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2The book begins with a discussion of Muslim conditions in the post-Sachar era. Christophe Jaffrelot and Kalaiyarasan A. accentuate the socioeconomic decline witnessed by the Muslim community, especially following the ascendancy of right-wing politics in 2014. They argue that the Congress, who commissioned the Sachar Committee, failed to effectively implement its recommendations, filling Muslim lives with more hardship and deepening underdevelopment. Based on the recently published NSS data (National Sample Survey, 2019), the authors further show that the efficacy in implementing positive discrimination towards Muslims has leveraged southern states ahead of their northern counterparts. As an instance, in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu, Muslims benefitted from the provision of a 12% quota within the Other Backward Classes (OBC).

4The second section, “Mobile Landscapes,” mainly focuses on comprehending the formation and format of the Muslim middle class. Tanweer Fazal, enriched with narratives collected from metropolitan Delhi and its suburbs, delves into the diverse manifestations of middle-class values and inclinations among contemporary Muslims in the postliberalization era. The trends of both upward and downward mobility can be seen among the Muslim middle class. Highlighting the entry of OBC Muslims into the category of the new middle class, he argues that “more than middle class locations – whether in professions, software industries, self-employed, and entrepreneur – social capital, cultural networks, and the historicity, and route of middle-class formation play a significant role in the shaping of values and norms” (p. 134). The prevailing overlap between class location and values associated with caste in the old middle class is also weakening, as many of his respondents from similar caste backgrounds now display distinct differences in taste, cultural preferences, and education. Similarly, Amir Ali explores the middle-class identity and the way it has been politically depleted or delayed. As a minority, the Muslim community’s aspirations—such as separate electorates, greater power to federal provinces vis-à-vis the central government, and some form of minority veto over crucial issues—are ultimately eclipsed by ascribing to a communal flag or appeasement. While it is true that Muslim elites tactically remained inactive for the cause of the community, the Congress party also outmaneuvered them by not offering significant positions and considerable attention. Consequently, the emergence of a politically influential Muslim middle class, one that could ameliorate their broader marginalization, has been delayed or disregarded over an extended period after the independence of India.

5The last section engages with the more insecure layers of Muslim marginality. Sumeet Mhaskar’s work on the former mill workers of Mumbai and Manisha Sethi’s examination on bigoted Julahas from Azamgarh (Uttar Pradesh) boths demonstrate how negative emotions and stigmatized images, mainly through media and the state, are streamlined to expel or sideline Muslims from the economy. Following the closure of the mills in Mumbai, Mhaskar observed a disproportionate representation of Muslim workers in lower-paid jobs and their underrepresentation in higher-paid sectors. He contextualizes this situation within the concept of Karahiyath (aversion) towards Muslims, pushing them to the dynamics of a ghettoized economy. In her nuanced study of Muslim men’s aspirations in New Delhi’s Jamia Nagar, Ashti Salman argues that even if the latter resort to self-employment, parameters such as a lack of resources, governmental discomfort and general apathy make their future bleak and fractured. As an extreme example of a witch hunt, Manisha Sethi documents how Azamgarh, once known historically for Muslim prosperity in the fields of education and economy, has been caricatured as an epicenter of terrorism following the Batla house encounter in 2008. By sketching out the life stories of three individuals from Azamgarh who were accused of a terrorist attack, Sethi reveals the systemic marginalization of the Muslim community, highlighting their incarceration and subsequent denial of access to employment, education, and housing. In the last chapter, Salah Punathil elucidates the plight of the Marakkayar Muslim fishing community in Southern Kerala, that has faced internal and external economic and social marginalization. It is shown that their prosperity from the ocean dwindled gradually primarily due to competition with the Christian fisherman community of Mukkuvar, as well as difficulties in adapting to new technologies, and a general lack of support from Muslim political leaders. Within the Muslim community itself, Marakkayars have encountered discriminatory anecdotes from Mappilas, a prominent Muslim community in Northern Kerala, further eroding their survival and progress.

6The book also takes into account the upwardly mobile trajectories of the Muslim community. Exploring the oceanic contours of Muslim merchants in Mangalore (Karnataka), a renowned port city, Shaunna Rodrigues focuses on how control over the coffee trade in the Indian Ocean had a significant impact on propelling Muslims to become an influential middle class in the contemporary period and that the historical specificity of trade dominance and connectivity must be considered along with the role played by Gulf remittances. Another instance of a mobile landscape can be discerned in a traditionalist Muslim group of Kerala, generally known as the AP fraction. M. S. Visakh and R. Santhosh contend that this Muslim community, previously resistant to modern reformist approaches, has progressed socially and economically by promoting the integration of religious and secular education. In addition, they exemplify this pace of transformation to point out the potential relationship between religion and neoliberal developmentalism, challenging the prevalent belief in their inherent antagonism.

7This book stands as a significant contribution to the discourse on Muslim marginalization and mobility in India, offering a comprehensive analysis that extends beyond the political dimensions typically explored in recent scholarship (e.g., Ahmed, 2023; Rehman, 2024; and Salam, 2023). Through detailed ethnographic case studies, it examines not only the impact of the so-called Hindutva-led witch hunts, but also the Muslim communities’ varied experiences of socioeconomic development and empowerment. By acknowledging the internal diversity and incoherences within the community, the book evades the risk of homogenization, presenting a more layered and differentiated understanding of Muslim identities and trajectories across India. While the book offers insightful observations on the sociology of Muslims in India, it regrettably does not include other regions deserving more scholarly attention in terms of mobility and marginality—such as the Northeastern states, which still remain on the periphery of Muslim studies. As a critical examination of the Sachar Committee Report (SCR), it would have been more engaging if it could have seriously explored the shifting patterns of the regions that the Sachar Committee identified as the most backward and deprived. The book, however, is of contemporary significance for its potential in unsettling and refurbishing the prevailing myths and stereotypes around Muslim life in India.