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Transformative Changes and Conflicts in the Carpathian Mountains in the Post-Communist Period

Ilinca-Valentina Stoica, Daniela Zamfir, Athanasios-Alexandru Gavrilidis et Marie Houdart
Traduction(s) :
Changements profonds et conflits dans les Carpates pendant la période post-communiste [fr]

Résumé

In recent decades, the Carpathian Mountains have experienced substantial changes, with the transition from large-scale natural resource exploitation and processing during the communist era to the closure of most mines and processing facilities in the post-communist period. This research focuses on a case study from the Apuseni Mountains in the Western Carpathians, which are a well-known site for the exploitation of subsoil resources, including gold-silver deposits, which have been mined there since ancient times. The study uses a multi-stage methodology to analyse the transformative changes and related conflicts that have taken place in the post-communist period. We highlight national policies, programmes and projects designed to foster the socioeconomic development of areas affected by mining sector restructuring or dedicated to the Apuseni Mountains. The analysis of socioeconomic indicators reveals significant population decline and demographic ageing in this area, as well as economic restructuring. The landscape has undergone substantial transformation due to decades of large-scale extraction and processing of ore deposits. A significant part of the study focuses on the conflict surrounding plans for cyanide gold and silver mining at Roșia Montană, which have unfolded over several decades. We present an overview of the key events, main actors, impacts and management of these plans. A civic movement of unprecedented scale in post-communist Romania emerged to oppose this project, which has ultimately been halted due to public pressure. Efforts to preserve the Roman-era mining works, among others, also led to the inscription of the Roșia Montană Mining Landscape on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2021, prohibiting any future mining activities in the area. These findings highlight that mountain regions are frequently seen as a strategic resource that is subject to central decision-making, in which they are often treated as peripheral. They also illustrate the struggle between resource exploitation and preservation, and between globalising pressures and local resistance, prompting multi-level mobilisation to preserve mountain heritage.

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Notes de l’auteur

All of the authors contributed equally to the article.

Texte intégral

This paper and the research behind it would not have been possible without financial support from the HIGHLANDS.3 project. The ongoing study has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 872328, and has also been partially supported under project number 1014/13.10.2022, “Actualizarea în format GIS a Planului de Amenajare a Teritoriului Județean Alba”, for the Alba County Council.

Introduction

In many mountainous regions there is growing concern about how to balance the exploitation of natural resources with sustainable development. This challenge has been intensified in recent years by the ongoing energy crisis, military conflicts in an increasingly complex geopolitical context, and competing economic interests. Previous research has emphasised the importance of considering the impact of resource exploitation on local communities and their livelihoods (Shiquan et al., 2022) and the need to preserve natural and cultural heritage (Bâlici, 2013), and how these resources can be utilised sustainably. Other researchers have approached these issues through the lens of the commons and the right to make decisions (Barna, 2023), as well as from the perspective of the appropriation of local resources by certain mining companies (Hofmeyr, 2025). There are also ongoing discussions about the transformation of local mines into the “planetary” mine, which transcends national boundaries and is anchored in the global technological and financial context (Alexandrescu et al., 2022). This signals a shift away from an extraction model that relies on isolated mines within a single country’s boundaries to a more comprehensive global extraction framework. This change, however, has a significant impact on local and national economies, and brings with it the potential for conflict (Rîșteiu et al., 2021). Other questions that are often raised include what happens to local communities in these areas, and challenges related to environmental protection and waste management.

1After the dismantling of their communist regimes, the former communist states in Central and Eastern Europe shifted to a market economy through shock therapy or hesitant transition (Popescu, 2021). Significant restructuring took place, leading to a downsizing of industry with numerous socioeconomic implications, and the emergence of new activities and business opportunities. Mountain areas were among the most affected, as a consequence of the intensive exploitation of natural resources during the communist era, driven by centrally dictated policies that often viewed these resources merely as strategic assets. The collapse of centralised systems and the end of the planned economy prompted a re-evaluation of local economies in these regions. The Carpathian Mountains, which are one of Europe’s most extensive mountain ranges, have over 50% of their territory located within Romania. This region has been recognised since ancient times for its abundant natural resources, particularly those found underground, but the scale of exploitation increased significantly during the communist period, with the Apuseni Mountains becoming a prominent area for resource extraction. After 1990, the area underwent substantial industrial restructuring, with the closure of most mines and quarries. This shift resulted in numerous changes at the local level.

2This article uses a case study from the Apuseni Mountains to analyse the transformative changes that occurred during the post-communist period. It highlights the impact of specific legislation and policies, with a particular focus on a well-known conflict between various interest groups related to the exploitation of natural resources.

3This research responds to previous calls for evidence-based analysis of the diversity of mountain areas (Kulonen et al., 2019) and for new insights into the dynamics of post-socialist mountain regions (Schmidt, 2017). The diversity found in mountain regions is the result of a combination of natural, socioeconomic and cultural factors, along with the institutions and policies that shape their development trajectories (Kulonen et al., 2019). Researchers have also emphasised the need for integrated research on the Carpathian Mountains (Björnsen Gurung et al., 2009), so as to substantiate further policies and integrated development strategies (Moretti et al., 2023). This article also draws attention to the economic stakes and the struggle between various interest groups operating in an international context to exploit natural resources. These insights contribute to the understanding of how the impact of activist movements can change centrally planned decisions. The outcomes can be utilised in a broader context to analyse other areas and conflicts, to produce further comparisons.

4The article is structured as follows: first, we explain the national framework for fostering socioeconomic development in Romania, and its local implications, through analysis of the relevant legislation; second, we explore socioeconomic changes by looking at various indicators; third, we investigate the development of the Roșia Montană conflict over the exploitation of natural resources through analysis of legislation, reports and media coverage; and finally, we analyse how the landscape has been transformed by mining activities and ore processing based on the CORINE Land Cover database from 2018 and aerial images from Google Earth.

Methodology

5Our methodology consisted of multiple stages designed to capture transformative socioeconomic and landscape changes, as well as conflicts related to natural resources.

6The first phase focused on investigating the national policies, projects and programmes adopted in Romania in the post-communist period to promote the socioeconomic development of communities affected by the restructuring of the mining sector, along with some explicitly dedicated to the Apuseni Mountains. This approach was based on an investigation and analysis of the relevant legislation.

7The second phase of the research focused on revealing socioeconomic transformations. Data were collected from the Romanian National Institute of Statistics (NIS) using the Tempo online database, and from the Population and Housing censuses conducted in 1992 and 2021. We also calculated population trends (1991-2021), along with secondary indicators such as the rate of natural increase, net migration rate and the proportion of the population aged 65 and over to explain the changes observed. Finally, we conducted an analysis of the employment structure by sector of activity (1992/2021).

8The third phase addressed a major conflict concerning the exploitation of natural resources at Roșia Montană. To gain deeper insight into the conflict – its impact, actions, key actors and management – we conducted content analysis of various pieces of legislation, reports and press coverage.

9In the final phase, we used the CORINE Land Cover database for 2018 (land.copernicus.eu) to highlight the impact on the landscape of mining activities and ore processing in the Roșia Montană area. To do so, we extracted land use codes associated with “Mine, dump and construction sites” (codes 1.3.1 and 1.3.2). We validated these data by examining the aerial images available through Google Earth. We used geographic information system (GIS) techniques for data mapping, to visually represent the changes in a spatial context.

Case Study

10This paper focuses on an area in the Western Carpathians, more precisely a part of the Apuseni Mountains (Figure 1), located in the historical province of Transylvania. From an administrative point of view, the study area overlaps the mountains of Alba County, covering a surface of over 2590 km2. It has a diverse range of metamorphic, volcanic and sedimentary rocks that create a unique petrographic mosaic. The presence of limestone and calcareous dolomites has favoured the development of a karstic relief characterised by specific and spectacular formations (Morariu et al., 1980). The landscape is fragmented by numerous valleys, with the Arieș Valley being the most notable.

11These mountains have various underground resources: non-ferrous ores such as gold-silver and complex ores (predominantly copper), along with lead and zinc, mercury, uranium ores and construction stones (limestone, andesite and marble), some of which have been mined continuously since ancient times (Oancea and Velcea, 1987). The area located west of a straight line connecting Zlatna and Baia de Arieș, extending north of Roșia Montană into the neighbouring county of Hunedoara, is part of the so-called “Golden Quadrilateral.” This territory is considered “the richest precious metals province in Europe” (Romanian National Institute of Heritage, 2018) and is one of the world’s most prolific gold mining regions (Popescu, 2015). Roșia Poieni also stands out as having the largest copper deposits in Romania, exploited in “the largest open-pit mine in Europe” (Radu et al., 2024).

Figure 1. Geographical location of the study area

Figure 1. Geographical location of the study area

12In 2021, the study area had a total population of about 65,000, 37% of whom live in towns. The area comprises 4 small towns (Zlatna, Câmpeni, Abrud and Baia de Arieș) and 28 communes. In addition to mining and ore processing, traditional activities in the region include woodworking and animal husbandry. Tourism has recently developed in certain places, on the back of the appeal of the area’s natural and cultural heritage.

13The area has become better known in recent decades due to the conflicts over the exploitation of natural resources and the inscription of the Roșia Montană Mining Landscape on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2021.

National and Local Context

14The implementation of centrally planned policies during the communist period (1947-1989) based on forced industrialisation and urbanisation led to significant social and economic changes (Stoica et al., 2020). Mountains, which are rich in natural resources (such as ores and forests), were among the most affected parts of the country. In 1948, the means of production were nationalised and placed under state control (Bâlici, 2013). Industrial development focused on expanding and modernising existing enterprises and establishing new sites for the exploitation of natural resources through state-owned enterprises (Morariu et al., 1980). In 1978, for instance, a mining complex for extracting copper ores via opencast mining was established at Roșia Poieni (Surd et al., 2017). Smelting was carried out in Zlatna, where long-established facilities, dating back to the second half of the eighteenth century, were expanded in several stages during the communist era to accommodate the processing of ore from Baia de Arieș, Roșia Montană, Roșia Poieni and other locations (Surd and Turnock, 2000). To exploit wood resources, a furniture factory was set up in Câmpeni in 1970 (Morariu et al., 1980). Other companies were established in various sectors, including the textile industry, to provide job opportunities for women: these included a spinning mill in Abrud, a clothing factory in Baia de Arieș and a knitwear factory in Câmpeni (Surd and Turnock, 2000).

15After 1990, with the dismantling of the communist regime and the transition to a market economy, significant political, socioeconomic and institutional changes took place, including market liberalisation, deregulation and the restoration of private property. The industrial sector, which had been oversized in the communist era, was affected by a broad restructuring process, with mines and quarries considered to be unprofitable closed in many parts of the country. Since 1998, the definitive closure, conservation and post-closure environmental monitoring have been approved for 556 mines in 227 administrative-territorial units (ATUs) across 28 counties (Romanian Ministry of Economy, 2022).

16This reorganisation led to massive layoffs that have had profound social and economic impacts at the local level, particularly in communities heavily reliant on the mining sector. Another major challenge has been posed by the waste products from resource extraction and processing, such as tailings ponds and dams, and their negative environmental impact.

17In this context, a series of policies, projects and programmes were adopted at the national level to revitalise the socioeconomic conditions of mining regions. Two projects, partly financed by international loans, were implemented between 1999 and 2013 to support the restructuring of the mining industry and assist the communities affected in 386 ATUs across 22 counties (Romanian Ministry of Economy, 2022). In addition to mine closures and environmental restoration, the projects included several programmes to mitigate social impacts and economically revitalise the affected areas. Almost all of the ATUs in the study area were eligible to receive support from at least one such programme (Figure 2).

Figure 2. ATUs eligible for various socioeconomic revitalisation projects and programmes

Figure 2. ATUs eligible for various socioeconomic revitalisation projects and programmes

18In 1998, Romania adopted legislation to establish a framework for declaring disadvantaged areas. Between 1998 and 1999, this led to 25 areas being designated as disadvantaged, with a focus on mining regions where employees had been laid off due to restructuring programmes (Cândea et al., 2004). A series of tax incentives were offered to encourage investment in these places. In 1999, the Apuseni mining area in Alba County was recognised as a disadvantaged area for a period of 10 years. It included 12 ATUs: the towns of Zlatna, Abrud and Baia de Arieș, and 9 communes (Government Decision 813/1999, Romanian Government, 1999).

19Some policies specifically targeted the study area, such as Government Decision 323/1996 (Romanian Government, 1996), which approved the Special Programme for Supporting the Economic and Social Development of Certain Localities in the Apuseni Mountains across 5 counties. This legislation was enacted in 1996 and initially included 27 beneficiary ATUs, with one additional unit, Meteș, added in 2024. The multi-annual programme allocated funding for certain forms of investment. Other legislation provided facilities to individuals who live or work in the Apuseni Mountains and the Danube Delta, many of which are still in effect today.

20Analysis of all the implemented policies and programmes reveals that only 2 ATUs in the study area – Ceru Băcăinți and Blandiana, located in the far south – were not included in any of the programmes, along with a very small number in Rimetea. In addition to the ATUs where mines were located, the initiatives also encompassed others with a significant proportion of residents employed in industry.

Transformative Socioeconomic Changes

21Between 1991 and 2021, the population of the study area declined by more than 34%. In terms of territorial profile, 63% of the ATUs experienced a sharp population decline, ranging from -25% to -50%. Even urban centres saw a moderate population decline. The most severe cases were observed in a few ATUs, which experienced dramatic decreases of over 50% (Figure 3). Throughout this period, the rate of natural increase across all ATUs showed average negative values. The net migration rate followed a similar trend, except for Meteș and Rimetea, which recorded slightly positive values. Another challenge faced by this area is its ageing population, since in all of the ATUs the proportion of the population aged 65 and over is over 12% – the recognised threshold for an ageing population. Only 7 ATUs (including all towns) experienced a moderate population decline (-15% to -25%) if we look at the values recorded for the area as a whole.

Figure 3. Population trends (1992- 2021)

Figure 3. Population trends (1992- 2021)

Data source: NIS, Tempo online database

22Between 1992 and 2021, the total employed population decreased by approximately 48%, equating to over 20,000 people. In 1992, 40.1% of the employed population was occupied in agriculture and forestry, while 35.2% was occupied in mining (12.3%) and manufacturing (22.8%). In terms of mining specifically, 6 ATUs – Baia de Arieș (19.5%), Abrud (14%), Roșia Montană (9.9%), Zlatna (8.2%), Bistra (7.7%) and Lupșa (7.3%) – accounted for almost 66.7% of the total population employed in this activity. A similar situation was observed in the manufacturing industry, with 50.9% of employees in this sector living in the towns of Zlatna (20.7%), Câmpeni (14.9%), Abrud (7.7%) and Baia de Arieș (7.6%).

23By 2021 there had been a significant restructuring of economic activity, with the share of agriculture and forestry decreasing to 15.4% of total employment and industry to 27.7%, and the majority of the employed population now working in the tertiary sector (46%) (Table 1). Analysis of these data reveals a significant decline in the number of employees working in industry, particularly in the extractive sector, across all ATUs (Figure 4), with employment in this sector dropping by 88.8%, from 5,361 workers in 1992 to just 603 in 2021. Manufacturing had experienced a smaller decline of 42.6%, down to 5,694 employees as of 2021. In 1992, all ATUs had employees working in the extractive industry, underscoring its importance in the study area. But by 2021, 47% of these ATUs no longer had any residents engaged in this activity, and an additional 22% reported having fewer than 10 residents working in mining. In some locations the rate of decline in mining was particularly striking: in Baia de Arieș, for instance, the number of mining employees fell from 1,048 in 1992 to 22 in 2021. In 2021, the largest number of employees in the extractive industry was found in the town of Abrud, which accounted for 31.5% of the total, followed by Lupșa (12.6%) and Roșia Montană (12.3%). It is, however, important to note that these ATUs have still seen a significant decline in employee numbers during the post-communist period.

24Between 1992 and 2021, the number of people employed in manufacturing increased in 7 ATUs, each with up to 100 employees. In contrast, the most significant decreases in manufacturing employment were observed in Câmpeni and Zlatna, with each town losing over 900 employees in this sector. Despite this, in 2021 Câmpeni and Zlatna collectively still accounted for the largest share of employees in the sector (28.5%).

Table 1. Employment by sector of activity (%) (1992 and 2021)

Year

Agriculture and forestry

Industry (extractive and manufacturing)

Construction,

electricity, gas and

water supply

Services

1992

40.1

35.2

4.2

20.5

2021

15.4

27.7

10.9

46

difference

-24.7

-7.5

6.7

25.5

Data source: NIS, Population and Housing censuses 1992 and 2021

25Analysis of the changes at the ATU level reveals a significant shift between 1992 and 2021. In 1992, in more than half of the ATUs over 50% of the total employed population was occupied in agriculture and forestry, while only 3 ATUs had an employed population working predominantly in industry. In addition, only 3 ATUs, 2 of which are urban (Abrud and Câmpeni), had a proportion of over 30% its employed population working in the services sector. By 2021, however, the situation had changed dramatically. In over 90% of ATUs the proportion of the employed population working in the services sector exceeded 30%, and in 4 of these ATUs it surpassed 50%. Conversely, in none of the ATUs was the proportion of the employed population working in agriculture and forestry higher than 50%.

Figure 4. Employment by sector of activity (1992 and 2021)

Figure 4. Employment by sector of activity (1992 and 2021)

Data source: NIS, Population and Housing censuses 1992, 2021

26Only 7 of the ATUs had a proportion of over 30% of its employed population working in industry (Table 2).

Table 2. Employment by sector of activity by number of ATUs (1992 and 2021)

 

Agriculture and forestry

Industry (extractive and manufacturing)

Construction, electricity, gas and water supply

Services

1992

2021

1992

2021

1992

2021

1992

2021

Over 50%

17

 

3

 

 

 

 

4

30-50%

9

9

11

7

 

 

3

25

1-30%

6

23

18

25

32.0

32

29

3

Data source: NIS, Population and Housing censuses 1992 and 2021

27These data therefore indicate that the area’s economy has transitioned from an agrarian-forestry-industrial base to one focused on services and industry.

Roșia Montană Conflict: The Struggle Between Gold Mining and Heritage Preservation

28The multifaceted conflict over Roșia Montană is among the most significant and widely recognised in Romania and internationally. It concerns a proposed mining project, expected to last between 17 and 20 years (Musteață and Cozma, 2020; Barna, 2023), that would use cyanide-based opencast methods for extracting gold and silver. This approach is highly controversial, since it raises environmental concerns and would involve the destruction of both natural and cultural heritage, the demolition of some villages and the relocation of residents. The conflict has gone on for several decades, originating in events that began in 1995 and continue to the present day. The key actors involved are the Roșia Montană Gold Corporation (RMGC), political entities (at the local, county and national level), the local community and civil society at the national and even international levels. RMGC’s focus was on obtaining approval for the project and safeguarding its investments, while the political entities at different levels saw it as an opportunity for economic growth and wanted to attract foreign investment (regardless of environmental or other repercussions) while also caring about public perception. They were opposed by certain members of the local community and part of civil society, who emphasised sustainable livelihoods, property rights, environmental safety, and government accountability. Another segment of the local community, along with some well-known individuals and several non-governmental organisations (NGOs), did however support the plans.

  • 1 Gabriel Resources encompasses three interconnected companies: Gabriel Resources NL registered in Pe (...)

29The history of the conflict has its roots in 1995, when a Romanian state-owned company signed a partnership agreement with Gabriel Resources1 (Stănescu, 2020). In 1997, the two parties signed a joint venture agreement, which led to the formation of RMGC (initially named Euro Gold Resources S.A. until 2000). This partnership sought to develop a project for one of the largest mines in Europe (Velicu, 2012). In 1997, the Romanian state granted the company a concession for $3 million, allowing it to exploit a 23,000 km2 area for mining operations in Roșia Montană (Musteață and Cozma, 2020). The company was awarded the exploitation licence in 1999. Between 1997 and 2002, Euro Gold Resources S.A. (RMGC) conducted geological investigations to evaluate the potential for gold mining in the area, and proposed using cyanide in the opencast extraction process. In an effort to obtain an archaeological discharge certificate at a later stage, RMGC provided financial support for several campaigns between 2000 and 2006, which led to systematic archaeological research being done on the Roman mining network (Damian and Borș, 2008).

30The Roșia Montană site has a very long tradition of gold mining that goes back over 2000 years. As such, there was significant concern in civil society that a substantial part of its rich cultural heritage, including remains from the Roman period, would be destroyed by the new mining project (Bâlici, 2013). During the communist era, large-scale underground gold mining, and from 1970 opencast mining, had already led to the destruction of some Roman mining works (Romanian National Institute of Heritage, 2018). In 1981, a Gold Mining Museum was established, where visitors can now explore the underground Roman galleries (Figure 5). In 1992, the Roman settlement and mining exploitation of Alburnus Maior were included on the first list of historical monuments in the post-communist era. In 2000, the historic centre, Roman gold mining galleries and several houses in the village of Roșia Montană dating from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were recognised as historical monuments of exceptional national value under Law 5/2000.

Figure 5. Roman galleries that can be visited within the Gold Mining Museum

Figure 5. Roman galleries that can be visited within the Gold Mining Museum

Source: Ilinca-Valentina Stoica

31Political involvement in this conflict in the post-communist era came at several different levels. At the local level, measures were implemented to support the corporation. In 2002, the local council modified the General Urban Plan by approving the Zonal Urban Plan for the “Roșia Montană industrial zone”, which was related to the opencast gold and silver mining proposed by RMGC. This plan would go on to be annulled in court over ten years later.

32At the national level, the government made several attempts to amend existing legislation regarding mining activities (Figure 6), in particular the Mining Law (No.  85/2003), which includes specific provisions prohibiting mining in areas with cultural, historical or religious heritage. In 2009, a draft bill was proposed to amend the Mining Law to facilitate the exploitation of the Roșia Montană area, and in 2013 another legislative initiative was submitted that would have allowed the RMGC to quickly begin cyanide mining operations (Musteață and Cozma, 2020). Both of these proposals were rejected due to strong opposition from civil society and political groups (formed by part of the political opposition).

33The Romanian government also explicitly endorsed the project on several occasions, including in statements from the country’s economy minister in 2009 and prime minister in 2013, and sought to facilitate exploitation in the area by other means through issuing necessary documents, such as archaeological discharge certificates in 2011 and 2014, which were later challenged in court and annulled.

Figure 6. Timeline showing the key events and main actors in the Roșia Montană conflict

Figure 6. Timeline showing the key events and main actors in the Roșia Montană conflict

Source: authors

34Initially, there was no reaction in the local community to the project, but in 2000 it began to organise itself by founding the Alburnus Maior Association, adopting the ancient Roman name of the locality Roșia Montană. This NGO was formed by some of the locals and landowners to oppose the project, defending the right to property and the preservation of the natural landscape. The organisation recognised the imminent dangers of future exploitation, which included the relocation of over 2,000 people, the demolition of houses and public buildings (even those of historical significance), the irreversible alteration of the landscape through the “erasure” of four mountain massifs and the creation of a vast cyanide “lake” (Velicu, 2012). The group held its first protests in Roșia Montană in 2000-2001 to defend the properties of local residents that were slated to be purchased by the corporation.

35Over time, however, many locals chose to sell their properties to RMCG, believing that the corporation would bring progress and improve their standard of living (Velicu, 2012). The property purchase process negatively affected the community by contributing to its division. This was especially evident after 2006, when the state-owned Roșia Montană mine was officially closed, depriving over 1,000 families of their primary source of income (Musteață and Cozma, 2020). As a result, social tensions within the local community intensified. In 2012, a local referendum was held to demonstrate local community support for mining. Although 52% of participants voted in favour, the proposal was invalid because voter turnout was less than 50% of those eligible to vote (Rîșteiu et al., 2021). This outcome highlighted the lack of a unified perspective among the local population.

36Action by part of civil society at the national level against RMGC’s proposed mining project began in 2000, primarily driven by NGOs (especially environmental groups) (Rîșteiu et al., 2021). The pivotal year came in 2002, with the formation of the Save Roșia Montană movement, which brought together numerous NGOs from Romania and abroad, including Greenpeace, and the involvement of both national and international academics, who highlighted the negative impact of the proposed mine on the area’s cultural heritage. In 2003, the Romanian Academy published a report recommending a complete halt to cyanide mining in the area (Mustețea and Cozma, 2020). Social media increased public awareness of the campaign, and the “Save Roșia Montană” movement gained more supporters. Various activities were organised to inform and engage the public, including marches (Figure 7), caravans and festivals such as “Hay Fest” (Figure 8), which can be considered a form of creative resistance against the project. Alternative expressive methods of protest included flash mobs in multiple urban areas, impromptu concerts in public spaces or close to government buildings, graffiti and online graphic design initiatives that all highlighted the same message: the need to protect Roșia Montană and scrap the project. The movement was supported by well-known individuals at both the national and international level.

Figure 7. Protests as part of the “Save Roșia Montană” movement

Figure 7. Protests as part of the “Save Roșia Montană” movement

Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/​wiki/​File:Rosia_Montana_Gold_exploatation_protests.jpg

Figure 8. “Hay Fest” festival poster (2012)

Figure 8. “Hay Fest” festival poster (2012)

Source: https://www.criticatac.ro/​fanfest-2012-ediia-7/​

37The Architecture. Restoration. Archaeology Association (ARA) significantly contributed to promoting cultural heritage through its project Adopt a House in Roșia Montană”, which began in 2012 and has resulted in the restoration of 12 houses in the area (Musteață and Cozma, 2020). This ongoing initiative aims to preserve the cultural heritage and traditional community of Roşia Montană by linking up local owners of historic sites who want to remain in the area with individuals or groups who are eager to contribute through donations or by doing volunteer work for the safeguarding of cultural heritage (Goțiu, 2022).

38The movement opposing mining and advocating for the protection of cultural heritage peaked in 2013, when it received extensive coverage in both the national and international media. Tens of thousands of people protested in Bucharest, Cluj-Napoca and Timișoara, and even internationally in cities such as London, Berlin and Paris. The networks grew via a snowball effect, expanding from the local to regional and then from the national to the international level. The movement began at the local level with the Alburnus Maior Association, with basic resources such as banners and faxes, then gained momentum by engaging many individuals from different areas of civic or cultural activism who responded to local calls, which were facilitated in the era of the internet and social media. The protests were primarily triggered by the proposed legislative initiative targeting Roșia Montană, which would have allowed this controversial mining project to be implemented. The “Save Roșia Montană” campaign became the largest civic movement in Romania in the post-communist era (Heemeryck, 2018), effectively changing the political agenda through engagement and resilience (Velicu, 2012). Within this framework, the mountain served as a significant element during the protests over Roșia Montană. It was represented in various forms, including in the public discourse and in slogans such as “United we save the mountains!” and “This mountain is not for sale”. Illustrations on posters depicted mountains collapsing, symbolising the severe ecological consequences of the gold mining initiative. Although the “Save Roșia Montană” logo resembles a leaf, it in fact represents a mountain (Figure 7). The green section signifies the lush, green natural environment of the area, while the red section symbolises the toxic lake that would result from gold extraction using cyanide. The contrast between the two colours emphasises the clash between the ecological damage resulting from the gold mining initiative and the area’s inherent beauty. The mountain thus became a symbol of nature, a healthy lifestyle, heritage and identity, playing a vital role in cultivating collective emotions and amplifying the civic movement that ultimately succeeded in stopping the proposed mine.

39One of the most effective instruments in this conflict, and providing significant assistance over the years, has been the legal battle, with civil society groups submitting challenges to various administrative acts and local plans that could have permitted the start of exploitation (Barna, 2023). These contested documents were issued by both local and national government authorities: the local authority documents concerned areas designated for mining purposes (Zonal Urban Plan and the General Urban Plan), while the national government documents consisted of environmental permits and licences granted to the mining company. These plans and construction permits that would have allowed the demolition of historical and residential buildings were contested in court. Legal challenges frequently focused on procedural irregularities, such as insufficient public consultation, incomplete or biased environmental impact assessments and violations of legislation on the protection of national heritage. The Romanian courts either suspended or annulled numerous significant decisions and plans, resulting in delays in implementing the project.

40Over the years, civil society actively campaigned for recognition of the uniqueness and global value of the heritage at Roșia Montană, and advocated for its inclusion on the UNESCO World Heritage List. The journey to achieve this recognition was a long one, but despite the political wrangling surrounding it, it has effectively prevented future mining in the area. In 2016, the Ministry of Culture included the site on its UNESCO tentative list, and the application was submitted at the beginning of 2017, on the last day of the culture minister’s mandate. In 2018, the Romanian state requested a halt to the procedure, despite significant opposition from civil society and media campaigns, due to the ongoing lawsuit with Gabriel Resources. Finally, on January 31, 2020, the procedure was resumed, and the application for inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List was resubmitted. The following year, Roșia Montană Mining Landscape was included in the UNESCO World Heritage List as the most significant, extensive and technically diverse underground Roman gold mining complex currently known in the world (Romanian National Institute of Heritage, 2018). Simultaneously, it was also placed on the List of World Heritage in Danger. The nomination document describes the mountain as a cohesive whole that needs to be preserved due to its exceptional natural landscape and the mining activities that have exploited its abundant underground resources for over two thousand years. During this time, mining techniques tailored to the local natural setting have been developed. The application highlights the preserved remains of ancient, medieval and modern mining operations, as well as the configuration of settlements and built-up heritage intrinsically linked to the mountain’s features (Romanian National Institute of Heritage, 2018). The successive interaction of natural elements and human activities over millennia, through agro-pastoral and gold mining practices, has forged a unique mountain cultural landscape with a distinctive identity. Inclusion on the List of World Heritage in Danger highlights the threat that the potential resumption of mining exploitation poses to the integrity of the Roșia Montană site, and calls for support and corrective preservation measures to prevent its destruction.

41In contrast to those opposing the exploitation, various NGOs, public institutions and part of the press supported the RMGC project, on the grounds that mining was the only viable option for the area’s development (Rîșteiu et al., 2021). Over the decades, RMGC has made numerous attempts to promote its project through aggressive advertising campaigns, particularly in the late 2000s, by sponsoring pro-mining protests (Goțiu, 2022) and engaging in political lobbying. However, the significant level of public pressure ultimately proved decisive against its favour. This led to one final move by Gabriel Resources, as the main shareholder in RMGC: in 2015, the company sued Romania through the World Bank Group’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), claiming that the Romanian state had blocked the project and demanding substantial damages of $4.4 billion. After nearly ten years of legal disputes, the ICSID Tribunal ruled in favour of the Romanian state in 2024. But the conflict over Roșia Montană resources does not appear to be over yet, since Gabriel Resources has appealed the ICSID decision.

Landscape Transformation and Environmental Issues Caused by Large-Scale Ore Deposit Exploitation and Processing

42The mountain environment is characterised by a number of massifs flanked by steep valleys, reflecting a complex geological structure. Broad, gently undulating interfluves developed on sedimentary rocks are dominated by sharp peaks, indicating the presence of andesite and basaltoid intrusions (Oancea and Velcea, eds., 1987). The area supports a rich natural environment, with forests dominated by deciduous species at lower altitudes and mixed or coniferous stands at higher elevations. Meadows and shrublands are found on the more open interfluves, while rocky slopes host specialised plant communities adapted to harsh conditions. The importance of the natural environment is acknowledged through the designation of protected areas, more specifically geological formations, as well as the presence of various habitats of community importance (Annex 1 to the EU Habitats Directive) and protected and rare plants included on Romania’s Red List of Plants (Romanian National Institute of Heritage, 2018).

43Over the decades, large-scale exploitation and processing of ore deposits have produced drastic changes in the landscape and a series of environmental issues. The extraction processes have altered local geomorphology, with evidence of barren land, polluted waters and destabilised slopes (Ștefănescu et al., 2010). Tailings ponds have become a source of long-term environmental risk, posing serious threats, especially in extreme weather conditions such as heavy rainfall or rapid snowmelt. One of the areas most affected by these transformations is located within and around the Roșia Montană UNESCO World Heritage site, which consists of opencast mines, tailings ponds and dumps that require special management (Figure 9).

Figure 9. Landscape alterations caused by surface mining of ore deposits and their processing in the Roșia Montană UNESCO World Heritage Site

Figure 9. Landscape alterations caused by surface mining of ore deposits and their processing in the Roșia Montană UNESCO World Heritage Site

Source: processed data taken from CLC 2018 and Google Earth

44The Gura Roșiei and Valea Săliștei tailings ponds were used to store the flotation tailings produced by the processing of gold-silver ores extracted from the Cetate opencast mine (Costan, 2010). These have now been ecologically restored, and mining has ceased since 2006, with 17 tailings dumps remaining. Active copper ore mining at Roșia Poieni includes 3 tailings dumps and 3 active tailings ponds, with the primary one being at Valea Șesii. This is the largest tailings pond in Romania (Rzymski et al., 2017) and presents a stark example of the environmental consequences of industrial mining. The creation of this large tailings pond has drastically altered the landscape. In the 1980s, the land of the village of Geamăna was expropriated and its residents displaced, and mining waste gradually covered most of the former village.

45The use of toxic chemicals has led to soil degradation and the contamination of both surface water and groundwater, including in the Arieș River, a critical watercourse in the region also affected by historical pollution (Moldovan et al., 2021). This is mainly related to heavy metals because of their stability and resistance to degradation, which persists today (Glevitzky et al., 2025). The level of pollution is, however, substantially lower than it has been in past periods (Moldovan et al., 2021).

46The case of the village of Geamăna and the image of its church submerged in the toxic waste from the Valea Șesii tailings pond was repeatedly used by anti-mining protesters to highlight the dangers of the mining project to Roșia Montană (Figure 10). The storage capacity of the Valea Șesii pond has been increased, and its surface area is continuously expanding due to ongoing mining activities in the area. This highlights how the landscape in the area remains dynamic, and shows the potential for future changes.

Figure 10. The spire of the submerged church in the former village of Geamăna emerging from the Valea Șesii tailings pond

Figure 10. The spire of the submerged church in the former village of Geamăna emerging from the Valea Șesii tailings pond

Source: Athanasios-Alexandru Gavrilidis

47Overall, the landscape of Roșia Montană and its surrounding area exemplifies the production of anthropogenic relief changes whose temporal dynamics extend beyond the times of mining activities. From the moment natural resources were first exploited, these places have been reconfigured into enduring technogenic landforms, tailings ponds, dumps and modified slopes that operate as agents of ongoing ecological and social transformation. They form active landscapes where industrial residues outlive mining activities and continually reshape regional dynamics. The persistence of contamination demonstrates the asymmetry between industrial temporality and ecological resilience. The complex, persistent pollutants articulate a temporal depth that exceeds generational memory, binding the future of local ecosystems to the post-mining period. Restoration efforts, though visible at the surface level, often fail to resolve the systemic latency of these contaminants. The result is a landscape that is simultaneously restored and hazardous, caught between aesthetic recovery and environmental imbalance.

Discussion and Conclusions

48This article analyses the transformative changes and conflicts that have taken place in an area of the Western Carpathians during the post-communist period. It highlights how they are deeply rooted in decisions made during the communist era, in a post-communist national context framed by specific legislation and policies but also by groups with different interests, including those operating at a transnational level.

49Our findings show how policies, projects and programmes were adopted at the national level in Romania in the post-communist period to promote the socioeconomic development of areas affected by the restructuring of the mining sector or with a focus on the Apuseni Mountains. During this period, the population of the study area has declined by more than 34%, and the total employed population decreased by approximately 48%. The industrial sector has experienced a sharp decline, particularly in mining, following the closure of several sites, which has resulted in massive layoffs with a significant socioeconomic impact at the local community level. In 1992 all ATUs had employees in mining, but by 2021 this figure had dropped to 53%, with 22% of them home to fewer than 10 people working in this sector. This highlights a gradual shift in the local economy, which is transitioning from a primarily agricultural, forestry and industrial base to a greater emphasis on the service-oriented sector, while maintaining a significant presence in industry.

50The study findings also emphasise the reduced power of local communities in a context in which the right to exploit resources belonging to the Romanian state is determined centrally and in some cases, including that of Roșia Montană, by international courts. However, it is remarkable how a movement to halt cyanide mining that at first seemed unlikely to succeed in a post-communist country that had low levels of activism when the protests began has grown. This campaign brought together local people, ordinary citizens, NGOs, major institutions (such as the Romanian Academy and Orthodox Patriarchate) and some press outlets. It was originally initiated by people who did not want to sell their houses to RMGC, but through creative resistance they brought together a growing coalition of organisations and individuals, transforming a local issue into a national one and eventually into the most significant civic movement in post-communist Romania (Heemeryck, 2018; Mustețea and Cozma, 2020). This movement is rooted in common values, correlated with democracy, the right to choose and environmental protection, aiming to save the Roșia Montană commons (Barna, 2023). In it, the mountain is conceptualised from an integrative perspective as a heritage site with a distinct identity and history that needs to be protected from international economic interests and the overexploitation of natural resources. Protesters perceive the mountain as being in distress, warning that failure to protect it could lead to the destruction of four mountain massifs due to cyanide-based opencast mining, the creation of a large tailings pond and the loss of mining remains, villages, and built-up heritage.

51While some have supported the project due to various interests or the belief that it would bring benefits at the local or national level, previous research has shown that these benefits would be mainly reaped by RMGC (Rîșteiu et al., 2021). As such, it can be seen as an unfulfilled project for a planetary mine (Alexandrescu et al., 2022). In this context, it is clear that, under certain conditions, political actors can lose exclusivity in policymaking under pressure from civil society (Soare and Tufiș, 2020). In this case, the decision appears to have been made to protect rather than to destroy (Bâlici, 2013). Other research points to the more complex impact of this activist movement, which has inspired other civic movements in Romania (Margarit and Rammelt, 2020) and beyond.

52Amid all this turmoil, the study area in the Apuseni Mountains stands at a crossroads regarding its future, due to its lack of a coherent, integrated development strategy. One option would be to develop further tourism centred around the UNESCO site in correlation with its attractive natural and cultural heritage. However, the presence of valuable subsoil resources, such as critical raw materials (Radu et al., 2024), for which there is considerable interest at the European Union level in the current geopolitical context, is acquiring new economic valence that project an uncertain future. Some actors also still view mining as a viable option for job creation, particularly given the challenges that previous generations of miners have faced in adapting to other types of employment.

53However, the large-scale exploitation and processing of the ore deposits have led to landscape transformation and environmental challenges, with evidence of polluted waters, altered geomorphology and significant long-term ecological risks. It is not possible to discuss a linear recovery when it comes to landscape and environmental issues, but rather a dynamic process of negotiation between the competing logics of extraction, remediation, and conservation. Active mining sites lead to the expansion of existing tailings ponds, while ecological projects aim to restore the remaining brownfields. The antagonism between these efforts will fuel future conflicts at both the local and national levels. Addressing such contexts requires integrated governance that goes beyond technical remediation towards adaptive strategies that recognise irreversibility, temporal asymmetry and the entanglement of ecological and cultural systems. In this sense, our case study functions not only as a local one, but as a paradigmatic terrain for theorising the futures of extractive landscapes.

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Notes

1 Gabriel Resources encompasses three interconnected companies: Gabriel Resources NL registered in Perth, Australia; Gabriel Resources Ltd. established in 1995 in Yukon, Canada; and Gabriel Resources Ltd., registered in the British crown dependency of Jersey in 1996 (International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, 2024). The first company signed a partnership agreement with a Romanian state-owned company in 1995, while the third company entered into a joint venture agreement in 1997 (Stănescu, 2020). Later that year, Gabriel Resources Ltd. Canada acquired full ownership of Gabriel Resources Ltd. Jersey, making it a wholly owned subsidiary (International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, 2024). In 2000, Gabriel Resources Ltd. Canada, was listed on the Canadian stock market. The company’s primary focus has been on developing a gold and silver mining venture at Roşia Montană (Musteață and Cozma, 2020).

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. Geographical location of the study area
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 467k
Titre Figure 2. ATUs eligible for various socioeconomic revitalisation projects and programmes
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 592k
Titre Figure 3. Population trends (1992- 2021)
Crédits Data source: NIS, Tempo online database
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 595k
Titre Figure 4. Employment by sector of activity (1992 and 2021)
Crédits Data source: NIS, Population and Housing censuses 1992, 2021
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-4.png
Fichier image/png, 938k
Titre Figure 5. Roman galleries that can be visited within the Gold Mining Museum
Crédits Source: Ilinca-Valentina Stoica
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 201k
Titre Figure 6. Timeline showing the key events and main actors in the Roșia Montană conflict
Crédits Source: authors
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 448k
Titre Figure 7. Protests as part of the “Save Roșia Montană” movement
Crédits Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/​wiki/​File:Rosia_Montana_Gold_exploatation_protests.jpg
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 148k
Titre Figure 8. “Hay Fest” festival poster (2012)
Crédits Source: https://www.criticatac.ro/​fanfest-2012-ediia-7/​
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 308k
Titre Figure 9. Landscape alterations caused by surface mining of ore deposits and their processing in the Roșia Montană UNESCO World Heritage Site
Crédits Source: processed data taken from CLC 2018 and Google Earth
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 609k
Titre Figure 10. The spire of the submerged church in the former village of Geamăna emerging from the Valea Șesii tailings pond
Crédits Source: Athanasios-Alexandru Gavrilidis
URL http://journals.openedition.org/rga/docannexe/image/16092/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 164k
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Référence électronique

Ilinca-Valentina Stoica, Daniela Zamfir, Athanasios-Alexandru Gavrilidis et Marie Houdart, « Transformative Changes and Conflicts in the Carpathian Mountains in the Post-Communist Period »Journal of Alpine Research | Revue de géographie alpine [En ligne], 113-2 | 2025, mis en ligne le 15 décembre 2025, consulté le 17 janvier 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rga/16092 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/15d2v

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Auteurs

Ilinca-Valentina Stoica

University of Bucharest, Faculty of Geography, Bucharest, Romania
Interdisciplinary Centre for Advanced Research on Territorial Dynamics (CICADIT), University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

Articles du même auteur

Daniela Zamfir

University of Bucharest, Faculty of Geography, Bucharest, Romania
Interdisciplinary Centre for Advanced Research on Territorial Dynamics (CICADIT), University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

Athanasios-Alexandru Gavrilidis

University of Bucharest, Faculty of Geography, Bucharest, Romania
Centre for Environmental Research and Impact Studies, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

Marie Houdart

French National Research Institute for Agriculture, Food and Environment (INRAE), France

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