higher education policy in Algeria must ensure the development of this type of skills. This action must be a priority in the field of training, but also research. To achieve this, ICT integration is a solution for higher education. This will enable the development of a skilled workforce that integrates with business, as well as the development of skills for research and innovation activities. Moreover, in view of the strategic nature of transdisciplinary skills, the Algerian university system should offer students, for example, for the natural sciences and engineering sciences, additional training programs to extend their knowledge base (e.g. engineering or computer science for a biologist). The objective is to train skills and future researchers for the processes of production and transformation of science into innovation. In total, a decompartmentalization between the different scientific and technological trainings to answer the big societal questions.
54The insertion of developing countries into the world economy is determined by the development of learning and innovation capacities, as reflected by the construction conditions of the NIS according to a “broad” approach. In this perspective, it is important to consider the role of higher scientific and technical training institutions in the issue of NIS emergence and development (Brundenius et al., 2009; Lundvall, 2007). For developing countries, the development of human capital through education and in particular higher education is essential for the enhancement of learning and the acceleration of absorptive capacity and the utilization of technological knowledge (Nelson and Rosenberg, 1993) to get closer to developed countries (catching-up). From this point of view, the previous presentation showed how the Algerian public authorities can intervene to strengthen the integration of the higher scientific and technical system within the NIS. Thus, the training of skills in all areas, but especially in scientific and technological skills must play a key role in the Algerian NIS in order to promote learning and innovation capacities. The strategy we have proposed is not only to increase the flow of graduates in science and technology, but also to improve the quality of the degrees awarded. It also consists in perfecting higher scientific and technological training institutions and the development of adequate infrastructures.
55The development of this strategy must obviously have the means of its ambitions. In other words, the authorities must have the resources and the skills to achieve the desired objective. In Algeria, the feasibility of this strategy will not seem to encounter any obstacles to its full realization. Indeed, the country has local human capital, but also expatriate skills in developed countries (Diasporas) which can enrich the internal potential for the realization of this strategy. Regarding the financial problem, it is undoubtedly less restrictive in Algeria than in other countries. The current mode of growth leaves significant resources in the hands of the state which can be mobilized so that actions are effectively implemented. The policies we have proposed to promote the development of the higher scientific and technical system cannot be without consequences for Algerian public action because they are necessary and legitimate. These efforts will help to promote a trained and specialized workforce for businesses, just as they will foster the conditions for knowledge mobilization within the framework of collaborations between actors to promote innovation. These collaborations (vertical and horizontal) will be the subject of future research work through a microeconomic type of analysis in the Algerian pharmaceutical industry, which has been growing rapidly in recent years.