This work was partly funded by the Interreg Alpine Space project (Alpine DROught Prediction, ASP0500403 ─ A-DROP).
1Since the 1950s, the pressure of human activities on Earth’s systems has been increasing (Steffen et al., 2015), driven by a development model based on economic growth. Research on biophysical limits in the context of this intensification has been well-documented (Meadows et al., 1972; Rockström et al., 2009), highlighting the unsustainability of current trajectories.
2This observation has led to a clash between several schools of economic thought, particularly around the concepts of green growth and degrowth. Green growth is an extension of neoclassical economics and posits that economic growth can continue while decoupling from its environmental impacts, notably through technological progress (Hickel and Kallis, 2020). The concept of degrowth contrasts with this approach, arguing that sustainability requires a break with the imperative of growth. It calls for a planned and voluntary reduction in production and consumption flows (Engler et al., 2024). In this sense, the concept differs from recession, which is imposed and considered harmful from a socio-economic perspective.
3Although primarily formulated at the macroeconomic level, degrowth has sectoral implications, particularly in tourism (Fletcher et al., 2019), which faces growing ecological, energy and territorial pressures. Several studies have examined the link between tourism and degrowth (Bourdeau and Berthelot, 2008; Fletcher et al., 2019; Murray et al., 2023; Dwyer, 2023), highlighting the environmental impact of the sector and its role in fossil capitalism (Scott et al., 2012).
4Similarly, research has pointed out the limits of destinations’ carrying capacities (Butler, 2025), as well as the contradictions inherent in tourism growth (Milano et al., 2019; Dodds and Butler, 2019). Some studies have proposed a paradigm shift, moving from a growth model to tourism degrowth, with the publications Degrowth in tourism (Andriotis, 2018) and Tourism and degrowth (Fletcher et al., 2020) providing the foundations of the approach.
5In France’s mountain regions, human pressure has intensified since the 1950s. The expansion of mass winter tourism has transformed the landscapes and local economies (Denning, 2014). The creation of ski resorts during the “Plan Neige/Snow plan” (Knafou, 1978), ski area interconnections and the continuous improvement of services have attracted a widening clientele (Bourdeau, 2019). This growth has ensured a strong economy in regions previously marked by industrial, agricultural and demographic decline (Veyret-Verner, 1959).
6While ski resorts have thrived thanks to continuous growth, the model’s sustainability is no longer guaranteed, neither economically nor environmentally (Cognard, 2024). The conditions that have favoured the strong growth of snow tourism are now uncertain. Snow, the main resource for ski resorts, is becoming scarcer due to climate change. In the northern Alps, at an altitude of 1,800 m, the median number of days with at least 5 cm of natural snow on the ground was approximately 5.5 months over the period 1976 to 2005. In the context of a warming scenario of +2.7°C, a reduction of around one month is expected, and two months in the case of a warming scenario of +4°C (François et al., 2025).
7Domestic visitor numbers to French ski resorts have stagnated or even showed a downward trend since the 2010s (Cour des comptes, 2024). The main form of adaptation of winter tourism to climate change relies largely on the intensification of snowmaking, which increases the associated environmental impacts (François et al., 2023). Some attempts to disconnect tourism development from environmental impacts may prove to be counterproductive, as in the case of water reservoirs for snowmaking. They are supposed to reduce the hydrological pressures associated with snowmaking but have, paradoxically, increased the impacts during the most sensitive period for mountain aquatic ecosystems (Cognard et al., 2025).
8A few studies have questioned the applicability of the degrowth concept to ski tourism. A phenomenon that has been gaining momentum in recent years can however reframe the relationship between the tourism economy and economic growth. There is a trend towards partially decommissioning ski areas, which we define as a major infrastructural restructuring based on a reduction of ski facilities. This involves removing one or more entire ski sectors, including closing slopes and suspending ski lift operations, in order to maintain a limited ski offering. The idea is to rationalise operating costs and focus on the sectors considered to be the most viable.
9This can be seen as the opposite of the trend towards linking ski areas, which was most evident from the 1970s to the 2000s (Marnézy and Gauchon, 2006). Several publications have highlighted the downsizing trends on a case-by-case basis, such as in the ski resorts of Saint-Nizier-du-Moucherotte (Bachimon et al., 2014), Gresse-en-Vercors (Astrade et al., 2021) and Abondance (Gauchon, 2010; Suchet et al., 2010) in the Alps or Puigmal and Puyvalador in the Pyrenees (Métral, 2025).
10These reconfigurations have never been examined from a wider perspective, at the scale of the French territory. Furthermore, to our knowledge, the motivations behind this trend have not been studied in the scientific literature. In particular, it is unclear whether the trend is only an expression of economic decline or whether it may be part of a degrowth approach adopted by operators, with the aim of achieving sustainable tourism in mountain regions. This study seeks to contribute to the literature on the evolution of the winter sport economy by assessing how the trend towards a decrease of ski facilities might fit into a degrowth framework.
11The next section in this article outlines the data used and the methodology employed. Thereafter we present an empirical analysis of the trend towards a reduction in the availability of downhill skiing in France before examining the decision-making processes that underlie this trend. The following section provides an illustration through the study case of Métabief in the Jura Mountains. Before concluding, we discuss the general significance of the findings and propose a wider analytical framework for degrowth applied to winter tourism.
12This study uses a geo-historical inventory of the movements to reduce the ski offering observed in France and identified in Métral’s thesis (2025). The resulting analysis is based on descriptive characteristics (single or multiple phases of reduction; trajectories of facilities following reduction: reopening of the entire ski area, continuation of facilities, permanent and complete closure) as well as a quantitative measure of the withdrawal of ski lifts.
13The measurement is based on an analysis of the “rate of loss of equipment” between an initial phase corresponding to the peak of ski area development and the final phase after the last reduction episode. The peak and the various reduction phases were determined by cross-referencing various data sources: old ski maps, reports from the website www.remontées-mécaniques.net, databases from the Service Technique des Remontées Mécaniques et des Transports Guidés (STRMTG), topographical maps and old aerial photographs, as well as interviews with ski area operators.
14The indicator used to calculate the rate of equipment loss is the “ski lift power of the ski area” (François et al., 2012), which is the sum of the ski lift power of the lifts in a particular ski area. It is calculated by multiplying a ski lift’s hour capacity – expressed in passengers per hour – by its vertical rise, expressed in metres (STRMTG, 2018). This indicator was selected because it provides a summary measure of infrastructure intensity which, unlike other indicators such as total piste length or the number of ski lifts, has the advantage of being an objective measure that takes the facilities’ technical characteristics into consideration.
15Beyond its technical value, the power moment is used to categorise ski areas according to their size, based on a typology the professional association of ski lift operators uses. This typology comprises four classes: small, medium, large and very large resorts. This classification has been used in several scientific studies, notably those by Spandre et al. (2015) and Berard-Chenu et al. (2021).
16The rate of loss of ski lift power was calculated for 17 ski areas where the ski lift power exceeded 350 kilometre-skiers/hour in the initial phase and where loss rates exceeded 17%. These thresholds were set in order to exclude very small alpine ski areas with insignificant infrastructure, and also to exclude minor reductions. In the initial phase the approximate order of magnitude observed is equivalent to a capacity lower than that of four ski lifts and a reduction in facilities exceeding at least two lifts. The case of Abondance, the only French example where a full reopening followed a period of reduction, was excluded from the calculations. We mention it because its trajectory is exceptional.
17Semi-structured interviews were conducted with operators at seven ski resorts to identify the motivations and decision-making processes that led them to downsize their offerings. To ensure a representative sample of situations, the selected sample of sites is characterised by its diversity: it includes both recent reductions and sites that have closed permanently where reductions could not be sustained; management models ranged from private governance to voluntary models; the trajectories of reduction sometimes involved continued operation, and at other times reopenings followed temporary closures.
18The sample was selected to cover different mountain ranges and to include ski areas with various levels of infrastructure. The interviews, conducted using a common thematic guide, explored the technical, economic, institutional and environmental reasons behind the choices, the procedures to implement the closure of facilities and perceptions of the benefits and costs. All interviews were recorded with the participants’ consent, transcribed and subjected to an inductive thematic content analysis aimed at identifying the main reasons underlying the reduction. The interview findings were compared with data from the reduction in ski facilities in order to gain a clearer understanding of the dynamics underlying the observed reductions.
19Considering the thresholds defined in the methodological protocol, Map 1 highlights significant reductions at 18 French ski resorts. A common feature of this process is that it predominantly affects small alpine ski areas. Besides the sites included in the analysis sample, the phenomenon also affects areas whose initial level of facilities appears even more modest. Notable examples include the Grand Valtin ski centre in the Vosges in 1999 or Les Estables in 1995 (Métral, 2025). In short, this process of downsizing can be observed across all the mountain ranges of France and affects all types of ski resort management, whether private, public or mixed.
20From a morphological perspective, the downsizing follows different approaches. It may involve removing higher-altitude sectors, while the lower slopes are maintained, such as in the Aiguilles-en-Queyras ski area since 2006 in the southern Alps; closing secondary sectors, as in Camurac in the Pyrenees; or replacing an entire ski area with a small-scale beginner’s facility, as in Drouzin-le-Mont (northern Alps). It may also take more selective forms, such as removing obsolete or excessively costly lifts, such as Mont-Saxonnex in the northern Alps.
21The reduction may take place in several consecutive phases in the same ski area, depending on the evolution of the operation’s financial situation and the operators’ choices. Saint-Pierre-de-Chartreuse in the Chartreuse Mountains, for example, saw two successive rounds of reduction in 2021 and 2023. From a historical perspective, if a few reductions took place between the 1950s and the late 1970s (as in 1977 at Saint-Nizier-du-Moucherotte in the Vercors Massif), this phenomenon has intensified in the first quarter of the 21st century. This coincided with ski areas’ increasing vulnerability to global changes, particularly climate change.
22This strategy to optimise ski facilities is now frequently adopted by operators whenever the possibility of shutting down ski areas is discussed. In this regard, before closing the Grand Puy ski area in 2024 in the southern Alps, the municipal council debated the question of maintaining a beginner’s ski facility during the preliminary studies leading up to the decision.
Map 1: Reduced offer of 18 French ski areas: Status report in 2025
Métral, Berard-Chenu and Cognard, 2025
23Of the 17 ski areas included in the calculation (without Abondance ski area, see above), we measured an average loss rate of 65% of the ski lift power. The loss rates vary widely, ranging from 17% to 99%. Figure 1 presents a cross-analysis of ski lift power in the initial phase and total loss rates. It highlights three distinct forms of reduction:
24In this configuration, ski lift power losses exceed 60% (87% on average) (green rectangle, Fig. 1). Ski areas are limited to a few lifts, sometimes a single ski lift or beginner’s magic carpet. This solution makes it possible to maintain a small-scale local skiing offer with minimal operational infrastructure. This change contributes to a transformation of regions that once specialised in winter tourism, with “small ski resorts” having become minimalist “ski centres” (Métral, 2025). These major reductions have led to several complete closures, highlighting the difficulty of maintaining such a limited ski offering.
25Four ski areas are in this category. They are characterised by a relatively low ski lift power (< 1,500 kilometres-skiers/hour) and a moderate loss rate (< 35%) (purple rectangle, Fig. 1). Some ski resorts have closed redundant areas, such as Les Rousses (La Serra) and Gresse-en-Vercors. Others have closed areas at lower altitudes, such as Camurac or areas with obsolete ski lift facilities that cannot be replaced, such as Mont-Saxonnex. The logic behind removing equipment applies to areas that do not specialise in winter tourism. The ski area’s purpose therefore remains unchanged following the restructuring, and the initiative ensures that it remains attractive.
26This category currently concerns two ski areas: Alpe-du-Grand-Serre – Saint-Honoré in the Alps and Métabief in the Jura. Both resorts are characterised by a fragile economy and a complex ski lift network, with ski areas spread across several slopes and multiple access points. The high level of infrastructure (more than ten lifts), including (mostly old) chairlifts appears to be an additional source of vulnerability.
27The downsizing is taking the form of a rational restructuring through eliminating secondary sectors that are difficult to operate, considering the chronic lack of snow, low visitor numbers and the resulting limited profitability. This reduction is not disruptive, as the downsizing is less than 30% (blue rectangle, Fig. 1). The impact of the closures is localised and the ski offering remains coherent, with intermediate ski areas targeting family customers. In Métabief, discussions with the operator revealed that the reduction is one of the first steps towards a gradual phase-out of skiing, planned for 2040. The removal of five old lifts from a little-used sector is part of a drive to streamline the offering and focus on the main side of the mountain, which is more accessible and equipped with an efficient snowmaking system.
Figure 1: Loss rate of ski lift power following reductions in the initial phase
28Métral, Berard-Chenu and Cognard, 2025
29The different forms of reduction highlight the diverse situations. As such, many ski areas are subject to a drastic and almost complete closure of ski facilities, with no guarantee that operations will be maintained over time. While they reflect a clear decline in ski tourism, resorts where winter tourism is more important to the local economy are experiencing a more moderate and gradual ski facility reduction. This suggests that the reduction may be part of a wider strategy of degrowth.
30Although the interviewed operators did not use the term “degrowth”, discussions revealed a convergence between the trends towards a reduction in the ski supply and some of the fundamental principles of the concept. This reduction is driven by a desire to reduce operating costs and is also part of a transition strategy led by the operators. They are faced with the questionable sustainability of their tourism model, which Vlès (2019) described as a “tipping point”. Three elements linked to degrowth were identified: reduce the offering in order to sustain it, sober adapt to limits and reconfigure uses and governance.
31The reduction of ski facilities, initiated for economic reasons, is part of a strategy to sustain the skiing tourism industry at a local level. It helps to ease the financial pressure on operators (most often local authorities), while avoiding a complete shutdown, which would have a damaging socio-economic impact in areas where skiing is key to the local economy. Cases such as Mont-Saxonnex in Haute-Savoie or Aiguilles in the Hautes-Alpes illustrate this logic of compromise, where reduction becomes the only condition for sustainability.
32Ski resorts’ sustainability is constrained by the interdependence of various climatic, biophysical and economic factors. The decline of natural snowfall (François et al., 2025) has a significant impact on the availability of winter tourism’s primary resource. Snowmaking can help to maintain skiability but requires significant investment (Berard-Chenu et al., 2021) and increases environmental impacts such as water abstraction, energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions (François et al., 2023).
33Reducing the ski supply is an adaptation strategy that directly responds to these constraints. Closing marginal sectors allows operators to limit their impact. The temporary reopening of Puigmal between 2021 and 2023 was based on a concentration of the ski area in the least vulnerable sector and on a project focused on eco-responsibility: the creation of short supply chains for onsite catering, the economic use of snow grooming and snowmaking, education about the natural environment, tracking of environmental damage, dismantling of non-operational lifts and limiting access to the ski area (Métral, 2025).
34The reduction in supply is accompanied by a reconfiguration of usage and, in some cases, governance structures. Most major ski areas are raising their standards to boost their appeal to attract an international clientele with high expectations, under pressure from tour operators and market forces that favour massive investment or upgraded services (Bourdeau, 2019).
35Breaking with this model, the reduction in supply opens up the possibility of focusing activity on local audiences and community-based practices. Ski centres then become venues for local events, embracing a “small is beautiful” approach (Schumacher, 1979). Original projects have emerged to support this shift, such as the transition to associative or cooperative management models in Saint-Pierre-de-Chartreuse or in Menthières in the department of Ain. This type of governance encourages the relocation of decision-making and increased citizen participation.
36While some aspects of the movement to downsize ski areas echo degrowth principles, the case of Métabief emerges from our sample as the one that most closely aligns with this concept.
37This ski area in the Jura Mountains illustrates a thoughtful transition towards a reduction in winter tourism. Initiated by the ski lift operator, the Syndicat Mixte du Mont d’Or, in partnership with the Doubs Department and the Lacs et Montagnes du Haut-Doubs Community of Municipalities, this approach is based on recognising the increasing obsolescence of the skiing offer and its trajectory of decline due to future climate conditions. A secondary area of the ski resort has been closed from the 2024/25 season. It was equipped with five ski lifts, representing 29% of Métabief’s total ski lift power and accessing the ski area’s most challenging slopes.
38Since 2015, the operator has recognised the necessity of modernising the area’s ageing infrastructure, particularly the chairlifts installed in the 1980s, which were subject to costly regulatory inspections. Replacing the lifts, estimated to cost €15 million, was rejected due to the low prospects of recouping the investment over 20 years in a climatic context where natural snowfall is becoming increasingly uncertain. Given the low visitor numbers (20% of the total), maintaining the infrastructure in its current state would have been expensive, while it accounted for 40% of operating costs.
39This decision marked a turning point for the operator, who has been preparing for the ski area’s eventual closure by 2040 through this reduction. The economic challenges linked to a chronic deficit and outstanding debt of €14 million, combined with unfavourable snow conditions, were forcing the operator to increasingly rely on snowmaking. Furthermore, the deterioration of ideal conditions for skiing (“good weather, natural snow on the slopes and fir trees”) according to the interviewed managers) contributed to a decline in visitor numbers. This trend was exacerbated by changes at the destination. Notable changes include a decline in the number of winter holidaymakers and the conversion of holiday rentals into primary residences, partly due to the proximity of the Swiss labour market. There has also been an increase in summer and spring tourism.
40Closing a part of a ski area was therefore the result of a compromise. It helped to reduce operating costs, ease financial pressure and focus resources on the remaining parts of the ski area, while optimising human and technical resources. Despite the initial tension the decision caused in local communities, the outcome after one season appears positive, according to the operator. The restructured ski offer is a pragmatic and measured response to climatic, economic and social changes, offering a favourable timeframe to develop new territorial development models capable of integrating both local and global changes.
41In this section, we discuss the empirical analysis of the trend towards downsizing ski facilities in France and the underlying logic behind it. We point out that this reduction is rarely synonymous with degrowth. We show, however, that the reduction can act as a lever for degrowth at the scale of a tourist destination. We then outline the limits of the study, while proposing a framework to analyse the concept of degrowth in winter tourism at scales that go beyond ski lift operation.
42We hypothesised that reducing ski areas was a viable approach for operators facing difficulties to maintain ski facilities and adapt to global change. We however observed that in many cases the reduction of ski areas appears more like a decline than a deliberate move towards degrowth. While these reductions may symbolically prevent the definitive end of skiing, they nevertheless have serious consequences for regions that specialise in snow tourism, as the small-scale facilities that are maintained cannot drive economic development.
43The abrupt transformations from one winter season to the next and without any warning is an additional source of difficulty. The restructuring of the tourism sector is therefore taking place under urgent pressure, leaving role players in the tourism economy little room to manoeuvre. There are significant socio-economic risks, such as job losses if the reduction is not offset by economic alternatives.
44Some resorts have managed to maintain the reduced-scale skiing offering, such as Sixt-Fer-à-Cheval (since 2018), Gresse-en-Vercors (since 2008), Camurac (since 2008) and Aiguilles (since 2006). In other cases, the period of reduced operations was only temporary before a complete closure, as at Puigmal or Puyvalador. This happened despite plans to maintain a ski offering guided by the principles of sustainable development (Métral, 2025).
45In both these cases, the reopening in a reduced form lasted no more than a few seasons. At Drouzin-le-Mont, in the department of Haute-Savoie, the ski resort was closed down permanently five years after the phase-out period due to chronic operating losses of between €30,000 and €40,000 a year. While local communities, tourists and socio-economic stakeholders often hope for full reopenings (Metral, 2025), they remain extremely rare.
46Downsizing is therefore not a solution to the operational challenges ski resorts face, but rather a situation that allows skiing facilities to be maintained while dealing with the constraints operators have to manage. Ski resort operators perceive the downsizing as a “sacrifice” (Astrade et al. 2021). The example of Métabief demonstrates that downsizing can under certain conditions be part of a strategy of tourism degrowth. In this sense, the removal of ski lifts is not the end of a degrowth process, but constitutes an action forming part of a territorial transition strategy (Pachoud et al., 2022). This goes beyond the vulnerability ski resort operators observe to reach a systemic adaptation of a tourist region.
47The objective is to reduce the intensity of recreational facilities judged to be unsustainable, but more importantly to support the transition of the region where the decline of skiing remains inevitable in the medium term. A planned and gradual reduction can therefore help to limit the impact of a sudden decline in skiing, while allowing more time to implement transitional strategies on a larger scale: supporting the conversion of snow tourism businesses, diversifying the recreation offering and mobilising external resources, supporting tourism professionals through transforming their activities.
48The movement towards a decline in tourism is based on the early recognition that the ski industry is becoming obsolete and on a conscious decision to break with the pursuit of business as usual. It is also founded on the realisation that the downward trend cannot be reversed. The end of ski tourism is not without local consequences, whether in terms of the shutdown leading to political crises (Berard-Chenu et al., 2024) or the disruption caused by the loss of this engine of the local economy.
49Maintaining unsustainable operations also has consequences in the post-ski era due to the debt local authorities accumulated. The degrowth model is therefore part of a spirit of responsibility towards economic models that are still dependent on alpine skiing, while preparing the way for an end of skiing, or even tourism (Bourdeau, 2009), which is considered inevitable in the near future.
50Applying the concept of degrowth to winter sport tourism raises a number of analytical challenges. Degrowth refers to a global socio-economic overview that involves strong normative implications, such as challenging the notion of growth, criticising capitalist logic and transforming modes of production and consumption.
51Applying this concept directly to the scale of winter sport tourism or ski resorts means mobilising a notion that goes beyond the functioning and capacity for action of a localised tourism system. The tension between the macro-systemic scale and the scale of local territorial units complicates the operationalisation of the concept. There is a risk of confusion, on the one hand, between the critique of a development model and, on the other, local economic, institutional and social constraints.
52In this study, degrowth has been examined through the lens of a reduction in ski facilities. This single indicator however remains too specific to fully account for the dynamics of degrowth in winter tourism, which must be analysed across multiple dimensions. Certain resorts, particularly the largest ones, are for example part of a globalised tourism system and depend on international visitor flows.
53Consequently, the drivers of a degrowth approach transcend the local level: decarbonising long-distance travel or seeking local tourist markets in a mature ski industry. The economic diversification of mountain valleys depends in part on policies implemented at regional, national and sometimes European levels. Finally, the transition to economic alternatives to winter tourism requires strategies that often go beyond local stakeholders’ capabilities.
54A limitation of this study is that it explores only one dimension of degrowth. Table 1, adapted from Murray et al. (2023), proposes a framework that illustrates the scope of this phenomenon. It presents five axes of analysis applied to the economic sector of winter sport and to the ski resort level: the politisation of tourism, the redistribution of costs and benefits, the consideration of biophysical limits, experimentation with post-capitalist forms of organisation and the dynamics of communalisation or democratised governance.
55Each of these raises specific questions: the place of the mountain tourism economy in public debate, the distribution of economic and social impacts, the integration of ecological constraints that may limit the continuation of current models and the emergence of practices designed to rethink the aims of mountain tourism. An analysis of governance mechanisms and the redistribution of value also highlights the tensions between businesses, local authorities and residents.
Table 1: Application of Murray et al.’s (2023) analytical approaches to degrowth in tourism at the winter sport sector level and the ski resort level.
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Analytical approaches according to
Murray et al. (2023)
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Winter sport sector level
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Ski resort level
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Characteristics
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Examples
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Tourism and sustainability as a political question
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Public policies to reduce mountain tourism and promote these localities’ economic restructuring.
Development of alternatives to the ski-dependent model.
Political and media debates about the end of ski resort expansion and positions of local stakeholders on degrowth.
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Local strategy that integrates the reduction of tourism (e.g. access restrictions and reduced consumption of natural resources).
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Métabief (25): A territorial transition masterplan to phase out ski tourism.
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Reduction of ski area size, number of ski lifts or operating periods.
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In addition to restructuring its ski facilities, the Gérardmer ski area (88) is closing on Mondays and Tuesdays, starting in the 2025–2026 season.
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Distribution of the costs and benefits in tourism development
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Analysis of mountain tourism’s economic beneficiaries.
Studies on the socio-economic impacts on workers and residents (precariousness, inequalities).
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Desire to see a better distribution of profits generated by the resort’s stakeholders.
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Tignes (73), establishment of a local public company, starting in 2026: “The creation of a local public company ensures that the wealth generated by everyone’s work will be redistributed in the local area.” (Tignes Council, 2025).
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Searching to improve working conditions of seasonal workers.
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Tignes (73) and Bourg-Saint-Maurice (73): Construction of accommodation for seasonal workers.
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Impacts of rising house prices and the cost of living in the community.
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Bourg-Saint-Maurice - Les Arcs (73): Promoting permanent housing through creating a semi-public company to build homes and by restricting licences for furnished holiday rentals (Bourg-Saint-Maurice Town Hall, 2025).
Chamonix (74): Restrictions on tourist rentals from 2025 (Chamonix-Mont-Blanc Town Hall, 2024).
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Biophysical limits to tourism growth
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Water use (consumption and abstraction) and energy consumption.
Pressure on Alpine ecosystems (deforestation, soil artificialisation).
Contribution of mountain tourism to CO₂ emissions (transport, heating, infrastructure).
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The ski resort's environmental impact (snowmaking, energy consumption, water consumption and consequences for biodiversity).
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The Compagnie du Mont-Blanc mentions degrowth as one of its objectives in its new mission-driven corporate charter: “To implement pathways towards degrowth in terms of our impact on the climate, biodiversity and water resources” (Compagnie du Mont-Blanc, 2023).
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Impact of climate change on the resort’s economic viability.
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Métabief (25): A strategy to phase out skiing has been adopted following a pragmatic conclusion that it is no longer viable from both a climate and economic perspective.
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Post-capitalist tourism in practice
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Initiatives to rethink mountain tourism.
Experiments involving alternative business models.
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The existence of economic alternatives (year-round tourism, local agriculture, crafts).
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The ‘Resilience’ project in Autrans–Méaudre, which aims to boost local economic sectors, for example.
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Commoning tourism and redistributing value
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Distribution of tourism revenue between large companies and territories.
Policies aimed at collectivising or democratising tourism management.
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Infrastructure management model (private, public, cooperative).
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Montclar les 2 Vallées (04): A model of cooperative management for the ski area.
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Residents’ involvement in the ski resort’s governance.
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Allos (04) and the local referendum on maintaining or abandoning skiing at Le Seignus.
Local referendum in Le Grand Puy (04) on the resort’s closure.
Local referendum on the purchase of snow-making equipment in Gresse-en-Vercors (38) (Pachoud et al., 2022).
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Engaging local stakeholders and residents to suggest alternative models.
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Saint-Hilaire-du-Touvet (38): volunteer management of the ski area.
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Métral, Berard-Chenu and Cognard, 2025
56This study examined how downsizing ski areas might be linked to the concept of degrowth. It provides empirical insight into the scale and forms of ski resort downsizing in France, using a methodology that combines geo-historical analysis, technical indicators and qualitative interviews. The analysis of 18 ski areas shows that reductions are mainly the result of a decline caused by economic, technical and climatic vulnerabilities, rather than an intentional degrowth strategy. When such decisions are anticipated, discussed locally and integrated into a wider regional development plan, the reduction in skiing facilities can serve as a catalyst for initiating a degrowth approach, as illustrated by the case of Métabief.
57Future research could make more systematic use of the proposed analytical framework to examine all aspects of tourism degrowth, going beyond a focus on simply reducing skiing facilities. This multilevel approach would help to analyse the political, economic, biophysical, social and institutional factors that shape mountain regions’ development trajectories. Extending this framework would provide insights to identify the conditions for planned tourism degrowth rooted in territorial dynamics more precisely.