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Degrowth in Mountain Tourism: Challenges and Future Prospects

Morgane Müller-Roux, Christophe Clivaz, Jarkko Saarinen et Géraldine Overney
Cet article est une traduction de :
Décroissance au sein du tourisme de montagne : défis et perspectives futures [fr]

Texte intégral

1Questioning the effects of continuous economic growth is by no means a recent concern. In 1972, for example, The Limits to Growth, the first report commissioned by the Club of Rome, highlighted the ecological and social risks associated with the pursuit of unlimited material growth in a finite world (Meadows et al., 1972). These initial warnings were echoed a few years later by the World Climate Conference held in Geneva in 1979 and further developed in the 1987 Brundtland report Our Common Future, which introduced the concept of sustainable development (WCED, 1987). But it was not until the early 2000s that explicit use of the term “degrowth” (décroissance in French) became established in economic and social debates, notably driven by the work of Latouche (2003, 2022) and Bernard et al. (2003).

2There is increasing agreement within the scientific community regarding the current state and future prospects of our societies, and on the fact that Western market- and growth-based development models have reached their limits, whether in terms of the environment (air, water and soil pollution), climate (dependence on fossil fuels and rising temperatures) or society (wealth concentration and growing inequality). The ideology that sees economic growth and technological progress as the main remedies to global change glosses over the fact that seven of the nine planetary boundaries have already been breached (Boutaud and Gondran, 2020; Rockström et al., 2009).

  • 1 B. Guy Peters (2017) defines “wicked problems” as “difficult to define”, with “no stopping rule” an (...)

3Several scholars (Lamb and Steinberger, 2017; Meadows et al., 1972; Parrique, 2022) have further emphasised that indicators such as gross domestic product (GDP) mask the negative consequences of a development model exclusively focused on economic performance. These critiques converge on the need for a paradigm shift. In this context, degrowth has emerged as an alternative theoretical and political horizon that combines two dimensions: a radical critique of productivism and development (Latouche, 2003), and an effort to sketch out ideas for an alternative society. The critical need for decoupling, meaning to break the link between economic growth and socio-environmental damage, has emerged as a “wicked problem”1 for (economic) development, especially in the tourism sector (Saarinen, 2020; Scott et al., 2016).

  • 2 Overtourism is defined by Paul Peeters et al. (2018) as “the situation in which the impact of touri (...)

4For a long while tourism remained on the sidelines of the degrowth discussion, until researchers such as Bourdeau and Berthelot (2008) and Hall (2009) began to produce the first structured contributions on the tourism–degrowth nexus. In recent years this field of research has expanded to incorporate tourism more fully, giving rise to media and academic debates as well as social mobilisations. This trend is notably reflected in the publication of two edited volumes: Tourism and Degrowth: Towards a Truly Sustainable Tourism (2020) and Degrowth and Tourism: New Perspectives on Tourism Entrepreneurship, Destinations and Policy (2020). The rise of mass tourism, closely linked to the development of the capitalist economy, has contributed to the overexploitation of natural resources and the breaching of planetary boundaries (Hall, 2009; Saarinen, 2020). Relations between tourists and local communities have long been the subject of critical analysis, and debates about overtourism2 have recently risen to the fore in many European destinations. In 2017, for example, the Barcelona City Council adopted urgent planning restrictions that imposed a moratorium on the building of new hotels in the city centre, citing real estate pressure caused by tourism (García-Hernández and de Miguel, 2021).

  • 3 In 1906, for example, plans for a funicular railway connecting Zermatt to the summit of the Matterh (...)
  • 4 Trends in trade publishing confirm that this opposition goes beyond the academic sphere: 2025, for (...)

5Mountain regions have been fully involved in these debates. While opposition to certain infrastructure projects was observed as early as the beginning of the 20th century,3 critiques of the growth-based winter sports development model began to emerge explicitly in the 1970s (Arnaud, 1975; Cognat, 1973; Krippendorf, 1977), and remain highly relevant (Bourdeau, 2021; Vlès, 2021). Although tourism has been a major driver of modernisation and economic development in mountain areas (Bonnemains, 2015; Boujrouf, 1998), this model is now being challenged due to its environmental, climate and social impact.4

6Despite this, the majority of research on degrowth has thus far focused on overtourism in urban destinations, and – as Perrin-Malterre (2026) observes in her overview of the current literature in this issue – there have been relatively few studies addressing mountain areas. Despite the increase in research on tourism and degrowth since 2019, mountain regions remain a marginal field of study. The existing studies, often qualitative and conducted at the local level, identify several key themes – overtourism and social opposition, planning and governance, community-based tourism, the role of entrepreneurs and the impact of climate change – that open up avenues for research which remain largely unexplored in relation to mountain territories (Perrin-Malterre, 2026). This thematic issue aims to help fill this gap by bringing together six articles, in addition to the overview of the literature, that apply the concept of degrowth to mountain tourism, based on case studies from several different countries (France, Italy and Switzerland) and mountain ranges (the Alps, Apennines and Pyrenees).

7Based on the example of the Saint-Pierre-de-Chartreuse/Le Planolet ski resort in the French Alps, George et al. (2026) examine how the concept of degrowth can be used to shed light on the resort’s transition trajectory. Their analysis considers different levels, from the ski area to the wider territoire. This study highlights that a decline in ski activity does not necessarily go hand in hand with overall degrowth within the territoire, since their findings show that alternative offers are developing, such as the promotion of slow tourism and local heritage. Despite the reduction in the size of the ski area, the tourism offer has expanded and strengthened, reflecting not so much degrowth in tourism as changes in the local tourism model.

8Métral et al. (2026) highlight how after a period of strong growth in the 1960s and 1970s, the outlook for winter sports resorts is very mixed: while some are still recording high visitor numbers, others are being hit by problems linked to climate change and snow conditions. Through an innovative geo-historical inventory of 17 French ski areas, this article shows that reduced activity in ski resorts often reflects forced decline rather than intentional degrowth. However, examples such as Métabief in the Jura region demonstrate that a planned, pre-empted reduction can become a strategy for sustainable transition, with a view to regional transformation and a gradual move away from the alpine skiing model.

9Biere (2026) presents the concept of degrowth as a novel tool for thinking about the sustainable transition of a ski resort in crisis, notably by advocating a intentional reduction in certain winter sports in favour of well-being and sustainability activities. The author illustrates this through the example of Lungern, a Swiss resort that went bankrupt in 2014 and represents a case study in forced degrowth. After the closure of the ski area, the municipality reoriented itself towards sustainable, non-snow-dependent tourism. The results of a qualitative survey show that despite a decrease in visitor numbers, local quality of life and economic resilience have improved. Finally, the study shows that economic diversification, proactive planning and community involvement are essential for a transition of this kind. Lungern, once vulnerable, is now perceived as a climate change “winner” that has managed to turn a crisis into an opportunity.

10The paper by Pasini and Puttilli (2026) approaches degrowth as a set of spatial imaginaries – plural and often conflicting visions of the future of mountain areas – through the case study of La Doganaccia, a small tourist resort in the Tuscan-Emilian Apennines facing the decline of winter tourism, climate change and depopulation. The article focuses on the debate surrounding a new cable car project that is viewed by its supporters as part of a “sustainable” transition towards diversified tourism, but by its opponents as perpetuating an obsolete and environmentally harmful model. The authors show that local actors thus draw on their own imaginaries to legitimise their visions of the future of mountain communities. In this context, degrowth, far from being a uniform utopia, functions more as a discourse that supports the negotiation of representations, spatial imaginaries specific to each actor, and the possible territorial trajectories of mountain areas.

  • 5 The concept of sufficiency “challenges excess, overconsumption and materialism […] to advocate an a (...)

11The article by Bagnoli and Iovino (2026) analyses the complexity of the Italian mountains, and in particular the Apennines, which are often overlooked compared to the Alps. This mountain range is characterised by deep-seated socioeconomic and demographic disparities, with marked population decline, pronounced ageing and a persistent rural exodus, especially in the south. The authors show that forms of resilience are however emerging in response to these trends: return migration, hosting migrants, slow tourism and new housing practices. The paper emphasises the growing importance of community-based tourism grounded in sustainability, cooperation and the use of local resources, as opposed to the extractive model of ski monoculture rendered obsolete by climate change. In line with degrowth perspectives, these initiatives challenge the imperative of quantitative expansion in favour of focusing on sufficiency,5 respect for ecological limits and regeneration of the local social fabric. Development is thus redefined not as an increase in tourist flows, but as the strengthening of territorial autonomy and collective well-being.

12Based on a case study from the Ariège département in the French Pyrenees, Salim et al. (2026) examine how different public and private actors perceive decarbonisation measures, and their attitudes towards the idea of degrowth. Their findings show that although this concept raises some concerns – notably about job losses, the attractiveness of the local area and potential population outflows – there is growing agreement on the need to rethink the current model. Decarbonisation is seen as a central component of this transformation, although hindered by a lack of resources and poor coordination between public and private actors. Rather than advocating a sudden reduction in activities, most people favour a gradual move towards more sustainable, environmentally-friendly forms of tourism.

13Overall, the case studies presented in this issue invite us to take a nuanced, contextualised view of the relevance of degrowth to mountain tourism. The initiatives observed correspond less to genuine degrowth than to gradual adjustments, such as the diversification of activities beyond the winter season or the search for reduced dependence on snow. As George et al. (2026) point out, degrowth needs to be considered at multiple levels: at the level of the ski area, where reductions may be either intentional or imposed (Métral et al., 2026; Pasini and Puttilli, 2026; George et al., 2026; Biere, 2026), and that of the tourist destination more broadly, where the multiplicity of actors and the difficulty of reconciling their interests can hinder the implementation of degrowth approaches (Salim et al., 2026; Bagnoli and Iovino, 2026). This multi-level approach also calls for the exploration of other levels of analysis that remain underexamined in this thematic issue, including the regional, national and supranational levels.

14Ultimately, several dimensions still require further exploration from a degrowth perspective, with their relative absence from this issue highlighting various potential avenues of research. One area that is not significantly explored here but could potentially play a decisive role in framing practices and guiding tourism trajectories is that of regulatory, planning and fiscal instruments. The academic literature shows, for example, that regulatory measures such as limiting motor access or implementing visitor quotas (Salerno et al., 2013; Steiger et al., 2021) have helped contain pressure on certain destinations in the Alps, and spatial planning tools have been used in several Alpine regions to curb infrastructure expansion and encourage the diversification of tourism activities (Pröbstl-Haider et al., 2016). Finally, although less studied, fiscal instruments such as tourist or environmental taxes appear to represent potential levers for influencing visitor behaviour and financing the transition towards more sustainable models (Gössling et al., 2020).

15Another area that remains insufficiently studied, despite being central to transformation dynamics and largely shaping the possibilities for change to existing models, is that of tourist mobility and tourism imaginaries. Tourist mobility constitutes a key lever for transformation from a degrowth perspective, with the recent literature highlighting the structural role of mobility in the tourism sector’s contribution to climate change, particularly air and car travel (Higgins-Desbiolles et al., 2019; Fletcher et al., 2019; Sun et al., 2024). In this context, some studies show that mobility behaviours can be influenced by incentive mechanisms, notably public transport policies that encourage modal shifts towards more sustainable alternatives (Gössling et al., 2023; Scott et al., 2019). These findings underline that mobility is not solely a matter of individual preference but is strongly dependent on infrastructure and policy frameworks, making it a key lever in tourism degrowth trajectories.

16Particular attention also needs to be paid to the role of imaginaries. Degrowth in tourism highlights how local actors draw on their own imaginaries to legitimise their visions of the future of mountain communities (Pasini et al., 2026), whether through redefining land use, forms of mobility or relationships with nature (Müller-Roux, 2022). In this sense, degrowth, far from being a uniform utopia or a prescriptive model, operates instead as a discursive framework within which spatial imaginaries and possible territorial trajectories are negotiated. These imaginaries thus play a central role in enabling destinations to move beyond the dominant growth-based tourism models in order to envision alternative, desirable futures.

17Ultimately, rather than highlighting the existence of stabilised degrowth trajectories, this thematic issue opens up a series of still largely unexplored questions – such as degrowth as a reaction and response to “overtourism” – and thus contributes to shaping future research on mountain tourism.

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Notes

1 B. Guy Peters (2017) defines “wicked problems” as “difficult to define”, with “no stopping rule” and “no clear solution”. They are “essentially unique”, “may be a symptom of another problem”, their solutions “are not true or false, but good or bad”, and they have “multiple explanations”.

2 Overtourism is defined by Paul Peeters et al. (2018) as “the situation in which the impact of tourism, at certain times and in certain locations, exceeds physical, ecological, social, economic, psychological, and/or political capacity thresholds.

3 In 1906, for example, plans for a funicular railway connecting Zermatt to the summit of the Matterhorn had to be shelved due to intense opposition from the Swiss population (Denoréaz, 2012).

4 Trends in trade publishing confirm that this opposition goes beyond the academic sphere: 2025, for example, saw the publication of Guillaume Desmurs’s Le crépuscule des jeux, a critical investigation into the 2030 Winter Olympics, and the graphic novel Le mal des montagnes, which explores the problems facing the ski industry.

5 The concept of sufficiency “challenges excess, overconsumption and materialism […] to advocate an alternative mindset and way of living that favours moderation” (our translation) (Creux-Martelli and Yates, 2023).

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Morgane Müller-Roux, Christophe Clivaz, Jarkko Saarinen et Géraldine Overney, « Degrowth in Mountain Tourism: Challenges and Future Prospects »Journal of Alpine Research | Revue de géographie alpine [En ligne], 114-1 | 2026, mis en ligne le 27 avril 2026, consulté le 12 mai 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rga/17349 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/165g9

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Auteurs

Morgane Müller-Roux

Institute of Geography and Sustainability, Centre for Interdisciplinary Mountain Research, University of Lausanne, Switzerland

Articles du même auteur

Christophe Clivaz

Institute of Geography and Sustainability, Centre for Interdisciplinary Mountain Research, University of Lausanne, Switzerland

Articles du même auteur

Jarkko Saarinen

Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, Finland; School of Tourism and Hospitality, University of Johannesburg, South Africa

Géraldine Overney

Institute of Geography and Sustainability, Centre for Interdisciplinary Mountain Research, University of Lausanne, Switzerland

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