Bibliography
Primary sources
Staffordshire Record Office, Powell Papers, Letters in support bundles D3123/10 ; D3123/14 ; D3123/15 ; D3123/20 ; D3123/45 ; D3123/57 ; D3123/90.
Press
Daily Mail
Daily Telegraph
Financial Times
The Guardian
Libération.
Secondary sources
ADORNO, T. et al, The Authoritarian Personality, London : Verso, 2019 [1950].
ALDUY, C., WAHNICH, S., Marine Le Pen prise aux mots : décryptage du nouveau discours frontiste, Paris : Le Seuil, 2015.
ANDERSEN, J. G., BJØRKLUND, T., “Structural Change and New Cleavages : The Progress Parties in Denmark and Norway”, Acta Sociologica, Vol. 33 (3), 1990, p. 195-217.
BANTING, K., KYMKICKA, W. (eds.), The Strains of Commitment, Political Sources of Solidarity in Diverse Societies, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2017.
BIZEUL, D., Avec ceux du FN : un sociologue au Front National, Paris : La Découverte, 2003.
BLONDEL, J., LACROIX, B., « Pourquoi votent-ils Front National ? », in Nonna MAYER, Pascal PERRINEAU, Le Front National à Découvert, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 1996, p. 150-168.
BOURDIEU, P., Questions de sociologie, Paris : Les Éditions de Minuit, 1984.
BUETTNER, E., “ ‘This is Staffordshire not Alabama’: Racial Geographies of Commonwealth Immigration in Early 1960s Britain”, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 2014, Vol. 42 (4), p. 710-740.
CARVALHO, J., “The End of a Strategic Opening ? The BNP’s window of opportunity in the 2000s and its closure in the 2010s”, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 49 (3), 2015, p. 271-293.
COLLOVALD, A., Le “Populisme du FN”, un dangereux contresens, Bellecombe-en-Bauges : Editions du Croquant, 2004 ;
COMTAT, E., Les Pieds-noirs et la politique : quarante ans après le retour, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 2009.
DEZÉ, A., Le Front National : à la conquête du pouvoir ?, Paris : Armand Colin, 2012.
DEZÉ, A., MAYER, N., CRÉPON, S., Les Faux semblants du front national : Sociologie d’un parti politique, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 2016
EDDO-LODGE, R., Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race, London : Bloomsbury, 2017.
ESTEVES, O., Le Pen, les crèches et le centre commercial de Pawtucket », Libération, 06. 04. 2017.
ESTEVES, O., PORION, S. (eds), The Lives and Afterlives of Enoch Powell : The Undying Political Animal, Abingdon : Routledge, 2019.
FASSIN D., FASSIN, E. De la question sociale à la question raciale ? Représenter la société française, Paris : La Découverte, 2006.
FASSIN, E. et al, Roms et riverains, une politique municipale de la race, Paris : La Fabrique, 2014.
GARNER, S., CLARKE, S., White Identities, A Critical Sociological Approach. London : Pluto Press, 2010.
GEST, J., The New Minority : White Working-Class Politics in an Age of Immigration and Inequality, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2016.
GILLBORN, D., “The White working-class, racism and respectability : victims, degenerates and interest convergence”, British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 58 (1), 2010, p. 3-25.
GIRARD, V., Le Vote Front National au village, Bellecombe-en-Bauges : Editions du Croquant, 2017.
HAGE, G., Continuity and Change in Australian Racism”, Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 35 (3), p. 232-237.
HAJJAT, A., La Marche pour l’égalité et contre le racisme, Paris : Amsterdam, 2013.
LAMONT, M. The Dignity of Working Men, Morality and the Boundaries of Race, Class and Immigration, Cambridge (Mass) : Russell Sage Foundation & Harvard University Press, 2000.
LANGHAMER, C., “ ‘Who the hell are ordinary people?’ Ordinariness as a category of historical analysis”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 28, 2018, p. 175-195.
LAURENS, S. Une Politisation feutrée : les hauts fonctionnaires et l’immigration en France, 1962-1981, Paris : Belin, 2009.
LAWRENCE, J., Me, Me, Me ? The Search for Community in Post-War England, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2019.
MOHAMED, M., HAJJAT, A., Islamophobie : Comment les élites françaises fabriquent le problème musulman, Paris : La Découverte, 2013.
PILKINGTON, H., Loud and Proud : Passion and Politics in the English Defence League, Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2016.
ROSE, E. J. B (ed.), Colour and Citizenship : Report on British Race Relations, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1969.
SCHAFFER, G., “ ‘Till Death Us Do Apart’ and the BBC: Racial Politics and the British Working Classes 1965-75”, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 45 (2), 2010, p. 454-477.
SCHOFIELD, C., Enoch Powell and the Making of Post-Colonial Britain, Cambridge & New York : Cambridge University Press, 2013.
SVALLFORS, S. (ed.), Contested Welfare States, Welfare Attitudes in Europe and Beyond, Stanford (Cal.) : Stanford University Press, 2012.
WOOLFE, A., KLAUSEN, J., “Identity Politics and the Welfare State”, Social Philosophy and Policy, Vol. 14 (2), 1997, p. 213-255.
YUVAL-DAVIS, N., “Belonging and the Politics of Belonging”, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 40 (3), 2006, p. 196-213.
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Notes
Jørgen Goul ANDERSEN, Tor BJØRKLUND, “Structural Change and New Cleavages : The Progress Parties in Denmark and Norway”, Acta Sociologica, Vol. 33 (3), 1990, p. 195-217.
See Alexandre DEZÉ, “La dédiabolisation : une nouvelle stratégie ?”, in Alexandre DEZÉ, Nonna MAYER, Sylvain CRÉPON, Les Faux semblants du front national : Sociologie d’un parti politique, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 2016, p. 25-50.
The choice of “England” rather than “Britain” or “the U.K.” is deliberate since backlash politics of the welfare chauvinist type has been largely focused on England, primarily because ethnic and racial diversity is historically rooted in England rather than Britain, despite some local exceptions, which pale into historical and demographic insignificance when compared with English sites of ethnic clustering (London, Birmingham, West Midland and West Yorkshire towns, primarily).
See Kjartan Páll SVEINSSON (ed.), Who Cares About the White Working-Class?, London : Runnymede Trust, 2009 : https://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/publications/pdfs/WhoCaresAboutTheWhiteWorkingClass-2009.pdf
On “racism” as springing from “damaged, disturbed personalities”, see Ann Laura STOLER, Duress : Imperial Durabilities of Our Times, Durham (N.C.) : Duke University Press, 2016, p. 253.
Theodor ADORNO et al., The Authoritarian Personality, London : Verso, 2019 [1950].
For a persuasive critique of Adorno et al, see Andrew BONILLA SILVA, Racism Without Racists : Colour-Blind Racism and Racial Inequality in Contemporary America, Lanham (MD) : Rowman & Littlefield, 2009 [2nd ed.], p. 132.
Linsey HANLEY, “This White Working-Class Stuff is a Media Invention”, The Guardian, 30. 05. 2008 ; Reni EDDO-LODGE, Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race, London : Bloomsbury, 2017, 202-206.
On the harnessing of ordinariness as a catch-all, political category, see Claire LANGHAMER, “ ‘Who the hell are ordinary people?’ Ordinariness as a category of historical analysis”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 28, 2018, p. 175-195.
Jon LAWRENCE, Me, Me, Me ? The Search for Community in Post-War England, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2019, p. 154-155.
David GILLBORN, “The White working-class, racism and respectability : victims, degenerates and interest convergence”, British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 58 (1), 2010, p. 3-4.
Eric FASSIN et al, Roms et riverains, une politique municipale de la race, Paris : La Fabrique, 2014, p. 52.
Marwan MOHAMMED, Abdellali HAJJAT, Islamophobie : Comment les élites françaises fabriquent le problème musulman, Paris : La Découverte, 2013.
CETTE FRANCE LÀ (coll.), Xénophobie d’en haut : le choix d’une droite éhontée, Paris : La Découverte, 2012.
Annie COLLOVALD, Le “Populisme du FN”, un dangereux contresens, Bellecombe-en-Bauges : Editions du Croquant, 2004 ; Violaine GIRARD, Le Vote Front National au village, Bellecombe-en-Bauges : Editions du Croquant, 2017.
Quoted in Didier FASSIN, Eric FASSIN (eds.), De la question sociale à la question raciale ? Représenter la société française, Paris : La Découverte, 2006, p. 88-9.
Quantitative analyses generally rely on nationwide (or cross-national) surveys of electoral surveys before or just after elections.
Kathleen BLEE, “Ethnographies of the far-right”, Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, Vol. 36 (2), 2007, p. 121.
Paul MEPSCHEN, Everyday autochthony : Difference, discontent and the politics of home in Amsterdam, Phd dissertation, University of Amsterdam, 2016, p. 64.
Sylvain LAURENS, Une Politisation feutrée : les hauts fonctionnaires et l’immigration en France, 1962-1981, Paris : Belin, 2009 ; Sylvain LAURENS, « 1974 et la fermeture des frontières. Analyse critique d'une décision érigée en turning-point », Politix, vol. 21 (82), 2008, p. 67-92.
The phrase was used by Roy Hattersley, MP for Sparkbrook, one of the most multiracial constituencies in the country. It epitomizes the contents of the August 1965 White Paper on Immigration, much-maligned by the anti-racist left. Quoted in Robert MILES, Annie PHIZACKLEA, White Man’s Country : Racism in British Politics, London : Pluto Press, 1987, p. 57.
On why to call it “rivers of blood” is a problem, see Olivier ESTEVES, Stéphane PORION, The Lives and Afterlives of Enoch Powell : The Undying Political Animal, Abingdon : Routledge, 2019, p. 2.
See Erving GOFFMAN, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Garden City (NY) : Anchor, 1959.
See Simon JEFFRIES, “Britain’s Most Racist Election : The Story of Smethwick, 50 years on”, The Guardian, 15. 10. 2014.
Elizabeth BUETTNER, “ ‘This is Staffordshire not Alabama’: Racial Geographies of Commonwealth Immigration in Early 1960s Britain”, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 2014, Vol. 42 (4), p. 710-740.
Herbert KITSCHELT, The Radical Right in Western Europe : A Comparative Analysis, Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 1997, p. 22.
Keith BANTING, Will KYMKICKA (eds.), The Strains of Commitment, Political Sources of Solidarity in Diverse Societies, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2017, p. 11.
See Ibid.
Etienne Balibar in David Theo GOLDBERG (ed.), Anatomy of Racism, Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1990, p. 290.
Alan W. WOOLFE, Jyette KLAUSEN, “Identity Politics and the Welfare State”, Social Philosophy and Policy, Vol. 14 (2), 1997, p. 240.
Quoted in Keith BANTING, Will KYMLICKA (eds.), op.cit, p. 8.
See Frederick COOPER, Decolonization and African Society : The Labor Question in French and British Africa, Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 67.
On the odd episode when Marine Le Pen made a point about nativity scenes in town halls during the televised presidential debate in 2017, see Olivier ESTEVES, « Le Pen, les crèches et le centre commercial de Pawtucket», Libération, 06. 04. 2017.
“Racialism” was used in Britain in the 1960s, not “racism”.
This tendency was largely mediatized by the conservative press. See See, for instance, Daily Mail, “Ghost Children : They Bilk the Taxman of Millions each Year”, 09. 12. 1968 ; Daily Mail, “Stop These Immigrants Tax Frauds, Say Tories”, 06. 12. 1968 ; Daily Telegraph, “3 Years Gaol for Immigrant in Tax Fraud”, 01. 02. 1968 ; Daily Telegraph, “30 Million Pound Tax Fraud by Immigrant”, 09. 08.0968 ; Daily Telegraph, “Tax Dodging, a ‘Cancer and a Scandal’ ”, 21. 05. 1970.
On these points, see further details in E. J. B. ROSE (ed.), Colour and Citizenship : Report on British Race Relations, London : Institute of Race Relations / Oxford University Press, 1969, p. 446-7 ; p. 648.
See Abdellali HAJJAT, La Marche pour l’égalité et contre le racisme, Paris : Amsterdam, 2013, p. 27-8.
Staffordshire Record Office [hereafter SRO], Powell Papers [hereafter PP], respectively D3123/10 ; D3123/14; D3123/14 ; D3124/15 ; D4123/15 ; D4123/20.
See N. YUVAL-DAVIS, “Belonging and the Politics of Belonging”, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 40 (3), 2006, p. 196-213.
On the connection between welfare chauvinism, race prejudice and gossiping, see Justin GEST, The New Minority : White Working-Class Politics in an Age of Immigration and Inequality, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2016, p. 94-5.
SRO, PP, D3123/45 ; SRO, PP, D3123/57 ; SRO, PP, D3123/90.
See Gavin SCHAFFER, “ ‘Till Death Us Do Apart’ and the BBC: Racial Politics and the British Working Classes 1965-75”, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 45 (2), 2010, p. 465.
Although the overwhelming majority of Blacks hailed from the West Indies in those years, it was not infrequent to refer to them as “Africans”. The African stereotype was also dramatized in the series Alf Garnett. See Ibid., p. 464.
This is based on discussions with Alexandre Dezé and Nonna Mayer, among other colleagues.
Nostalgia of French Algeria permeated such publication for a long time. See Todd SHEPPARD, « L’extrême droite et mai 1968, une obsession d’Algérie et de virilité », Clio, Vol. 29, 2009, p. 37-57.
Florian Foos and Daniel Bishof have recently argued that tabloid avoidance decreases Euroscepticism by analyzing the effects of the long-standing Sun boycott in Merseyside, see Financial Times, 26. 08. 2019.
See Pierre BOURDIEU, Questions de sociologie, Paris : Les Éditions de Minuit, 1984, p. 222-235.
Support is nationwide, but areas of high levels of immigration are over-represented, as are counties at the periphery of the London conurbation (Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire, Kent, Surrey). The South is more represented than the North, and much more than the North-East. On further details on the spatial-ethnocentric distribution of epistolary support to Enoch Powell, see Olivier ESTEVES, Inside the Black Box of ‘White Backlash’, Letters of Support to Enoch Powell (1968-9), forthcoming.
Olivier SCHWARZ, Le Monde privé des ouvriers, Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1990.
See Jacqueline BLONDEL, Bernard LACROIX, « Pourquoi votent-ils Front National ? », in Nonna MAYER, Pascal PERRINEAU, Le Front National à Découvert, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 1996, p. 153.
See Ghassan HAGE, “Continuity and Change in Australian Racism”, Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 35(3), 2014, p. 233.
See Lawrence BLUM, I’m not Racist but…The Moral Quandary of Race, (Ithaca (N.Y.) : Cornell University Press, 2002), p. 124-134.
See for instance Alexandre DEZÉ, Le Front National : à la conquête du pouvoir ?, Paris : Armand Colin, 2012, p. 46-8.
Quoted in Michelle LAMONT, The Dignity of Working Men, Morality and the Boundaries of Race, Class and Immigration, Cambridge (Mass) : Russell Sage Foundation & Harvard University Press, 2000, p. 169.
Quoted in Emmanuelle COMTAT, Les Pieds-noirs et la politique : quarante ans après le retour, Paris : Presses de Sciences-Po, 2009, p. 253.
Cécile ALDUY, Stéphane WAHNICH, Marine Le Pen prise aux mots : décryptage du nouveau discours frontiste, Paris : Le Seuil, 2015, p. 41-46.
Ibid., p. 44.
This is despite the fact that Front National traditionally claims to be respectful of all French people whatever their race or religion. Citizenship (and the culturalisation of citizenship) is therefore at the heart of debate. On this self-presentation, see Daniel BIZEUL, Avec ceux du FN : un sociologue au Front National, Paris : La Découverte, 2003, p. 117.
Steve GARNER, Simon CLARKE, White Identities, A Critical Sociological Approach. London : Pluto Press, 2010, p. 9.
Joao CARVALHO, “The End of a Strategic Opening ? The BNP’s window of opportunity in the 2000s and its closure in the 2010s”, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 49 (3), 2015, p. 289, where it is claimed that “unemployment was found to be a weak predictor of support for the party”.
Quoted in op.cit., p. 153.
This was in the historian’s analysis of a text by Drieu La Rochelle. See Gérard NOIRIEL, Le Creuset français, Histoire de l’immigration, XIXème-XXème siècles, Paris : Seuil, 2006 [1988], p. 276.
See https://www.theguardian.com/global/video/2020/apr/15/you-clap-for-me-now-the-coronavirus-poem-onracism-and-immigration-in-britain-video (accessed 07.06. 2020).
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