1The areas characterised by winter sports tourism have experienced an evolving socio-economic dynamic and demographic change since the emergence of ski resorts (André-Poyaud et al. 2010; Barrioz, 2019; Carrosio et al., 2019; Drouet, 2024). They are also characterised by the influx of people with different types of capital, including new residents, seasonal workers, second-home owners, retirees, and others, as well as the departure of some people for various reasons (cost, convenience, life trajectories, etc.). These demographic phenomena, partly driven by capitalist and consumerist logics, play a role in shaping power relations that sometimes create a vicious cycle, marginalising certain groups (Guibert, 2024). In the Alpine context, some of the local policies (guidelines, budgets, projects) and the logic of the property market favour tourists, second-home owners, and/or permanent residents with higher incomes. This invites us to focus on the invisible groups in tourism destinations, such as seasonal tourism workers, construction workers, or individuals and families with modest incomes (Piquerey, 2016). This paper therefore aims to identify and analyse the power relations that may exist between different social groups, based on socio-professional categories, income, and even age.
2The argument of this paper is based on cross-referencing findings from two doctoral studies. The dissertation by Q.B.G. Drouet (2024) looks at second homes and public initiatives confronted by the challenge of maintaining year-round local living standards in resort areas across the Alps. However, this discussion on residential hierarchisation processes focuses exclusively on French resorts (Les Deux Alpes, La Clusaz, Saint-Martin, Les ménuires, Val Thorens, La Rosière). The dissertation by A. Barrioz, defended in 2019, focuses on the migration of residents in eight high Alpine valleys (Haut-Giffre, Beaufortain, Haute-Maurienne, Valbonnais, Valgaudemar, Queyras, Haute-Ubaye, and Haute-Tinée) and public policies implemented to attract and retain residents in the French Alps. In particular, it analysed residential settlement in these tourist areas and introduced the concept of "altitude gentrification" (Barrioz, 2019, 2020), which is used as a basis in this study.
3The aim of this paper is therefore to discuss the socio-spatial dynamics and power relations localised in certain French Alpine valleys and in resort communities. More specifically, these differentiated socio-spatial relationships are examined through the lens of housing access. We analyse the asymmetric real estate dynamics embodied in singular or more sustained actions of individuals and/or groups capable of influencing demographic and tourist transformations, resulting in marginalization. How do power relations between different groups of individuals help to reorganise the demographic and residential structure of certain French Alpine resorts?
4The framework of this paper is based on two interrelated concepts: "altitudinal gentrification”, which corresponds to the process of socio-spatial segregation process as a function of altitude and "social descent in the valley" which refers to the change in the socio-demographic structure in valleys characterised by the loss of inhabitants at altitude. To underpin these concepts, especially the term "gentrification", we propose a brief overview to understand how the socio-spatial divisions observed in metropolitan regions and non-tourist rural areas can be applied to tourist valleys. After explaining our methodology, we provide reflections on the hierarchisation of residential areas and land that drives the phenomena of gentrification in the high altitudes and social descent in the valley, reflecting the migration of residents and power relations along the altitudinal gradients in the tourist valleys studied.
5The theoretical framework for analysing the spatial dimension of power relations emerged from urban studies (Harvey, 1973; 2008) and notably through the concept of gentrification (Chabrol et al., 2016; Clerval, 2011; Clerval et al., 2011; Glass et al., 1964). This concept was gradually applied to rural areas, initially by English-speaking authors (Phillips, 1994, 2004; Smith, 1998) and more recently in Francophone research (Cognard, 2006; Guimond and Simard, 2010; Pistre, 2012; Richard et al., 2014, 2017; Tommasi et al., 2017). The study of rural gentrification reveals domination phenomena in mountain areas, particularly in the Alps (Bourdeau, 2008, 2016; Membretti and Viazzo, 2017; Piquerey, 2016; Perlik, 2011). Connections between social groups and territories manifest, starting in the 2000s, through the arrival of new individuals, often from urban areas, whose social, economic, cultural, and environmental capital distinguishes them from longer-standing populations (Carrosio et al., 2019). Desiring to settle in a pleasing environment rather than for direct economic purposes (job changes, displacement to the periphery, etc.), they transform the demographic, social, political, and spatial characteristics of the areas they settle in (Phillips, 1993, 2004; Richard et al., 2014). Alpine gentrification incorporates rural specificities, compounded by the influence of winter tourism (focused on winter and mountain sports, tourism accommodation industry, altitude-driven logics, etc.), the coexistence of various users, and high real estate inflation (Barrioz, 2020).
6Winter tourism intensifies the presence of individuals from affluent backgrounds, as winter sports require significant financial investment (equipment, ski passes, lessons, accommodation, etc.). Thus, it becomes even more crucial to understand how the coexistence of users from varied socio-professional categories and diverse social, economic, and cultural resources, spanning different ages, contributes to transforming these Alpine territories. On this subject, A. Clerval interprets space as both the result and the vector of class struggle (2011). The perception of advantages related to scenic amenities, sunlight, and snow conditions induced by the specific topography of the studied areas generates an attraction to certain altitudes and aspects among users. In resorts, leisure infrastructures and constant real estate appreciation attract real estate investors. In our case, a large majority of second-home owners surveyed via questionnaires indicate that the ski domain was a determining factor in their investment decision, far ahead of commerce or access to nature. These territorial resources (topography and inherited tourist products) are leveraged by various stakeholders with diverse residential trajectories and financial capacities, originating from different geographical backgrounds (long-standing residents, newcomers). This engenders power relations that are spatially expressed through clustering and separation of certain population groups in resorts or, conversely, in valley bottoms, contributing to the reinvention of the attractiveness of Alpine peripheries (Barrioz, 2020). This socio-spatial segregation aligns with M. Lussault's concept of a "struggle for place" (2009).
7Numerous studies in mountainous areas highlight significant issues related to inequalities between groups of individuals. For example, land valuation is considered a variable in population redistribution, as seen in studies of real estate transactions in the Mont-Blanc region (André-Poyaud et al., 2010). Analysing gentrification processes in the Dolomites, Italy, G. Carrosio et al. (2019) also observed population shifts directly tied to real estate valuation. In valley bottoms populated with towns or marked by industrial development (Hilal et al., 2011; Corrado, 2014), as well as in high Alpine valleys of varying year-round living attractiveness, certain forms of domination manifest spatially through the relegation of residents, particularly young people and families with modest incomes, away from village centers. They often find themselves "in less sunny areas or those more prone to noise and air pollution, which they initially sought to escape upon arrival. Satisfied to have moved closer to the conditions in which they aspire to live, some individuals feel privileged to reside in these places rather than victims of unequal spatial access. This situation reflects an altitudinal gentrification gradient, where higher, sunnier, and panoramic areas—less accessible and more distant from urban centers—are more susceptible to gentrification. More modest populations are thus pushed further into the upper valley plains” (Barrioz, 2019).
8To understand these socio-spatial dynamics, it seems relevant to integrate reflections on the processes of mountain metropolisation, where the weight of urban economic growth may take precedence over the future of mountain ranges (Messerli et al., 2011). Indeed, mountains are influenced by urban choices that assign a predominant residential function to areas accessible via commuting from a metropolitan area, such as between Wassen and Zurich in Switzerland (Perlik, 2011) or between Saint-Nizier-du-Moucherotte and Grenoble in France (Bachimon et al., 2014; Bourdeau, 2016). Conversely, the distance from an urban hub can occasionally—but not systematically—mark out a valley primarily for recreational activities, particularly in core mountain areas equipped with tourism infrastructure (Bourdeau, 2008).
- 1 The concept of ‘environmental capital’ refers to a ‘social asset’ that incorporates the environment (...)
9The residential economy has attempted to explain redistributive dynamics between productive and consumer locations, wherein secondary residents play a pivotal role in the economic redistribution of metropolitan wealth to rural areas (Davezies, 2008; Talandier, 2016). However, the separation between consumption and productivity locations in localised tourism systems, such as ski resorts (François and Marcelpoil, 2007), remains complex. The ski industry has effectively organised a productive mountain economy where the territory itself becomes a manufactured product through infrastructure (ski domains, tourism rental marketing), products (artificial snow, tourism incentives), or staged settings (resort ambiance, festivities, etc.). The very existence of these commodities, and users’ capacity to engage with them—or not—depending on their various situations (cultural, social, economic, financial, environmental1), reinforces inequalities and class dynamics, manifesting in spatial forms of domination. L. Piquerey (2016) provides explicit observations of socio-spatial segregation mechanisms at work within alpine arc tourist resorts. The mountains thus represent large metropolises, spaces of intense social divisions and spatial fragmentations. Numerous studies show the convergence of interests of influential players towards a development of resorts characterised by upscale tourism services, a shift from a tourism economy to the real estate economy, and a specialisation in exclusively winter tourism (Clivaz, 2007; Bourdeau, 2008; Fablet, 2013; Gerber and Tanner, 2018). In this competitive, growth-driven environment, resident, temporary, seasonal, and/or commuting populations are forced to negotiate their integration, starting with access to housing. We have chosen this perspective here to illustrate the phenomenon of the “social descent in the valley.”
10Although the main themes of these PhD studies and the aims of the interviews were not initially designed to study power relations, the wealth of materials collected on life trajectories, housing practices and perceptions of mountain development provides a rich resource for these considerations. Our research protocols were not aimed at collecting data from marginalised groups, and the semi-structured interviews were not designed for a dialectical analysis of relations between rulers and ruled. Nevertheless, as phenomena of dominance are evident in the discourse of the participants we encountered, it seems necessary to address them and engage in the essence of research—finding unexpected results. We examine what was said in order to better understand epiphenomena that may signal dominance or subordination between spaces and groups of individuals. Ultimately, the combination of these two PhD studies allows us to analyse a total of 266 semi-structured interviews with various actors encountered in different ways (snowball sampling, participant observation, etc.): residents, secondary residents, seasonal workers, elected representatives, real estate agents, territorial agents, economic and non-profit organisations, construction workers, shopkeepers, tourism professionals, housing applicants, social landlords, and employment agency managers.
11Data processing involved both quantitative and qualitative methods, using statistical territory data and interview content. The transcripts from the interviews conducted in Q.G.B. Drouet's thesis were re-coded, with occurrences observed and the themes expressed by participants prioritised (using the analysis software MAXQDA). This protocol identified factors perceived by stakeholders as influencing the maintenance of year-round local life in areas subject to significant tourism and real estate pressures, while also applying a critical approach to these perceptions. We thus draw on these analyses to address the power dynamics underlying, on the one hand, residential hierarchies at play, and on the other, individuals’ life paths, settlement capabilities, and daily practices. For A. Barrioz’s thesis, the data were processed qualitatively, using life narratives, trajectories, and lexical analyses (via Sonal). These were complemented by quantitative data extracted from this significant panel and diverse statistical sources (public and private, particularly related to the real estate market). The latter were also subjected to cartographic and statistical processing using QGIS and Sphinx software, highlighting socio-spatial divides between household groups and altitudinal gradients.
12The geographical contexts studied in both theses overlap, as they concern tourist municipalities in high alpine valleys in France. The territories studied by Q.G.B. Drouet, are more specialized in winter tourism economies, and those by A. Barrioz, more engaged in economic diversification historically or recently. They offer complementary insights for understanding broader phenomena that extend beyond our case studies. This cross-approach to distinct study areas underscores similar power dynamics tied to socio-spatial processes and the phenomenon of altitudinal gentrification. For this reason, it seems pertinent to elaborate on the concept of the “social descent in the valley,” emerging in the French Alps, as a result of altitudinal gentrification previously studied (André-Poyaud et al., 2010; Barrioz, 2019, 2020; Carrosio et al., 2019).
13This article presents only a proportion of the elements collected in the theses that help illustrate and conceptualize the social descent in the valley. The components contributing to the overall phenomenon are not exhaustive in the figures presented. Many factors influence the attractiveness and gentrification dynamics of these areas, requiring complementary analyses for comprehensive understanding. Here, we focus primarily on indicators reflecting socio-demographic transformations.
- 2 Source: Public Data Explorers, 2024.
14The ongoing real estate and financial appreciation in mountain regions over recent years has weakened housing accessibility for part of the population. Annual price increases in ski resorts are 5.5% in France, 4% in Austria, and 2% in Italy (Skoczek et al., 2023). In France, municipalities supporting tourist resorts generally have average prices (3,933 euros/m²) higher than the rest of metropolitan France (3,057 euros/m²) (FNAIM, 2023). Some municipalities far exceed 4,000 euros/m², such as Auron in Haute-Tinée (4,966 euros/m²) or Val d’Isère in Tarentaise (15,903 euros/m²) (averages for apartments and houses, new and old, as of March 1, 20242).
15As housing prices for primary residences become decoupled from household incomes, many users encountered (workers, settled seasonal employees, shopkeepers, etc.) report a potential departure from the resort in the coming years due to the impossibility of accessing property ownership. For example, in Haute Tarentaise, only 32.8% of Tignes residents and 42.1% of Val d’Isère residents own their primary residences, far below the average for Savoie (60.2%) (INSEE, 2021). In the high alpine valleys where tourism is present but complemented by other activities, year-round residents—including local young people—often discuss the possibility of leaving and eventually moving away. An illustrative case is that of a ski instructor and small carpentry business owner in his thirties, originally from the valley, who was forced to relocate outside the valley, 45 minutes from his workplace in the resort, due solely to his inability to afford property in his hometown because of insufficient financial resources. This individual also testified to familial tensions in these regions, where families prefer to rent their properties to tourists or sell them to secondary residents at higher prices.
16Other trajectories also illustrate these tensions and show how residents ultimately decide to move away, descend the valley, or even leave it altogether: couples who separate and sell their homes, active seniors who want to escape the bustle of the resort and get closer to the "green" spring environment, retirees moving to urban centres for better access to services, etc. Among second homeowners, cases of residential migration by young heirs have also been observed. For instance, heirs in Tignes sell their properties to purchase in La Rosière (a neighboring resort) because of cheaper tourist services, and also to acquire a larger second home on a sunnier slope. These decisions, driven by relatively strong financial and environmental capitals (Richard et al., 2017), reveal that power dynamics exist both in the permanent and second home markets. They also contribute to rising real estate prices in a region where the workforce struggles to find housing. These factors further act as a selection process for individuals who are more or less capable of fully integrating into the local economy and adapting to geographic constraints such as road access, transportation availability, or service accessibility.
- 3 Source: INSEE, Public Data Explorers, 2024.
17To illustrate these dynamics, Figures 1, 2, 3, and 4 present real estate and socio-demographic trends by altitudinal gradient in four French valleys, using five indicators: net migration balance (positive/negative), median housing price per square meter over the past five years (apartments and houses, new and old), changes in the population under 44 years of age, changes in the percentage of residents with higher education degrees, changes in the percentage of residents owning their primary residences, and changes in median income3.
18This initial analysis of key indicators reveals a "sliding down the valley" phenomenon. This manifests as a gradual increase in real estate prices with altitude, accompanied by negative net migration flows descending from the upper valley, especially from resort-supporting municipalities. The significant increase in the proportion of the highly educated population and the median income in the upper valley in the two cases analysed indicates an elitist trend in the upstream population compared to the downstream population. Finally, the evolution in the percentage of residents owning their primary residences does not necessarily distinguish lower-altitude municipalities from higher-altitude ones within the valley. In some cases, it even increases in resort-supporting municipalities, potentially reflecting departures of tenant residents rather than owners (e.g., Belleville municipalities in Tarentaise, Savoie; La Clusaz in Aravis, Haute-Savoie; Pra Loup in Ubaye, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence). It is also worth noting that the more significant decline in the percentage of people under 44 years old observed in Hauteluce in Figure 1 is specific to that valley and may be linked to a younger seasonal workforce that is less prevalent than in other studied regions. These same indicators were also analysed at a fixed point in time between the lower and upper valley, reinforcing the inherited diversity of tourism-driven social composition across the valley. However, more recent trends confirm demographic shifts, with an increase in property-owning populations with higher education levels and incomes.
19The southern slope of the Beaufortain Valley shows a negative migration balance for most municipalities, while the nearby city of Albertville, outside the mountain range, exhibits a positive migration balance.
Figure 1: Social Descent in the Valley in the Beaufortain (Savoie), Illustrated by Its Southern Slope
20The Belleville valley is marked by descending residential mobility where the loss of inhabitants in the commune of Belleville is accompanied by a gain in inhabitants in municipalities downstream.
Figure 2: Social Descent in the Valley in the valley of Belleville (Tarentaise, Savoie)
21In the valley of Thônes, the municipality of La Clusaz continued to record a loss of inhabitants between 2014 and 2018, while the municipalities located downstream to the town of Thônes recorded a surplus. The share of permanent housing owners increases more significantly in the commune of Les Villards-sur-Thônes. In this case, positive balances are not related to residential mobility only downward. There is also residential mobility ascending from Annecy to the valley.
Figure 3: Social Descent in the Valley in Thônes valleys, in the direction of La Clusaz (Aravis, Haute-Savoie)
22In the valley of Ubaye, the elevation section from Barcelonnette to Pra-Loup shows a negative migration balance although the average price of real estate is marked by a more modest increase than in the other valleys studied, linked to the distance from major urban centres, but also to the difficulty of access by public transport (absence of train transport).
Figure 4: Social Descent in the Valley in Pra-Loup (Ubaye, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence)
23The residential hierarchisation process on a spatial level is perceptible through differentiated variables such as migration flows, but it must also consider topography, altitude and exposure to sunlight, architecture standing and strategies for tourism positioning. The latter two are often adapted by local stakeholders for a clientele of higher socio-professional categories and generally specific to ski resorts. Indeed, the high alpine valleys most marked by forms of altitudinal gentrification are those most dependent on winter tourism. Access to services (transport, health, shops, etc.) and amenities adapted to the demands of consumers with different capital (André-Poyaud et al., 2010, Fablet, 2013; Vlès, 2015; Piquerey, 2016; Richard et al., 2017; Tommasi et al., 2017). Prices are thus generally pushed upwards, and it seems difficult for a number of stakeholders in these areas (shop holders, politicians, real estate agents, etc.) to lose financial and economic advantages and employment opportunities. The relations of domination can then be expressed in social relationships even in places of daily consumption (bakery which turns into to a high-end shop selling pastries for example).
24During the interviews conducted, a person with solid professional experience in tourism told us about his desire for housing in order to settle in La Clusaz in 2023. He noted a lack of affordable housing and commented that landlords clearly favour renting to tourists, for financial reasons and then possibly to seasonal residents through local demand from restaurant owners and shopkeepers, before finally becoming available for year-round rental. This example shows a residential hierarchy in which the market prioritises demand according to the economic value of households for the destination. He therefore used various methods to find a solution: real estate agency, website, social networks, door-to-door, dealing with the local community and seniors, contacting owners of tourist accommodation and meetings with the municipal services. This situation demonstrates the need for a set of resources and opportunities to secure the possibility of settlement in a highly competitive space. Figure 5 shows the joint housing and employment solutions in the situations encountered during our various interviews. It explains the possible housing options according to employment and level of resources. Our interviews revealed situations where the income of residents wasn’t compatible with the real estate market prices. However, they became owners of a primary residence in the heart of a winter sports resort. For example, we met a young seasonal owner in Les Alpes who inherited a home from her parents who are also seasonal workers. In La Clusaz, a couple of young workers have benefited from a relatively affordable purchase opportunity.
Figure 5: Housing/employment relationship to stay upriver in the valley
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25In 2019, no inhabitant surveyed had reported migration constrained by their financial situation. Thus, it wasn’t possible to state socio-spatial relegation process in the studied area as observed in other rural areas (Bonerandi, 2014), even alpine (Membretti and Viazzo, 2017). Five years later, the situation changed significantly following the COVID-19 pandemic, with cities neglecting their practices, the real estate crisis worsening, and a growing attraction to areas closer to nature. The social descent in the valley, which reflect the relations of domination by altitudinal gradients in the studied tourist valleys, corroborates the reflections conducted by L Piquerey in the high-range resorts (2016). It is aligned with the paradigm developed by André-Poyaud et al. (2010) which identifies a domino effect of demographic changes from tourist areas to peri-tourist areas in their study on real estate transactions in the Mont Blanc region. The valleys which host a more modest tourism development experience segregating dynamics per altitudinal level in a similar way to the wealthiest development areas.
26A recent phenomenon could also change the balance of power. Following the boom in high-altitude contiguous areas, several local authorities have included the installation of cable cars between the lower valleys and the resorts in their political agenda. Although the carbon footprint of access to these ski resorts is improved, these new transport infrastructures could also generate side effects that lead to higher property prices in the lower valley. In France, this debate has been taking place in the Tarentaise, Oisans, Arve, Ubaye and Thônes valleys. The social descent in the valley is reminiscent of the projects to connect the valley floor to the ski resorts, known in France as "valley lifts." (Joye et Moulin, 2019). This terminology emphasises the risks of socio-spatial changes that these transport infrastructures can trigger by improving access to the ski area from the valley floor.
27While an awareness of power dynamics is emerging at the policy level, this realisation is only partially reflected in local planning guidelines. Public initiatives and available resources are confronted with a paradox: on the one hand, there is a pressing need to develop tourism to generate wealth and tax revenues, and on the other hand, there are employment opportunities and the need to mitigate the effects of destination upgrading to regulate an increasingly competitive real estate market for local workers (Mac and Brumby, 2007)
28Finally, the age structure of the population is changing due to a significant generational shift related to the age of the resorts. The renewed access to home ownership for some of the younger heirs does not allow us to confirm an unequal access to housing between younger and older people. It should be noted that the interests of pensioners and young professionals are different and play a role, as everywhere, in the domination relationship. This applies to both primary and second homes. Some families are also torn apart because their parents, of retirement age, are forced to sell their property to developers instead of passing it on to their children, because of the cost of buying out shares in joint family ownership, because property tax or wealth tax is high, or because pensions are too low to live comfortably. In this respect, the presence of property developers in real estate transactions in the mountains contributes to the increase in housing prices and reinforces the differences between social groups through the choices they make when selling property.
29Nevertheless, income does not always play a decisive role in the decision to stay or settle in areas with high property prices, as there are solutions for access to the main residence; in the form of social housing (landlords who favour rental properties for low-income families, such as in Les Belleville or in the valley of Beaufortain), access to properties that are occupied all year-round (Beaufort, Les Belleville, Montvalezan, etc.), seasonal accommodation offered by employers (in the areas analysed), or family weath which can compensate for the decline of poorer sections of the population. (in the areas surveyed). Even if these initiatives are ad hoc initiatives, they do exist, as Figure 5 shows, to help vulnerable groups. Given the scale of the phenomenon, the forms of resistance and individual mobilisation appear to be rather sporadic.
30The trends observed in high mountain valleys and resorts in terms of power relations attest to the existence of altitude gentrification, characterised by a gradient linked to the socio-spatial dynamics specific to mountain areas (upstream/downstream topography, sun exposure, views, emblematic landscapes, winter tourism, etc.). The central idea of downstream social movement in the valleys, influenced by the different assets of users, the existence of a public/private territorial interplay and the specific features of the local housing stock, shows how power relations play a role in the socio-spatial reorganisation of these mountain areas. While the year-round resident population tends to slide down the valley, those who can keep up with rising property prices invest in the upper valley with a view to more or less permanent residential use. In contrast to the effects of gentrification and domination seen in certain metropolitan regions or non-touristy rural areas, the socio-spatial dynamics in the massifs studied are reflected in a demographic decline, that calls into question the year-round attractiveness of tourist and peritourist communities.
31However, the influence of land values as the only factors triggering the social descent in the valley needs to be put into perspective. In fact, as elsewhere, the long-term settlement of mountain households depends on the ability to adapt, both for permanent residents (Barrioz, 2019; Drouet, 2024) and for seasonal workers (Jay, 2018). Other factors may contribute to residential migration down the valley, but these are not developed in this article (marketing and tourism products developed, year-round employability, level of service, etc.). Individual history and life trajectories remain a non-negligible factor, which we had the opportunity to shed light on in our two PhD researches. The reaffirmation of the role of residential trajectories in long-term settlements at high altitude also provides counterexamples that counterbalance the general flight of people to the valley floor, both in terms of individual logic and the attractiveness of mountain areas. Similarly, the phenomenon of multi-local lifestyles provides some nuances and shows the ability of households to navigate between a variety of different areas.
32The current climate, financial situation and geopolitical context mean that residence in these mountain areas is largely reserved for those with sufficient capital and the ability to adapt. This creates a privilege that must not be overlooked. It is important to recognise the power dynamics in these alpine tourism areas and to ensure that social groups that are often made invisible are included in local development policies. Otherwise, there is a risk that these problems will only be displaced further into the valley or exacerbated.