1The common perception of a lack of authenticity in Amman has influenced municipal cultural policy and the portrayal of the city in sponsored novels marking Amman’s proclamation as the Capital of Arab Culture. Contrary to the prevailing notion that “Amman is not a city,” a frequently repeated idea that undermines its urbanity and authenticity (Shami, 2007), these novels assert Amman’s status as a city by highlighting its interconnectedness with others. They depict Amman as an inclusive and historically welcoming place. In 2002, the novels actively engaged in an urban process coinciding with the onset of neoliberal urban transformations, offering narratives that align with these changes. At the same time, they sought to establish an urban identity that had long been underappreciated. Both the perspectives of the Greater Amman Municipality (henceforth GAM), and the novels refocused attention on the city of Amman, contributing to its emergence as a tourist destination and to the revitalizing of its older, central areas, initiating a gentrification process that continues to unfold to this day especially in the areas of Jabal Amman, al-Lweibdeh and parts of Downtown.

3Scholar Seteney Shami highlights that for, “the first time” the municipality made efforts to document the history of the city in the context of the 2002 Amman Arab Capital of Culture, mentioning the re-edition of Abd al-Raḥmān Munīf’s book Sīrat Madīnah (1994). Shami points out the paradox that emerges, stating:

For the first time, Amman begins to find its specificity and to write its history, not to emphasize its uniqueness but rather to claim a legitimate place among the array of Arab cities that continue to provide the norm and set the standard of city life and culture (Shami, 2007: 229‒230).

4Nevertheless, contrary to Shami’s assertion, a unique aspect emphasized in the 2002 campaign is that Amman is a welcoming city and highlighting the place of Amman among other cities.

5Another of the studies that have looked at the 2002 campaign is that conducted by Khirfan and Momani, whose study aimed to investigate the perception of Amman among its urban residents in two distinct exercises: the 2002 designation of Amman as the Capital of Arab Culture and the 2009 centenary celebration of the establishment of the first municipal council. They noted that the 2002 campaign emphasized Amman’s ancient history, while the 2009 campaign focused on the contemporary (Khirfan & Momani, 2013). Their observations revealed that the 2002 campaign highlighted the Roman, Greek and early Islamic heritage of Amman, to promote downtown Amman as a tourist destination (Khirfan & Momani, 2013). Architect Yasir Sakr argues that the cultural policies of the GAM intended to create a cohesive identity. Additionally, Sakr contends that conferences discussing Amman during the 1990s influenced the city’s cultural urban policies, leading to a nostalgic inclination in municipal perspectives. Moreover, Sakr highlighted the GAM’s investment in literature and the emergence of Amman as a theme in Jordanian Arabic literature: this aspect is of great importance to understand the emphasis on supporting the historical novels discussed here (Sakr, 2013).

6While certain urban scholars acknowledged Amman’s literature, they refrained from engaging in textual analysis. Daher acknowledges the emergence of novels dealing with Amman’s past and appreciates one of the 2002 novels discussed in this contribution (al-Shahbandar). He wonders whether the literary phenomenon in Amman represented “a major shift and transformation in this crisis of identity” (Daher, 2008: 44). Similarly, Daher noted that, “This growing interest in Amman’s urban and social history occurs against the backdrop of neoliberal urban transformations and restructuring that profoundly affect the city’s inhabitants” (Daher, 2008: 45). In contrast to Daher’s assumption, this paper argues that the novels played a role in these neoliberal transformations, particularly by highlighting the significance of the market and promoting liberal ideals of peace and coexistence.

7Jordanian literary scholar Shafīq Nūbānī acknowledges the significance of the market in Dafātir al-ṭawafān in his book dedicated to study Amman in the Jordanian novel. He highlights the alignment between the novel and Rafīʿ's Ḏākirat al-Madīna (2002), which presents a fictionalized interpretation of archival documents by the author, an urban historian, novelist and employee of the GAM (Nūbānī, 2013: 32). An oversight is his failure to consider the impact of GAM policies and perspectives and the 2002 campaign (Nūbānī, 2013).

8A notable example focusing on historical novels comes from scholar Fernanda Fischione. In her paper, she selects and examines three works. The first is Sulṭāna (1986) by Halasā, a Jordanian author whose works were banned in Jordan and who lived in exile in various Arab capitals until his death in 1989. The second is Sīrat madīna (1994) by Abd al-Raḥmān Munīf, a non-Jordanian citizen born in Amman to a Saudi father and Iraqi mother, who spent much of his life in exile. The third and final novel analysed is al-Shahbandar by Hāshim Gharaybah, a Jordanian writer who did not experience exile but faced repression from the state and was imprisoned multiple times during the years of martial law for his involvement as a communist militant.

9While Fischione’s paper raises intriguing points, her conclusions tend to be oversimplified, likely due to a top-down approach to both the city and literature. According to Fischione, “the city-focused novels advocate a pluralistic national ideal that lends itself to voicing the official ideology of the Great Jordanian Family” (Fischione, 2021: 252). However, this conclusion does not sufficiently consider the contextual and extratextual aspects of the novels, failing to recognize them as integral components of urban and social processes and neglecting to position the novels within the broader literary context of Ammani novels. Though Fischione’s contribution acknowledges the diverse backgrounds of the authors, yet she sees their novels as not conflicting with the discourse of the Great Jordanian Family. This raises the question: does the absence of dissonance with the Great Jordanian Family imply that the novels’ narratives are teleological to the monarchy? This issue is common when it comes to write about Jordan, as highlighted by Betty Anderson, wherein she notes that,

Scholars writing about the politics, history, and economy of Jordan have had a difficult time overcoming the view, whether implicitly or explicitly, that the Hashemite royal family is Jordan and Jordan is the Hashemite family (Anderson, 2003: 197).

10In the same direction, Fischione suggests that there exists within the text an Amman that serves as a “mirror of the nation” (Fischione, 2021). This assertion appears to draw a clear distinction between the textual representation of Amman and its real-world counterpart, overlooking the nuanced interplay between the urban and literary realms. Furthermore, her characterization of Ammani novels as simply reflecting the national identity is somewhat simplistic. Novels are not passive mirrors reflecting an external reality and the notion of a “national literature” is increasingly outdated as it overlooks the transnational dimensions of both the novel and the city. In the same way, Fischione’s analysis tends to overlook the portrayal of Amman outside the text, treating it primarily as a metaphor for Jordan as a whole (Fischione, 2021). This approach frames the novels as representatives of the nation’s identity. However, as will be demonstrated, the novels celebrate the city’s unique identity, with little emphasis on the monarchy or national boundaries. Instead, they often depict a transnational space where Amman intersects with the decolonial struggles of neighbouring countries while remaining rooted in the broader context of Greater Syria.

11On the other hand, “Cities of Culture” is extensively analysed in the context of urban development and cultural policy. Evans discusses the strategic branding of cultural cities, illustrating how events like the European Capital of Culture can drive urban regeneration by transforming cities’ identities from cultural centres to global brands (Evans, 2003). While European studies on “Cities of Culture” are extensive (Stevenson, 2014), research on Arabic cities is limited. This paper delves into the GAM’s cultural policies, the 2002 Capital of Arab Culture and municipal agenda showcasing Amman’s case. To achieve this, this paper leans on deep locational criticism, which is a framework that aims to read how the intricate historical, social and political layers of a location profoundly shape and are reflected in the meaning, structure and themes of a text (Finch, 2016). This paper focus on Amman, navigating between its portrayal within the novel and its real-world counterpart, showcasing the inter-dependence and interactivity between both. To do so, an analysis of the sponsored novels was conducted, while at the same time focusing on the time in which they were published. In this sense, reading the Amman of the novels provides an insight into how urban discourses were being shaped, which in turn were materializing on the Jordanian capital.

Novels and the Directorate of Culture of the Greater Amman Municipality

12Literature played an important role in the municipal cultural policy, with the cultural directorate actively endorsing literary productions centred around the history of Amman. This support extended beyond fostering new works to include initiatives such as the republication of Halasā’s complete works and those of Qāsim, among others. Moreover, a noteworthy event was the declaration of Amman as the Capital of Arab Culture in 2002, which introduced its own perspective on the city, a viewpoint that the sponsored novels embraced.

13Amman’s “identity crisis” significantly influenced both cultural policy and literary output. In the mid-1990s, various initiatives were undertaken, including the promotion and sponsorship of research, literary creation and public campaigns aimed at fostering a collective identity for Amman’s residents through the cultural directorate of the GAM, which aimed to “undertake the Municipality’s newly self-imposed role of shaping Amman’s missing identity” (Sakr, 2013: 331). A key strategy of this directorate involved sponsoring cultural events, with a significant focus on literary works. Additionally, the directorate expressed secondary interests, including the development of public spaces hosting cultural institutions such as museums, theatres, art galleries and libraries in each district. From its inception, the cultural directorate has consistently sponsored literary and artistic endeavours and scholarly work associated with Amman. Similarly, conferences addressing Amman’s identity played a role in shaping the perspectives of key stakeholders involved in the city’s governance (Sakr, 2013). Through its publishing house, GAM began publishing two literary journals in 1996 (both now defunct): Majallat Tāykī, dedicated to women’s poetry, and Majallat Ammān, a journal focused on culture and literature. The municipal publishing house and the cultural directorate actively promoted various publications centred on Amman, which is manifested through their logo.

14A notable example of GAM’s efforts is the re-release of Qāsim’s Abnāʾ al-Qalʿa in 1996. Initially published in 1990 and relatively unknown, it gained widespread acclaim after its “rediscovery” and even inspired a television series adaptation in 2018. The case of this novel is quite illustrative to understand the role of GAM in the promotion of literature. Qāsim, a former accountant turned novelist in the mid-1980s, gained recognition a few years after the publication of his second novel, Abnāʾ al-Qalʿa. Set against the backdrop of Amman’s political landscape from the end of World War II to 1967. The characters in the novel, primarily residents of this neighbourhood, have diverse backgrounds and connections to other cities like Beirut, Damascus and Cairo, and espouse various political ideologies. What sets the novel apart is its dynamic cast of characters, whose prominence fluctuates with political and socioeconomic shifts. Interestingly, the work was among the first novels to depict Amman, yet it initially struggled to gain traction. In fact, the author, disappointed by its lack of success, reportedly destroyed the manuscript of a planned sequel. The novel’s “rediscovery” was serendipitous, recounted by Jordanian literary critic Nazīh Abū Niḍāl, who stumbled upon it during a trip to the United States (Abū Niḍāl, 2008). Similarly, Mamdūḥ al-Abbādī, former mayor of Amman, embarked on a diligent search for the book after hearing about it upon his appointment. Despite its initial obscurity, al-Abbādī eventually located a solitary, worn copy in the municipal library (al-Abbādī, 2018: 130).

15These accounts shows that not only was Qāsim relatively unknown in the Jordanian literary scene. The lack of initial success could be attributed to various factors, including the author’s standing in the literary field, as well as aspects of the literary infrastructure, such as marketing, the book market and the role of publishing houses. However, beyond these factors, it is worth considering that the theme of Amman in the novel may not have been particularly appealing at the time, unlike in subsequent years. As anticipated, the novel eventually received institutional recognition. The current edition found in book stores and libraries across Amman is the second edition, published in 1996, a reprint by Manshūrāt amānat Ammān, the municipal publishing house. In the acknowledgments of this edition, the author expresses gratitude to the then-mayor of Amman, Mamdūḥ al-Abbādī, stating that “without his encouragement and support, the novel would not have been resurrected” (Qāsim, 1996: I). These examples illustrate how various actors within a network played a pivotal role in reviving a “forgotten” novel, ultimately leading to its adoption by GAM. Particularly under the mayoralty of Mamdūḥ al-Abbādī (1993‒1998) GAM invested significantly in literature and culture, with al-Abbādī emphasizing the importance of culture as the “soul” of the city and its people (al-Abbādī 1996, 2018; Sakr, 2013). Part of his inaugural speech at the Ammān wāqiʿ wa ṭumūḥ (Amman realities and expectations) conference addressed the perceived lack of “soul” in Amman:

• 2 All original Arabic texts in this contribution were translated by the author of this paper

Amman is a beautiful, clean and haughty city, which lacks the soul it deserves that, if we can evoke it, would complement its first qualities, beauty should be associated with vitality, and height with the vibrant and renewed rhythm of life of its inhabitants, which is what we have worked to address from the first day I took up the position I was assigned, and finally this conference, which we hope will come out with formulas conducive to broader and more comprehensive horizons of what the Municipality of Amman should do on the fronts of culture, planning, organization and services, guided by your ideas, inspired by the intimate relationship of love between you and our wonderful and captivating capital. You will find us, God willing, among those who take the best of words, and the most sincere advice to act accordingly. Amman fits everything beautiful (al-Abbādī, 1996: 30‒31).2

16Sakr notes that participants in these conferences held critical perspectives regarding the municipal emphasis on services and infrastructure rather than cultural aspects of the city. He suggests that the discussions and outcomes of these conferences impacted GAM policies. Additionally, he highlights that a significant portion of the discussions centred on “nostalgic” accounts of the “old Amman” (Sakr, 2013: 326‒327). Indeed, GAM embraced the literary works of authors like Qāsim and Halasā, including the second edition of Sulṭāna, which received sponsorship from the municipality. However, the novels published in 2002, despite sharing a historical context with these works, align with GAM’s discourse and conceptualization of Amman’s identity: a city with a transhistorical identity, interconnected with other urban centres and shaped by market forces.

17Historical novels play a role in establishing a sense of rootedness and historicity. In the context of Amman, this historicity serves to confer identity and legitimacy upon the city, thereby imbuing it with a tangible sense of belonging. However, not all Ammani historical novels offer uniform perspectives on Amman’s past. It is worth noting that the texts that have dealt with Amman’s history and memory can be divided into: non-2002 novels, and the sponsored novels of 2002 by the GAM. Non-2002 novels, exemplified by works like Sulṭāna by Halasā or Abnāʾ al-Qalʿa by Qāsim both published in the late 1980s, prioritize the portrayal of political and class struggles within the city. Contrastingly, the 2002 novels place emphasis on the market as a crucial element, relegating political considerations to a secondary role.

18The upcoming section delves into the reinterpretation of Amman’s ancient history in the novels, emphasizing its connection to contemporary Amman and its market dynamics. A deeper analysis will demonstrate how the 2002 novels seamlessly weave together Amman’s historical accounts with its present-day context. Consequently, the term “2002 novels” will be employed to differentiate these literary pieces from those solely centred on Amman’s historical background.

The Novels of the Amman Capital of Arab Culture

19A research piece shedding light on literature and the cultural activities of the GAM is Harrison Guthorn’s book dedicated to Amman during the British Mandate era. One chapter of the book focuses on the prominent Jordanian poet Arār (1899‒1949) and his connection with Amman as both a poet and a flâneur. Guthorn highlights that in 1999, the GAM compiled Arār’s poems into a book to commemorate his 100th birthday, considering him an “honoured son of Amman” (Guthorn, 2021: Ch.6, para. 4). However, this collection omitted his poems expressing animosity towards the city. Arār’s disdain for Amman stems from his perception of it as a stronghold of colonial authority and a hub for a merchant class detached from the rest of the nation (Guthorn, 2021). The omission of his anti-Amman poems exemplifies the GAM’s efforts to shape a positive narrative and image of the city which shows itself to be a convivial city where the market has marked its open and cosmopolitan character, as seen in the novels discussed below. Similarly, Jordanian short fiction writer and literary critic Sulaymān al-Azraʿī expressed disappointment when a short story he wrote, which did not portray his affection for the city, was poorly received in 2002:

I could not love it too fondly as a city due to my rural upbringing. For this reason, I wrote a testimonial that constituted a traffic infringement in the traffic system of the testimonies of the Jordanian creatives in 2002, the year Amman was declared the capital of Arab culture (al-Azraʿī, 2015: 101).

20Al-Azraʿī’s testimony indicates an authoritative exercise wherein writers were allowed to “circulate”. This example underscores the GAM’s endeavour to craft a narrative of the city aligned with its perspectives. These instances from 2002 signify a pivotal year in reshaping the city’s image through literature.

21The 2002 novels share several thematic threads: both works feature mercantilism prominently as a driving force behind the urban development of Amman. Additionally, they portray Amman as a hospitable city where individuals from diverse backgrounds and beliefs peacefully coexist. Moreover, these novels depict Amman as intricately connected with its surrounding capitals. Furthermore, they not only delve into the modern history of Amman but also make allusions to its early Islamic, Hellenistic and pre-Hellenistic periods, lending a transhistorical quality to a city whose origins are often debated.

22Within these narratives, the market is prominently featured the as the spatial focal point of the downtown landscape. Interestingly, concurrent with this literary portrayal, GAM engaged in a process of re-centralizing the downtown area. Notably, the construction of the municipal building complex was on the former site of the original spring of the Amman river, before its enclosure in 1964. Moreover, Downtown and nearby neighbourhoods like Jabal al-Lweibdeh and Jabal Amman were strategically positioned on the tourist map as part of the 2002 branding campaign, which targeted international tourism markets. This tourism-oriented initiative prompted various NGOs to initiate projects aimed at preserving the heritage of older neighbourhoods (Khirfan and Momani 2013: 57–58). The GAM spearheaded a series of revitalization efforts, including the restoration of historic houses originally built by Amman’s pioneering merchant bourgeoisie. These refurbished properties were repurposed as cultural hubs, such as Bayt al-fann al-urdunnī (The House of Jordanian Art), Bayt al-shiʿr (The House of Poetry), and Bayt Tāykī (The House of Tyche), dedicated to promoting women’s literary and artistic endeavours.

23With regard to literature, the novels from 2002 delve into bygone traditions, customs and nomenclatures in Amman. Additionally, these novels exalt diversity, highlighting the diaccents, dialects and attire observed on the city streets. Both Dafātir al-ṭawafān and al-Shahbandar share a common thread in their use of archival research conducted by Rafī, who documented written records of commercial transactions and rental agreements from the 1930s to the 1950s in his work Ḏākirat al-Madīna (The Memory of a City) published in 2002. This book not only presents the raw archival data but also provides interpretive insights into the socio-economic dynamics of that era, fictionalizing events based on the historical documents at the outset of each chapter. The title of the novel Dafātir (logbooks) hints at the local micro-mercantilism prevalent in the community. The novel begins with the testimony of silk, lamenting its misclassification as an example of the early Ammani traders’ lack of expertise. From its title to its narrators and plot, the novel vividly portrays themes of mercantilism, trade and global interconnectedness. The novel, set in 1938 Amman, features various goods as its main narrators, symbolizing their origins beyond contemporary Jordan’s borders and their role in bringing together diverse individuals. For instance, silk unites Trans-Jordanians, Syrians and Armenians, highlighting trade as a common thread among Amman’s residents and connecting the city to nearby urban centres like Jerusalem, Tripoli and Beirut. Narrators include goods offering a unique perspective on historical, social and geographical aspects. For example, ḥalqūm, originating from Tripoli in Lebanon, reaches Amman via Jerusalem, while ropes recount the labour of market carriers typically hailing from Tafilah in southern Jordan. Sugar narrates socio-economic shifts, reflecting its transition from being produced locally in the Jordan Valley to being imported from Turkey in 1938, displacing honey from the market and sparking animosity from Circassians engaged in honey production. Notably, the novel also introduces a space-time traveller character, who delves into Amman’s history, a topic to be explored further. The novel also pays homage to Circassian heritage, incorporating Circassian myths, customs and practices, such as the tale of Sūsrūqa. It sheds light on the challenges faced by Circassians upon their arrival in the territory that is now Jordan, notably encountering hostility from Bedouin tribes. However, over time, coexistence was fostered, facilitated by shared experiences like mansaf and shibs wa bāsṭa. The various narratives within the novel converge on a shared vision of Amman characterized by cohabitation and mutual respect among diverse ethnic groups and geographical backgrounds.

24At the same time, the work pays tribute to women, granting them significant roles throughout its narrative. For instance, an affluent merchant woman, as recounted by the footwear, regularly hosted gatherings of women from diverse backgrounds in her home. Similarly, the novel recalls the vibrant political activity that animated the streets, marked by frequent demonstrations against colonial and Zionist activities. It also highlights the widespread support and assistance extended to Palestinian and Syrian resistance movements. Overall, the novel celebrates Amman, its diverse inhabitants, the deep affection, and the connection felt towards the city.

25Al-Shahbandar, the novel’s title, refers to the protagonist’s nickname which denotes the chief merchant in charge of regulating the market. The novel highlights Amman’s connections with neighbouring urban centres, underscoring its multiculturalism and the coexistence of diverse communities. It delves into Amman’s history, spanning from its Ammonite and Hellenistic roots to its Roman and Islamic periods, showcasing the city’s hospitable character across epochs. The novel shares several parallels with Dafātir al-ṭawafān, focusing on the bustling market life of late 1930s Amman. Al-Shahbandar features a polyphonic narrative with a diverse array of narrators, including human characters, places like the defunct Ḥamdān café in downtown – that was a prominent café in the first half of the 20th century, which was very active politically and where politicians, merchants and intellectuals met – and even objects and periods, such as clothing or the month of Ramadan.

26The protagonist, al-Shahbandar, is portrayed as a prosperous merchant with liberal approach to religion, casually indulging in activities like alcohol consumption, cabaret visits and extramarital affairs with Lūlītā. Despite his trade relations with regional cities and amicable ties with authorities, he remains apolitical. Upon retiring, his daughter Salma, depicted as an emancipated woman, takes over his business, becoming the first woman to drive a car in the novel’s Amman. Another protagonist in the novel, Lūlītā, epitomizes Mediterranean cosmopolitanism, hailing from a blend of Italian, Lebanese and Egyptian heritage. Born in Alexandria to a Greek mother, she spent her formative years in Sicily and Genoa before settling in Beirut and eventually Amman, where she establishes a café-chantant. This character evokes a Greek lady called Matilda, who opened a café in Amman in the 1930s, in Rafīʿ’s book, Ḏākirat al-Madīna (Rafīʿ, 2002).

27Throughout the narrative, Amman is exalted by the main characters as a welcoming haven, transcending their diverse origins. The city is depicted as a harmonious place where individuals of varied religious and ethnic backgrounds coexist peacefully. While interpersonal, class and political tensions surface, the novel notably avoids portraying identity clashes or lifestyle conflicts.

28Both novels extol and honour Amman, portraying it as a hospitable city and underscoring its urban essence and vitality. They depict Amman’s evolution into a city through mercantilism, illustrating how the rise of a capitalist society coincided with urbanization. Additionally, Amman is frequently juxtaposed with other cities, often situated in neighbouring countries. This dual emphasis on the connection between Amman and other urban centres serves two purposes: firstly, it validates and acknowledges Amman’s status as a city in its own right, despite being overshadowed at times; and secondly, it underscores Amman’s legitimacy by highlighting its interconnectedness with neighbouring cities outside Jordan, emphasizing the ease of mobility and proximity between them.

29Scholars have highlighted how Amman’s complex origins and successive waves of refugees and migrants have contributed to a crisis of identity for the city. This, coupled with the intricate landscape of identity politics, has hindered the development of a clear Ammani identity. As noted by Shami, “state policies and the multiplicity of identities do not serve to thicken an Ammani identity but rather to dilute it” (Shami, 2007: 227). However, the novels offer a contrasting perspective by celebrating Amman’s diversity and presenting it as a defining characteristic of the city’s identity. Amman is depicted as a haven for those seeking refuge, where individuals are free to maintain their way of life without compromise. This sentiment is expressed in al-Shahbandar: “Its importance comes from the fact that it protects its inhabitants from different races who came from the East and the West. Their shoulders collide if they are at a crossroads of heavy traffic...”(p. 51). Equally, Lūlītā, a dancer and sex worker, sought refuge in Amman, citing its reputation as a fair city for strangers as her primary reason for choosing it, “they said that it is a town that protects the oppressed, heals their wounds, and is fair with the stranger” (p. 120), and at the same time, describes Amman as a city “full of transients” (p. 121).

30The novels also illustrate the diversity of Amman in tangible ways. Inspired by Gharaybah, Jordanian scholar and architect Rami Daher describes Amman as the “city of the many hats” (Daher, 2008: 42). These headgears served not only as ethnic identifiers but also carried social and ideological significance. The depiction of city streets and bustling markets teeming with people from diverse origins becomes apparent through their attire and headgear. For instance, Shams, the protagonist’s wife, expresses her admiration for this diversity, likening it to a festive masquerade. She observes a multitude of clothing styles, ranging from traditional to contemporary, representing various cultures within Amman:

I look closely, and I see people as if they are in a masquerade party: veiled and unveiled women, a variety of abayas, modern suits… The people’s dresses from all nations are represented in Amman. How beautiful is Amman! It seems that people are in a permanent wedding! Noise and hustle, the dresses of the East and the West mixed fezs with shemaghs, Circassian calpacs, Iraqi fayṣaliyyah, Arab turbans, western hats, abayas and damer, and dark suits with colourful vests (Gharaybah, 2003: 161).

31In Dafātir al-ṭawafān a similar portrayal of Amman is presented. Through the narrative of the traveller, it is explained that the inhabitants of Amman originate from various corners of the world, each bringing their unique traditions and customs. Despite their differences, they share a common dream. The traveller lists nationalities and ethnicities highlighting their harmonious coexistence without needing to compromise their lifestyles. This process of transculturation, as described by the time traveller, has contributed to the tolerant and mild character observed among the people of Amman (Khrīs, 2009: 191).

32The examples above illustrate Amman as a cosmopolitan, inclusive and contemporary urban centre where diverse individuals, social classes and ideological perspectives coexist within the public sphere. This diversity is portrayed as a valuable aspect of the city, albeit one that is often scrutinized, particularly concerning the authentic identity of Ammanis. The novels leverage diversity to highlight Amman’s translocal ties with other urban centres, thus presenting it as a “city among cities.” Amman frequently finds itself juxtaposed with other urban locales, with certain facets of urban life deemed more advanced or genuine elsewhere. Daher suggests that attempts to position Amman in competition with neighbouring cities diminish its inherent diversity (Daher, 2008: 42).

33Constantly compared and overshadowed by other urban centres, the portrayal of Amman in these novels underscores its identity as a city among cities. These connections stem from trade, refugee influxes and political engagements. This includes instances where characters, whether locals or refugees, participated in anti-colonial movements beyond Jordan’s borders. Additionally, trade serves as another avenue through which Amman establishes connections with neighbouring cities in the region.

34The novels underscored the key role of the market in shaping Amman’s urban landscape. It facilitated the city’s transition away from agriculture and brought together diverse inhabitants into a shared space. Dafātir al-ṭawafān elucidates how the market was instrumental in the city’s urbanization process. On the one hand, it blurred the boundaries of monoethnic neighbourhoods, fostering a common public sphere, while on the other, it contributed to the emergence of a class-based society. Reflecting on the diverse ethnic neighbourhoods of the past, such as Circassians, Bukharis and Arabs among others, the novel observes:

The common interests of the people, and the market movement mixed the peasant with the urban dweller, and the Russian blonde hair with the brown skin of the Bedouins, the Englishmen with the fez dressers, and the white keffiyehs of the Arab Peninsula speckled with red or black squares. The city segregates many classes that belong to their wealth, or poverty. [...] The peasants in the villages say “There is no wheat nor barley” as if people were equal, but the city has an issue, an issue that Amman confesses with shyness, but however, it utters it as the other cities do and keeps saying -every time there are civic manifestations – as the other cities says: The rich have their neighbourhoods, and the poor have their lives (Khrīs, 2009: 192–193).

35This instance exemplifies how the market played a decisive role in engendering a class-based society, thereby contributing to the urbanization of Amman. In addition to highlighting the market as a catalyst for urbanization, it underscores the interconnectedness of Amman with its environs, thereby dispelling the notion of the city as isolated from a broader urban network. Moreover, it portrays a timeless quality of the city. Amman and the market share a symbiotic relationship, where each relies on the other. The significance of the market in the novels mirrors its importance in contemporary Amman. Hourani, in discussing neoliberal urban changes, asserts that:

While the new heritage tourism zone was to reorganize the suq to be a representation of timeless cultural identity, another project just outside the suq would become a hypermodern, globally connected, “new downtown” where wealthy tourists could stay, shop, and play (Hourani, 2016: 36).

36It is worth noting that in 2005 the Abdali project, also known as New Downtown, began to be implemented. The aim of this project was to affirm Amman’s position on the world stage, and to give it a new, modern, but at the same time rooted image. In this regard, referring to the naming of the initiative as the “New Downtown Project”. Scholar Majd Musa explains that the state aimed to position Jordan’s capital as possessing a downtown area comparable to those found in modern, global cities. Hence, it was envisioned to support regional and international businesses and host a variety of activities akin to those found in other major city centres. By cultivating such an urban core, Amman’s reputation would be bolstered, attracting investment and individuals, thereby enhancing its global standing. Consequently, the city’s portrayal underwent a transformation aspiring for Amman to embody traits of connectivity, speed and global significance (Musa, 2017: 42–43)

37The city centre of Amman holds a key role in the novels. At the time of the novels’ publication, this area began to undergo a process of touristification, coinciding with the enduring symbiotic relationship between the market and Amman throughout its history. As previously mentioned, historical novels depicting the transition from the 1980s to the 1990s, such as Abnāʾ al-Qalʿa (1990) or Sulṭāna (1986), while delving into Amman’s past, offer a critical perspective on the city’s mercantile practices. A telling instance is the narrator’s anticipation of the market’s glorification in Abnāʾ al-Qalʿa: They will only remember al-Sayl Street with its sprawling markets and exotic imported goods (Qāsim, 1996: 214).

Historical Accumulation in the 2002 Novels

38The notion that “no-one is originally from Amman” stems from the relatively recent development of the city. As noted by Daher,

[t]he fact that Amman did not have a distant origin or homogeneous ethnic composition disqualified the city from being a stereotypical Islamic city and may have led to the crisis of identity to which many of its residents subscribed (Daher, 2008: 42).

39As mentioned above, the 2002 campaign emphasized the historical significance of Amman, connecting the city with periods in which it had thrived as an urban centre, such as during the Ammonite, Greek, Roman and Umayyad eras. Consequently, the periods when the site of present-day Amman was inhabited by nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes were overlooked. In contrast to older historical novels, the novels of 2002 establish a direct link between contemporary Amman and its ancient past. These novels integrate Amman’s history into their narratives. For instance, in al-Shahbandar, the protagonist shares episodes from different historical periods, displaying his comprehensive knowledge of Amman’s history. Similarly, in Dafātir al-ṭawafān, a fictional character named Sayf al-Dīn al-Ghassānī, who is a traveller in time and space, recounts historical accounts of Amman from medieval Arab geographers and hadith, and traces the city’s history back to the Bronze Age while highlighting its archaeological ruins. Furthermore, both novels pay homage to Tyche, the protector deity of Philadelphia, underscoring her significance.

40The interaction between literature and the municipal vision is evident both within the texts and beyond. The design of the City Hall, inaugurated in 1996, serves as a prime example, reflecting a historical pastiche that draws from various architectural styles, including Roman and Umayyad influences, as well as elements of nomadic, rural and urban architecture (Sakr, 2013: 337). This transhistorical portrayal of the city, reflected in the novels, is also apparent in the conceptual sketches by Rasem Badran, one of the architects of the City Hall building, whose sketches depict what he terms “Historical Accumulation through Time” (Steele, 2005: 42) showcasing a succession of arches symbolizing different historical epochs. By linking Amman to its ancient past, this process of creating historical depth for the city situates and affirms Amman within a broader spatiotemporal context. Consequently, Amman comes to be recognized as a city with deep roots, seeking legitimacy alongside historic neighbouring capitals.

41Moreover, both the cultural policy, and the proclamation of Amman as Capital of Arab culture is accompanied the urban transformation of that time. The case here it is not different to what Stevenson asserts with regards to European cities of culture, where she points at the fact of “the establishment of cultural quarters and incubators is intended to develop the creative industries at the same time as animating and regenerating space and creating place” (Stevenson, 2014: 51). Likewise, Stevenson asserts that cities of culture “is a scheme that speaks simultaneously to the local and the transnational, using culture and creativity in part to rework notions of place and citizenship” (Stevenson, 2014: 122). In this sense, and as seen from the novels, the 2002 campaign spoke to the national, but also to the transnational, in which the notion of city, its validity as an identity it was reworked in a way that allows Amman to be a City among cities.

Conclusion

42Considering both the publication dates and themes of the novels, a discernible correlation emerges between the discourse of the municipality and that depicted in the novels. Notably, supporting and sponsoring literary endeavours has become a priority for the cultural department of the city council since the mid-1990s. Furthermore, the designation of Amman as the Capital of Arab Culture marked a pinnacle in the municipality’s cultural activities. It is within this framework that the aforementioned novels come into play. The Gam through the novels highlight a narrative of Amman’s history and memory, imbuing the city with a transhistorical essence that defines the city’s identity. The municipality provides a context for a literary trend that delves into Amman’s history, while also illustrating the active role taken by the GAM in promoting these novels, shaping a narrative, and fostering an identity for the city during the transition from the 1990s to the 2000s. Additionally, it is worth mentioning several other novels that garnered the attention of the GAM through their republishing which makes the municipality an important player in the literary field at the time.

43This paper has been able to look at the GAM as an agent with a cultural and urban projection. Especially if one takes into account that the municipality is an institution that has not been given much importance among urban, cultural or policies scholars, and it would be of interest to study it on a municipal scale. The contribution has shown this complexity, starting from the level of the city and the city council as a political and governmental body, rather than from a top-down, statist approach. However, this topic merits further investigation, as scholarly research on Jordan has traditionally concentrated on the state and government or has been rooted in ethnographic studies, often overlooking the interstitial dynamics between intellectual fields and governmental institutions and neglecting literary production. Exploring these intersections can provide valuable insights into the role of local governance in shaping cultural and intellectual production, thus enriching our understanding of the complex relationship between cultural circles and state apparatuses.

44The paper has shown that the issue of the city’s perceived lack of vibrancy became central to the re-shaping of an identity and a public image of the capital city of Jordan at the turn of the millennium, and for this very purpose the novel was one of the instruments used. From the examples discussed here, one can see that the national is vaguely present. Likewise, emphasis is placed on connections with other urban centres in the area. In any case, the national here is diluted in favour of the urban. The national is not celebrated, but rather Amman and the elements that qualify it as a city. Perhaps, in order to have a rooted yet modern image as a nation, it is first necessary for its capital city to have one.