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Bodies Tested by the Mountain: Sociological Perspectives on Advanced Old Age in Alpine Environments through the Lens of Gender

Clothilde Palazzo-Crettol, Bénédicte Seifert, Audrey Rosset, Lorry Bruttin et Pauline Mesnard
Traduction de Marianne Chiu-Lezeau
Cet article est une traduction de :
Des corps à l’épreuve de la montagne : regards sociologiques sur la grande vieillesse en milieu alpin au prisme du genre [fr]

Résumé

Aging beyond 80 years old while living in mountainous regions presents unique challenges, particularly for individuals’ relationships to the territory they live in. This article addresses the following question from a materialist feminist perspective: how do elderly individuals living alone in mountainous areas (re)negotiate their relationship to their bodies, from the perspective of gender hegemony? Drawing on interviews conducted with elderly individuals as part of a research project funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), we analyse the interplay between territory and aging bodies, both for men and women. By exploring various dimensions of the daily lives of “old” women and men, the article highlights a gendered differentiation in territorial engagement, revealing forms of subordinate masculinity and protest femininity. Furthermore, it demonstrates that advanced age in mountainous environments tends to blur gender norms, leading to a “virilisation” of women and a “feminisation” of elderly men living alone. Finally, it underscores the importance of considering the experiences of the very elderly in addressing the challenges posed by the demographic transformation of mountainous regions.

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  • 1 Title of the ongoing project on which this contribution is based, conducted at the Institute of Soc (...)

1“Aging in the mountains as a man or woman aged 80 and above”1 may initially seem daunting: consider the somewhat harsh climatic conditions, steep terrain, increasingly diverse demographics of residents who leave the mountains during the day, the deserted and dying spaces of sociability. Yet for some individuals over 80, aging in the mountains is also an opportunity: they feel at home (Palazzo-Crettol et al., 2024), the air is fresher, the serene atmosphere is appreciated, the sloping terrain supports continued physical activity, and for those originally from the area, an existing strong social network can help overcome the specific constraints of mountain life (Mesnard et al., forthcoming).

  • 2 Here, we refer to a critical analysis of society that relies on the material aspects of existence, (...)

2In the context of changing mountain environments and the various meanings that these hold for the elderly (Gucher, 2020; Viriot Durandal et al., 2018), this article aims to analyse the interplay between territory and aging bodies from a materialist feminist perspective2. Mountain territories possess unique physical and social characteristics and are partially shaped by a collective imaginary of conquest and performance (Jaccard et al., 2017; Perrin-Malterre, 2014). In this sense, mountain territories interrogate feminine and masculine aging experiences. Additionally, the gendered division of labour and the distribution of the elderly’s past activities (professional work, agricultural labour, and care work) (Mesnard et al., forthcoming) weigh on their bodies and their relationship to the territory (Calasanti & Giles, 2018; Volery, 2017; Duprat-Kushtanina, 2015).

3First, we will present our methodological framework, followed by an explanation of the elements selected to define the studied territory in its rural and mountainous aspects, alongside some observations on gendered aging. We then proceed with the analysis, guided by the following question: How do elderly individuals living alone in mountainous areas (re)negotiate their relationship to their bodies, from the perspective of gender hegemony? We emphasise certain dimensions of the daily lives of the interviewees, notably those related to self-care and leisure activities. Finally, we argue that even though women and men engage with the mountainous territory in distinct ways, old age tends to blur gender norms in these territories.

Methodological Framework

4We approach this research from a multifocal and multidimensional point of view: we analyse the bodily realities, resources, and challenges of elderly individuals; the characteristics of the territory; and communal and associative actions. This qualitative study is situated in three valleys in the Swiss canton of Valais (Bagnes, Entremont, and Trient), which are geographically and sociologically connected. The data was collected through interviews and observations between May 2021 and May 2023. In total, we conducted 43 interviews with elderly individuals aged 79 to 100, 20 interviews with local integration actors, and 8 interviews with municipal officials. Over 100 hours of observations in the territory and in the homes of elderly individuals, as well as a census of available services, complete the dataset.

  • 3 Focused on the here and now, rather than on biographical trajectories, our interviews did not syste (...)

5This article only uses the data collected from 26 interviews with elderly individuals (19 women with an average age of 88, and 7 men with an average age of 87) who currently live alone, though they may have in the past been married or had a non-cohabiting partner. The participants live in various municipalities within the valleys and represent a variety of social statuses3. Living alone requires the development of specific resources. Indeed, these individuals place greater importance on their environment and leisure activities than those in couples (Apouey, 2021).

Rural Mountains: Resources and Constraints

6Mountains are perceived to be a place to conquer unknown and awe-inspiring terrains, but also a space of togetherness and significant community life rooted in rural traditions (Lalive d’Epinay and Lalive d’Epinay, 1990; Guex, 2016).

  • 4 All municipalities are classified among the 1,118 rural municipalities in Switzerland and among mou (...)

7The three valleys where the research takes place are located on the periphery of a relatively urbanised Switzerland4. They are considered to be both rural, due to their strong ties to a rapidly transforming agricultural sector (Bruttin, 2020; Mesnard, 2023) and mountainous, due to their geographic features and associated activities, acting as touristic destinations, recreational areas, and hosts to large-scale sporting events. The mountain imposes seasonal patterns on activities (Vouilloz Burnier, 2009) and influences village life and community sociability. The transformation of certain areas into tourist destinations and the diversification strategies associated with this breathe new life into the mountains (Collange et al., 2022). Thus some villages in the studied area are not experiencing depopulation but rather a densification of their inhabitants, with the arrival of service workers and “new mountain dwellers” who are educated and mobile (Cretton et al., 2020). These newcomers and their habits sometimes contrast with those of the local (and elderly) population.

  • 5 Thus, the steepness of the terrain is perceived by our respondents both as a resource—in the sense (...)
  • 6 While more abrupt than “the elderly”, we sometimes use these terms (old women and men) with a polit (...)

8The literature shows that a mountainous territory does offer advantages for elderly individuals: proximity to nature, fresh air, brightness, the physical challenge of steep terrain, and sunlight positively influence perceived quality of life (Renaut et al., 2017). However, mountain life also poses specific challenges for the elderly in terms of social integration and territorial inclusion: access to services and amenities is more limited than in more urbanised areas (Gucher et al., 2007; Palazzo-Crettol et al., 2024); and mobility can be more difficult due to the rugged topography compared to lowland areas5. It is within this specific configuration of a transforming mountainous environment that the bodily experiences of old women and men are situated6.

Aging in Rural Mountains as Women and Men

9A substantial body of sociological literature demonstrates that gender, prior living conditions, health, location, and financial resources all shape the aging process. In the mountains, as elsewhere “successful aging” (Finlay 2021) is not guaranteed for everyone and higher socio-professional categories are clearly advantaged (Kaeser, 2020). Due to the gendered division of labour, in Switzerland and in other countries, women have significantly fewer financial resources (Henchoz, 2017; Hobeika, 2022). Nonetheless, women live longer than men and tend to be better adapted to the changes imposed by old age due to their experience of discontinuity and successive adaptations linked to family life (Balard and Somme, 2011), while men are less prepared for the process of relinquishing associated with aging (Balard, 2011). Women experience more health problems but benefit from greater familial support than men, who, in turn, rely more on professional support (Palazzo-Crettol et al., 2022).

  • 7 In our understanding of the term, “old age” refers to individuals aged 80 and older.

10Finally, it should be noted that few Francophone studies focus on aging femininities and masculinities (Sultana and Formosa, 2023). In this article, we consider these categories to be social constructs and the result of power relations between the class of men and the class of women. Given that elderly women and men do not spend their time in the same way—men generally enjoy more leisure time, while women continue to assume more domestic and informal care tasks (Repetti and Calasanti, 2017)—we can hypothesise that advanced age7 transforms femininities and masculinities, and that in the specific conditions of mountain life, injustices linked to the gender system, aging, and ageism persist.

Resistant Bodies, Declining Bodies: Preserved or Subordinate Hegemonic Masculinity

11Being an elderly man in the mountains is associated with certain characteristics, in accordance to the notion of “hegemonic masculinity.” Following Connell’s work (2014), we consider this to be a concept that “shapes a society-wide sense of masculine reality” (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2015, p. 179). It holds a hierarchical power over other gender categories and functions as a model regardless of men’s actual position. It implies specific behaviours such as endurance, a detached relationship to suffering, a sense of competition, a form of technological rationality, and an identity defined by work (Guionnet, 2013; Ruault et al., 2021). In old age, hegemonic masculinity transforms by emphasising attention to health and the potential impairments caused by advanced age (Wiersma and Chesser, 2011). However, despite the sacrifices imposed by aging, many men retain traits of hegemonic masculinity, particularly that of a performing body.

12The elderly men interviewed in this research exhibit a form of this hegemonic masculinity, reinforced by the mountainous environment, of which having a good physical condition seems to be the hallmark. They describe the mountain as a landscape to be conquered, a natural environment to measure oneself against. They recount with pride their notable achievements, past or present: for example, Mr. Masserey (90 years old) was a “founding member of the ski school” and “part of the Valais ski team, even qualifying for the Swiss championships.” They also take pride in their abilities despite their age:

I’m also a part of the trail-running volunteers; in fact, I’m the oldest volunteer in Valais, because they interviewed me last year and said I was the oldest. I’m very involved in clubs, and […] I go mushroom picking (Mr. Amerdht, 87 years old).

13Advanced age also accommodates calculated risk-taking. For example, Mr. Amerdht (87 years old) recounts that he cleans the windows of his fourth-floor apartment while taking some precautions:

What do you expect? There’s furniture, you have to move everything […]. I just used a stool, climbed up, and stood on the window ledge, but I made sure to hold onto the shutter [laughs].

14This use of the body, flirting with death, has the almost ordeal-like quality typical of hegemonic masculinity, where fear (Gernet and Jeantet, 2011) or suffering is disregarded.

15Masculinity is also preserved through gendered activities that foster forms of companionship (Finlay, 2021), such as hunting (Giacomelli and Gibbert, 2018) practiced with peers:

Yes, yes, I still hunt; I hunted last year, and this year I’ll see how I’m feeling in September. […] I used to hunt with my older brother, and when he passed away, I continued with another colleague; we hunted together, and then he had a heart problem and decided to stop. I found myself alone, and then my nephews [said], ‘You’re coming with us’ (Mr. Frachin, 89 years old).

16It is also preserved through activities that can be analysed as work, attesting to the centrality of this category “in the construction of masculine identities” (Rivoal et al., 2019, p. 10) even in advanced age, regardless of their past professional activity. For example, Mr. Amerdht (87 years old) devotes himself intensively to sculpture and philately, Mr. Fellay (86 years old) to genealogy, and Mr. Favre (83 years old) to music and its dissemination. These men develop a variety of productive activism to avoid feeling old.

17Hegemonic masculinity is also evident in the assertion of relative resilience. Signs of weakness and dependence on others are hidden or avoided: for example, Mr. Masserey, 90 years old, owns a mobile phone and takes it on walks as a safety measure. However, his relatives are unaware of this: “No one calls me […], they don’t know I have a mobile phone.” Another example is Mr. Frachin, 89 years old, who explains with a mischievous tone that he does not use public amenities that would facilitate his mobility: “Ah! There are benches where I go for walks, there are benches… Yes, I never sit down… [laughs].” These two examples demonstrate a desire to maintain control over potential assistance, perceived as risky or as a sign of weakness. These aspects are characteristic of a preserved form of hegemonic masculinity, including the domination of illness or old age (Meidani and Alessandrin, 2019b).

  • 8 Using this category (Connell, 2014), seems legitimate given the territorial characteristics mention (...)

18The mountainous territory, through the adaptations it imposes, also constructs old age as a form of marginalised masculinity (Messerschmidt and Messner, 2018, p. 38)8, with men paying a perceived heavier symbolic price for the consequences of aging (Balard and Somme, 2011). The mountains and proximity to nature confront them with the limitations of their aging bodies, becoming indicators of their declining health, as in the case of Mr. Frachin (89 years old):

I can no longer walk where I used to in the mountains. I used to hike a lot in the mountains; I hunted in the high mountains. I didn’t like hunting in the forest; I liked going up to the high mountains. Now I can’t anymore.

19Leisure activities linked to the territory and the sacrifices they endure render their identity as “old men” salient (Wiersma and Chesser, 2011, p.250):

Yes, especially […] the lack of breath, much more when I climb through the village, because it’s quite steep. Before, I used to go mushroom picking a lot, but now it’s harder. But I still go; I just go slower, I use walking sticks, so I can lean on them when I’m on slopes. But I go less than before (Mr. Amerdht, 87 years old).

20Even when equipped with “shoes with crampons,” they may still “fear slipping” and be reluctant to perform certain perilous tasks, such as “climbing onto the roof to sweep off snow” (Mr. Frachin, 89 years old). Aging in the mountains requires adapting how certain activities are carried out: “In the mountains, I used to climb like a chamois; now I climb like an old chamois [laughs]” (Mr. Favre, 83 years old). Continuing to hunt and climb is a way of acting like a man, even in old age.

21In our interviews, despite initially projecting confidence, independence, and control, the men later acknowledge their vulnerability towards their environment (Banens and Marcellini, 2015). Some once-daily tasks need to be relinquished when the body no longer permits them, such as no longer heating with wood, which they once cut themselves, because “you can’t carry wood with walking sticks” (Mr. Masserey, 90 years old), and opting for a more physically accessible alternative like oil heating. Although necessary, these changes entail a financial cost and letting of the ability to provide for oneself, as well as ceasing an activity that involved a connection to nature and its management.

22In the mountains as elsewhere, “men more than women resist frequenting places marked by the signs of aging“ (Membrado, 2011, p. VIII) and describe trajectories of solitude, whether chosen or imposed, linked to professional paths, health issues, or even political affiliations, as summarised by Mr. Masserey (90 years old):

I couldn’t join any associations because I was away all week... And during the time we worked on the dams, it was all day long, and we stayed on site. [...] I’ve always been somewhat solitary, due to my job and working hours. When I worked at the ski lifts, there were no days off. Depending on the weather, it was nonstop. [And] politically, I wasn’t on the right side.

23This sense of solitude seems reinforced by the disappearance of spaces of sociability in less tourist-laden villages, such as cafés frequented by older men. Our interviewees often appear distant from fraternal camaraderie and minimally invested in local relationships, leaving organised activities to the “older ones.” Indeed, they describe themselves as having “little contact“ (Mr. Masserey, 90 years old) or even as being isolated due to the transformations of the mountainous landscape.

24Thus, representations tied to hegemonic masculinity, where it is important not to appear weak, contribute to the reinforcement of this solitude. These men must adapt their relationship with their bodies and their masculine identity to “make the most of what one can at their age” (Mr. Favre, 83 years old). Preserving their “former way of living,” through leisure activities or daily gestures, appears central to distancing themselves from representations of declining masculinity and contributes to a “restored social participation” (Meidani and Alessandrin, 2019a, p. 208). In short, the demands of hegemonic masculinity and aging compel men to reconfigure their daily lives.

Discreet Bodies, Laughing Bodies: Hegemonic or Protest Femininity

  • 9 In Connell’s conceptualisation, hegemonic femininity cannot exist, as no woman dominates all men an (...)
  • 10 A concept we developed in the context of research on the transmission of culinary Matrimoine, namel (...)

25By analogy with the above, we draw on the concept of hegemonic femininity9, which encompasses attention to physical appearance, an aptitude for relational care (Mesnard et al., forthcoming), and ways of caring for others (Molinier, 2016). Among older women, one can also detect a form of acquired discretion (Repond and Palazzo-Crettol, 2024)10, which includes minimising domestic or care work, as well as restraint in expressing demands in public spaces and forms of acceptance of domination (Dallera et al., 2015). This model, like all models, is unattainable and not necessarily realistic. Nevertheless, it shapes the aging experience of women, as femininities must contend with aging, sometimes resisted at all costs (Kinnunen, 2010) or tamed through self-care practices (Piazzesi and Lavoie Mongrain, 2021).

26The old women interviewed exhibit several traits of hegemonic femininity, particularly in their relationship to the environment, their bodies, and the maintenance of familial solidarities. Most women express a more affective connection to nature, recounting their delight in an environment described as enchanting; they take pride in beautifying this environment: “In the summer, I put flowers all around the house” (Mrs. Marin, 83 years old). They also reveal a living nature where “there are sheep, cows, the sky, the greenery, the trees.” A nature that “nourishes” (Mrs. Ballaman, 83 years old); and that they cherish, like Mrs. Epert (86 years old): “I love animals: I raised deer, a stag... [I was] 'The mother of animals.' If there were injured animals, they brought them to me.” This sentimental connection to nature makes the mountainous territory a salutary resource for these women:

It’s the essential factor: [being] in good health and being able to get up every morning and appreciate what you see, what’s there, appreciate the birdsong, the smell of cut hay (Mrs. Studer, 80 years old).

27Women recount more readily than men the efforts made to preserve their physical appearance, both to feel good in their bodies and to project a positive image, as Mrs. Moillen (94 years old) says: “I’ve always been a bit elegant; I like to put a little makeup on, to have my hair done.” It is important for them not to give “the impression of someone who is neglected” (Mrs. Balet, 81 years old), not to “inspire pity” (Mrs. Bridy, 91 years old), and to “maintain themselves well” (Mrs. Oberson, 92 years old). In an effort to preserve their dignity, they engage in “a work of appearances” (Corbin, cited by Jarthon and Durand, 2015), related to their identity, which undoubtedly serves as a way of embellishing aging. Similarly, “doing gymnastics” can be seen as a strategy allowing them to respond to the injunctions of “aging well” (Finlay, 2021). Thus, Mrs. Balet (81 years old) tells us: “Since I’m diabetic, I need to move. [...] That’s why I sometimes vacuum, because nothing is more effective than the vacuum cleaner [laughs].”

28In homage to and in memory of an earlier time, they devote themselves to transmitting a culinary Matrimoine (Hertz, 2002; Repond and Palazzo-Crettol, 2024). They are committed to preserving a tradition of “good food,” of eating vegetables “that have only received sunlight and water” (Mrs. Balet, 81 years old). They are thus at the centre of social bonds woven through food sharing, as Mrs. Moillen (94 years old) says: “I enjoy eating, and I always have visitors; if it’s not one child, it’s another.” In line with hegemonic femininity, they remain central figures in family and intergenerational solidarities; it is important for them to see their grandchildren, nieces, or nephews (Balard and Somme, 2011). Generally, they are grandmothers or aunts surrounded by their families.

29Being the artisans of these bonds of commensality requires women to undertake a series of productive activities deeply tied to the specificities of the local terroir, such as preserves or jams: “I take 10 kilos [of apricots], but I have to make some for others, so I take more, sometimes my daughters-in-law don’t have time to make them” (Mrs. Heymoz, 83 years old). Acquired discretion leads women to minimise the productive work they perform: “All the vegetables came from our gardens; they only cost the effort of planting and eating them” (Mrs. Revaz, 100 years old). Like Mrs. Moillen (94 years old), who says, “I don’t do anything anymore,” even though she cooks every day.

  • 11 La Bonté is the residential care facility for older adults in the study aera.

30They are also involved in altruistic, time-consuming, and often unrecognised activities falling under “gray volunteering” (Mesnard et al., forthcoming). They shoulder the mental load of local solidarities. Mrs. Heymoz (83 years old) recalls: “We took the car and picked up ladies to come help us [at La Bonté11]: we had to give them something to drink, a little snack, and then make them dance, so that was fun [laughs].” With a sense of obligation, they often delay ceasing these forms of mutual aid to prevent beneficiaries from becoming isolated. This is especially true as, like elsewhere, younger volunteers are slow to step in (Repetti et al., 2022). Mrs. Studer (80 years old) thus continues to lead the weekly gymnastics class for seniors, for lack of a replacement: “It’s the only contact they have with others, so I can’t let them down.

31Caught in a logic of discretion, they downplay care work, like Mrs. Revaz (100 years old), who initially denies having been a caregiver but later, after some digressions, recounts her experience: “With great joy, I took care of my mother for a year, a year and a half; I slept with her every night.”

32The women in our study hesitate to reveal certain material aspects of their daily lives: “I don’t know if I’m allowed to say that I receive [a pension] as a disabled person” (Mrs. Fournier, 88 years old). It is as if older women find themselves “faced with the paradox of having to justify their use of time” (Membrado, 2011, p. x). Yet they engage in a “subsistence economy,” defined as “subsistence production and community cohesion [that] keep the region economically and socially alive” (Bennholdt-Thomsen and Pruvost, 2023, p. 264).

33Despite the prevalence of traits associated with hegemonic femininity, certain characteristics suggest the emergence of a protest femininity. A significant number of women confide, often in a tone of secrecy, that they no longer perform certain domestic tasks, that they have “someone to do the cleaning,” and assert that they “no longer do anything.” Advanced age, much like illness, may allow them to engage in “the elaboration of protest, non-conventional, or ambivalent femininities” (Meidani and Alessandrin, 2019b, p. 203).

34As illustrated by Mrs. Revaz (100 years old), who, during her 100th birthday celebration, asked the cantonal minister to “open his eyes to the elderly”:

I told him, ‘Why do you still make us pay taxes?’ He said, ‘But we don’t control that.’ I replied, ‘Then what are you doing sitting in that seat?’ Oh, I really shook him up, yes, yes. He even acknowledged that I still have my wits about me!

35In addition to this combative attitude, many of the interviewed women demonstrate resistance to the decline associated with aging through humour, often practiced collectively. For them, it is about “always knowing how to laugh when possible,” despite life’s uncertainties. Mrs. Studer (80 years old) recounts: “When you no longer have hair, you just have to deal with it [laughs],” thereby challenging the gendered expectations tied to appearance that weigh on them: “[I see myself] as a shopping bag in which you can put a lot of things, even if the packaging is a bit wrinkled.”

36Laughter and a joyful outlook on life become resources to counterbalance the conventional model of feminine discretion. Evidently, this salvific laughter distances them from relations of domination (Coulomb-Gully, 2012). Laughter can thus be considered within an almost subversive dimension, where women can laugh at their appearance, allowing them to dedramatize their condition while also contesting the norms tied to hegemonic femininity.

37That said, for women without children nearby or who no longer drive, the mountains become less of a reference point and refuge, as Mrs. Fontannaz (98 years old) explains:

Others have children or friends, or at least family. When you don’t have family [or when they are] far away, it’s not ideal to be in the mountains where there are no amenities, nothing at all. It’s better to stay in the city.

38Faced with these forms of discrimination tied to territory, age, and gender, women make the best of their situation and adapt their strategies to make the mountains liveable (Eynard, 2006). For example, they sometimes choose solitude to avoid exceeding their limits, as Mrs. Balet (81 years old) recounts:

When my neighbour calls, I sometimes go for a walk with someone. But since I have trouble breathing, I go at my own pace. I like not having to talk while walking; I prefer walking alone.

39This form of withdrawal from social relationships and territory, while advantageous in not appearing burdensome to others, can also be a factor of isolation. Nevertheless, the women interviewed maintain a sense of optimism, emphasising the importance of “not letting oneself go“ and “keeping one’s spirits up.”

Advanced Age That Blurs Gender Codes

40Rural mountains are undoubtedly full of resources for a significant portion of the women and men we interviewed. Places where people gather “mushrooms and blackcurrants” (Mr. Frachin, 89 years old), where they make “jars of apricots or carrots, jams of raspberries, strawberries, and currants” (Mrs. Marin, 83 years old), all while breathing the “fresh air”… rural mountains are, in the words of participants, a land of abundance to which they feel deeply connected. Throughout our research, old people’s practices tied to nature and the mountains seem to be associated with gender, but also with sociocultural and economic dynamics (Cretton, 2018) including “a strong attachment to one’s native soil, a respectful attitude toward traditional customs, a limitation of personal ambitions in favour of family and community, and a sober, earthy ethic.” (Gucher, 2009, p. 111)

41Many of them, more or less consciously, seek to “escape the stigma associated with being a recipient of aid, a sick and/or fragile individual” (Balard, 2011, p. 107). To achieve this, and in response to the injunction to “age well” (Finlay, 2021), they discipline their bodies and strive to maintain their homes as ordinary spaces by adapting to them. Many of our interviewees say they “pray to God” to be able to stay in their homes.

42Our interviews highlight the persistence of hegemonic models of masculinity and femininity, which can be summarised as follows: for men, a body treated as a tool of mastery, an aging mountain masculinity associated with endurance and solitude; for women, a body as an object of care, forms of assignment to caregiving, and responsibility for social bonds. However, they also reveal transformation of models of masculinity and femininity, for instance using humour and self-deprecation, or expressing vulnerability, especially by men. Older age thus lifts the veil and blurs gender boundaries.

43Aging in rural mountains, analysed through the interplay of gender, age and territory, also reveals the spaces of isolation both for older women and men. For example, the transformation of rural mountain areas into transit zones, where cars drive fast and sidewalks are few and narrow, constrains the daily lives of the participants and reduces their control over the territory (Palazzo-Crettol et al., 2024).

44Paraphrasing Anchisi and Amiotte-Suchet (2018), one could say that aging at home in the mountains comes at a high material and symbolic cost, particularly when the body fails, when the environment is perceived as dangerous, and when health risks are taken to preserve hegemonic masculinity or when heavy housework is undertaken to meet the demands of hegemonic femininity.

45Counter- or non-hegemonic femininities and masculinities—that is, marginalised ones—“which manage to draw on past social experiences to negotiate gender expectations in the face of a sick or aging body” (Meidani and Alessandrin, 2019b, p. 211), demonstrate both adaptation to the environment and resistance to the stigma associated with old age. In a way, advanced age and aging alone in a mountainous territory can transform the embodied codes of gender through the virilisation of women, who may carry heavy laundry baskets from the basement to the upper floor, and the feminisation of men, who take on domestic tasks.

46While resisting old age and defying gender norms are effective strategies for staying at home and avoiding the appearance of dependency (Palazzo-Crettol et al., 2022), they are insufficient to deconstruct ageism (Calasanti et al., 2022) and, even more so, what we might call feminageism and masculinageism. These forms of discrimination, marked by age and gender, mean that older people remain somewhat marginalised, even in regions that have a traditional sense of community and solidarity, such as those we studied (Palazzo-Crettol et al., 2022). Moreover, older people sometimes take it upon themselves to create the conditions for participation, for instance by offering rides to gym classes, as we previously demonstrated. While these actions require little time, they cannot be equated with community-supported collective transportation and do not hold the same social significance. While we associate “acquired discretion” with women, this article suggests that old age may impose the same discretion on both men and women, as they might feel they need to hide when things start to go wrong.

47When self-care means, for some of our participants, “making sure not to fall,” the environment and the differential use of territory should be better considered in understanding the multiple experiences of very old women and men. Similarly, reflections on the future of mountain villages, which, as seen above, attract significant retirement migration, should be conducted in a participatory and inclusive manner to address the new social challenges specific to these environments.

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Notes

1 Title of the ongoing project on which this contribution is based, conducted at the Institute of Social Work, HES-SO Valais-Wallis: “Aging in the Mountains as a Woman or Man Aged 80 or Older: A Study on Ways of Inhabiting One’s Home,” Swiss National Science Foundation, Grant No. 10001A_197355, in collaboration with the Regional Center for the Study of Alpine Populations (CREPA).

2 Here, we refer to a critical analysis of society that relies on the material aspects of existence, aiming on the one hand to identify and deconstruct various forms of domination (e.g., gender or age) and on the other hand, to challenge the separation between the private and public spheres, as well as to question the gendered allocation of tasks based on sex.

3 Focused on the here and now, rather than on biographical trajectories, our interviews did not systematically collect elements allowing for an analysis in terms of class. However, the individuals discussed here belong to what is commonly referred to as the “middle class” in Switzerland, particularly in Valais. The majority own their homes and have a secondary education level corresponding to vocational training in the trades. Furthermore, some research suggests that age can blur class distinctions and that “when analyzed through the lens of gender, class appears more marked by its diversity than its unity” (Frader, 2010, pp. 365).

4 All municipalities are classified among the 1,118 rural municipalities in Switzerland and among mountain municipalities, which cover 71% of Swiss territory. These municipalities represented approximately 16% of the population and 10% of jobs in 2017 (2020 data). Source: Federal Statistical Office, https://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/fr/home/statistiques/themes-transversaux/analyses-spatiales/niveaux-geographiques/typologies-territoriales.html.

5 Thus, the steepness of the terrain is perceived by our respondents both as a resource—in the sense that it keeps them physically active—and as a constraint.

6 While more abrupt than “the elderly”, we sometimes use these terms (old women and men) with a political aim of combating ageism.

7 In our understanding of the term, “old age” refers to individuals aged 80 and older.

8 Using this category (Connell, 2014), seems legitimate given the territorial characteristics mentioned above, pervasive ageism, and the effects of aging on the body.

9 In Connell’s conceptualisation, hegemonic femininity cannot exist, as no woman dominates all men and all women, as is the case with hegemonic masculinity. Some research now uses this term to refer to female models that conform to the gender order and are complementary to male models (Weil, 2022). These models place women in relatively dominant positions, particularly in intersectional terms, but also impose significant constraints on them.

10 A concept we developed in the context of research on the transmission of culinary Matrimoine, namely “a disposition, in the sense of learning, among structurally dominated individuals to remain in the shadows and to discredit their work by making it appear natural” (Repond and Palazzo-Crettol, 2024), which particularly concerns older women.

11 La Bonté is the residential care facility for older adults in the study aera.

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Référence électronique

Clothilde Palazzo-Crettol, Bénédicte Seifert, Audrey Rosset, Lorry Bruttin et Pauline Mesnard, « Bodies Tested by the Mountain: Sociological Perspectives on Advanced Old Age in Alpine Environments through the Lens of Gender »Journal of Alpine Research | Revue de géographie alpine [En ligne], 113-1 | 2025, mis en ligne le 15 avril 2025, consulté le 14 juin 2025. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rga/14681 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/13woy

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Auteurs

Clothilde Palazzo-Crettol

Professeure ordinaire HES
clothilde.palazzo@hevs.ch
HESTS, HES-SO Valais - Wallis, Haute école spécialisée de Suisse occidentale

Bénédicte Seifert

Collaboratrice scientifique
Benedicte.seifert@hevs.ch
HESTS, HES-SO Valais-Wallis, Haute école spécialisée de Suisse occidentale

Audrey Rosset

Collaboratrice scientifique
audrey.rosset@hevs.ch
HESTS HES-SO Valais-Wallis, Haute école spécialisée de Suisse occidentale

Lorry Bruttin

Maître d’enseignement HES
Lorry.bruttin@hevs.ch
HESTS HES-SO Valais Wallis, Haute école spécialisée de Suisse occidentale

Pauline Mesnard

Collaboratrice scientifique
pauline.mesnard@hevs.ch
HESTS HES-SO Valais-Wallis, Haute école spécialisée de Suisse occidentale

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