Skip to navigation – Site map

HomeIssues10-11Reanimate, Recuperate, Repair: Po...

Reanimate, Recuperate, Repair: Post-Independence African Archival Filmmaking and the Question of Restitution

Ranimer, recouvrer, réparer : le cinéma d’archive africain après l’indépendance et la question de la restitution
Reanimar, recuperar, reparar: a produção cinematográfica africana pós-independência e a questão da restituição
Nikolaus Perneczky
Translation(s):
Ranimer, recouvrer, réparer : le cinéma d’archive africain après l’indépendance et la question de la restitution [fr]

Abstracts

As calls for the return of Africa’s displaced cultural patrimony from museums and ethnological collections intensify, how does its similarly dispersed and sequestered film heritage fit into these discussions? Asking what current restitution debates might mean for Africa’s colonial and post-colonial audiovisual legacy, this article takes a historical approach to the question by examining archival films made in the aftermath of African independence. Specifically, I contend that the practice of African archival (or found footage) film-making is an inquiry into the conditions, possibilities, and limitations of moving image restitution. I examine three archival films produced in the 1960s and 1970s, locating them within struggles over the historical memory of colonialism and political contestations of the post-independence era. These works were some of the earliest African-directed films to employ found (still and moving) images. Their archival trajectories attest to the violence of objectification embedded in archival images and classifications, as well as to the seizure and destruction of archives by post-colonial states seeking to control the contested memory of independence. Across these cases, I propose a reading of African archival filmmaking as both restitutive and a critical interrogation on restitution: while materially reclaiming images that might otherwise have remained inaccessible, the films stage a formal inquiry into the reappropriation of archival images, exploring not only the possibilities entailed by their return, but also the conditions and limitations that shape their use. Beyond reclaiming archival materials, African filmmakers engaged archives as institutions: as sites where images are preserved, ordered, and selectively made available, and as spaces of enclosure and sequestration. My discussion moves from close readings of individual films to reconstructions of their historical production contexts and archival afterlives, demonstrating how the material conditions of archiving both shape and constrain possibilities of reappropriation. Therefore, I argue that a viable project of moving image restitution today can only take shape through a critical reckoning with colonial legacies (and post-colonial aftermaths) in audiovisual archiving.

Top of page

Author’s notes

Research for this article was undertaken as part of a Leverhulme Early Career Fellowship, supported by the Leverhulme Trust.

Full text

Data related to this article
“Post-Independence African Archival Filmmaking and the Question of Restitution: Discussion with 5 African filmmakers.”
https://nakala.fr/​collection/​10.34847/​nkl.e5a5451q
This data collection gathers the two transcripts of conversations led by the author with African filmmaker, also reproduced in the appendix to this article:
“Footage Lost and Found: A Roundtable on Africa’s Displaced and Silenced Film Heritage. With Jihan El-Tahri, Ali Essafi, Nii-Kwate Owoo and Jean-Marie Téno” (2023);
“Transcript of conversation with Suliman Elnour” (2025).

Introduction: An African Roundtable on Film and Restitution

  • 1 The online round-table “Footage Lost and Found: A Conversation on Africa’s Displaced and Silenced F (...)

1As calls for the return of Africa’s displaced cultural patrimony from museums and ethnological collections in the Global North are once again intensifying, what about its similarly dispersed and sequestered film heritage (Lore-Mungai and Pimenta 2021)? In 2023, I moderated a round-table conversation on this question featuring four contemporary African filmmakers, each with intimate knowledge of that vast and complex archival landscape.1 Known for archive-based documentaries such as Cuba, une odyssée africaine (Cuba, an African Odyssey, 2007), Egyptian-born filmmaker and producer Jihan El-Tahri has conducted extensive research in national and private film and broadcast collections across Africa, yet archival loss and uneven access often compel her to turn to image archives abroad, where costs can be prohibitive. Jean-Marie Téno, whose critically acclaimed essay films—from Afrique, je te plumerai (Africa, I Will Fleece You, 1992) to Une feuille dans le vent (Leaf in the Wind, 2014)—interrogate the enduring legacies of colonialism in his native Cameroon, has long repurposed footage from colonial propaganda films, which he initially acquired for a symbolic fee from the French Ministry of Cooperation and the French army’s audiovisual service, before austerity-induced budgetary pressures induced public archives to monetise their holdings. Ghanaian filmmaker Nii-Kwate Owoo, director of You Hide Me (1970)—a landmark work of militant cinema that helped catalyse an earlier restitution debate (see Savoy 2022, 11–15)—has witnessed the gradual erosion of Ghana’s audiovisual memory, from state-sanctioned archival destruction amid turning political tides through to neoliberal asset-stripping in the wake of structural adjustment. Moroccan filmmaker Ali Essafi, meanwhile, whose recent work has been dedicated to recovering silenced archives of Morocco’s Years of Lead, noted that in the Maghreb, inaccessibility is a greater obstacle than outright loss—though archival neglect and displacement have also taken a toll. All four filmmakers voiced concerns over the global dispersal of Africa’s colonial and postcolonial film heritage, as well as the limits of access and archival capacity on the continent, seeing both as deeply interrelated. Yet they were hesitant to embrace “restitution” as the appropriate framework for seeking redress. In their view, the single focus on return—whether through repatriation of physical image carriers or the provision of digital surrogates—only gave an incomplete picture of the problem. Instead, they argued for a broader reckoning with colonial legacies in audiovisual archiving, which would need to confront such diverse issues as the restrictive terms of access to African film heritage controlled by Global North institutions, the fragile state of film archival infrastructure in many African countries, or the copyright regimes that enclose images as intellectual property. Restitution in the narrow sense of repatriation, they agreed, failed to attend to the structural causes behind the ongoing dispersal and silencing of African film heritage and therefore ought to be complemented by forms of archival “reparation”: from skills exchanges, technology transfers, and capacity building, to the creation of independent archival networks and the reconstitution of lost archives through oral history and popular memory. In questioning the uses of restitution in relation to Africa’s audiovisual heritage, my interlocutors thus imagined a range of alternative archival futures. Inspired by their insights, and building on recent scholarship on the implications of the restitution debate for Africa’s colonial and post-colonial audiovisual heritage (Gabara 2023; Losch 2022; Perneczky 2023), this article extends and historicises the conversation through the lens of archival films made in the aftermath of African independence. More specifically, it proposes a reading of African archival or “found footage” film-making—a practice that reappropriates existing images from archival repositories or other sources (Baron 2014)—as a mode of inquiry into the conditions, possibilities, and limitations of moving image restitution.

2The demand for moving image restitution is nothing new. Already in 1958, Benin-born filmmaker Paulin Soumanou Vieyra called for the return of colonial and ethnographic films to the places and peoples they depicted (Perneczky 2022, 384–85). Relevant works should be returned to the continent, he argued at a Paris conference organised by the publishing house Présence africaine, where they would be entered into a shared film library to be transformed and reclaimed by editors-in-training, salvaging from these compromised depictions of the African past a reparative imaginary capable of restoring histories and orienting futures: “I think […] that among the short films shot by Europeans on Africa, there is already material for an African cinema” (Vieyra 1958, 116). In the following decades, amid ongoing liberation struggles, national reconstruction, and anti-colonial “worldmaking” (Getachew 2019), African filmmakers sought to establish a “counterhegemonic image-Africa” (Genova 2021, 74) in opposition to the scopic regime established under colonial rule—and film archives were a central arena of that struggle. This article revisits three archival films made in the two decades following Vieyra’s 1958 proposal, placing them in the context of struggles over the historical memory of colonialism as well as political contestations of the post-independence era. The three works presented as case studies were chosen because they are among the earliest African-directed films to make use of found (still and moving) images, and because their archival trajectories reflect the very displacement and silencing of historical memory that their creators struggled against. Guinean filmmaker Costa Diagne’s Liudi tantsa: monolog maski (Les hommes de la danse / Men of Dance, 1965), incorporates still images from a French-authored photobook on African dance and ritual performance to reanimate African masks on display in a museum in Moscow, where Diagne was a film student at the time—one of the first works by an African filmmaker (outside of newsreels produced by African states) to deploy such found imagery. Afrika, dzhungli, baraban i revolutsiia (Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution, 1977) by Sudanese filmmaker Suliman Elnour—like Diagne a student at the All-Union State Institute of Cinematography (VGIK)—draws on newsreel footage found in Soviet archives in an attempt to recuperate a self-determined image of Africa. Moroccan writer and filmmaker Ahmed Bouanani’s Mémoire 14 (Memory 14, 1969–1971), finally, salvages colonial-era archival footage from Morocco’s national film archive, seeking to repair the trauma of colonisation by retransmitting official history through the oral registers of popular memory.

3Together, these films trace an historical arc from the heyday of anti-colonial struggle in the 1960s—a period marked by Cold War competition and a first, abortive debate on restitution—to the disappointments and frustrations of subsequent decades. These changes are reflected in shifting paradigms of archival reappropriation: from the first archival films in the immediate aftermath of independence, which viewed colonial-era images as a distorted but indispensable mirror of societies undergoing rapid transformation, to later entries which question the coloniality of archival collections and institutions in defiance of their enduring claims on African pasts and futures. Across these three case studies, I propose a reading of African archival film-making as both restitutive and critically interrogating restitution. While materially reappropriating images that might otherwise have remained inaccessible, the films simultaneously stage a formal inquiry into the uses of reappropriation—not only the possibilities entailed by the return of such images, but also the conditions and limitations that shape their use. Beyond reclaiming archival images, moreover, African filmmakers engaged the archive as institution—as a site where images are preserved, ordered, and selectively made available—while also contenting with the seizure, sequestration, and destruction of archives by post-colonial national institutions.

4My argument here is twofold. First, I contend that the stakes of found footage film-making in the context of post-independence nation-building and cultural reconstruction cannot be fully understood through textual and formal analysis alone but must be grounded in the concrete archival encounters and materialities from which these works emerged. Expanding on prior theorisations of archival appropriation—from Jay Leyda’s (1964) groundbreaking study of the “compilation film” as historical witness, to more recent debates on the enduring power of the colonial gaze (Columpar 2002) and its potential subversions (e.g., Mulvey 2007, McMahon 2023)—my analysis of African filmmakers’ archival engagements is equally informed by theories that conceptualise the colonial archive not merely as a repository of objects but as an order of knowledge sustained by archival infrastructures and operations (Stoler 2009; Bogues 2011). Even within this broader perspective, however, the question of how self-representation might assert its claims from within an othering and objectifying imaginary must remain abstract unless linked to the archival realities filmmakers faced in the post-independence period. For this reason, my discussion moves from close readings of individual films to reconstructions of their historical production contexts and archival afterlives, demonstrating how the material conditions of archiving both shape and constrain possibilities of reappropriation. Second, and relatedly, I argue that the archival histories of these three films demonstrate how, in the context of Africa’s displaced and silenced audiovisual heritage, “the idea of restitution gets stuck in many places at once,” as round-table participant Jihan El-Tahri put it during our conversation. Their archival trajectories point to the violence of objectification embedded in archival images and nomenclatures, but also to the destruction of archives and the gate-keeping of archival infrastructure by post-colonial state institutions intent on controlling the contested memory of independence. Only through a critical assessment of these colonial legacies—and their post-colonial aftermaths—can a viable project of moving image restitution take shape today.

  • 2 See the appendices to this article (“1. Footage Lost and Found: A Roundtable on Africa’s Displaced (...)

5While Diagne, Elnour, and Bouanani each confronted the betrayals and frustrations of the struggle for independence, their work equally insists on the actuality of its unfulfilled promises. As such, their films have had a lasting impact on subsequent generations of African filmmakers. Indeed, it was Jihan El-Tahri’s (2018) own research on Costa Diagne and Ali Essafi’s writings on Ahmed Bouanani (Essafi 2013; see also Limbrick 2022) which first brought their work to my attention. Weaving together past and present image struggles, my conversation with El-Tahri, Essafi, and the other round-table participants has profoundly shaped the perspective of this article, which rethinks the problem of restitution not from the holding institution’s point of view but through the experience of African filmmakers as image claimants. Published as a supplement to this article,2 the round-table conversation not only serves to orient my discussion but also underscores the crucial importance of oral sources in writing film histories of the post-independence era.

Reanimation: Les hommes de la danse (Costa Diagne, 1965)

  • 3 This section of the article would not exist without the kind support of Gabrielle Chomentowski, who (...)
  • 4 “Regarde-moi dans les yeux, enfant d’Afrique, et ne sois pas étonné si mon visage te paraît marqué (...)

6In 1966, Senegalese president Léopold Sédar Senghor hosted the First World Festival of Black Arts in Dakar, which gathered creatives from Africa and its global diaspora in a celebration of Black cultural expression. Among the films awarded at the festival was Les statues meurent aussi (Statues Also Die, France, 1953), a French short documentary film made by Chris Marker, Alain Resnais and Ghislain Cloquet whose trenchant critique of the dislocation of African cultural heritage resonated strongly with festival attendees. A short film on the same subject by the young Guinean filmmaker Costa Diagne, Les hommes de la danse (1965), received a Golden Antelope, the highest distinction bestowed by the festival.3 Made while Diagne was a student at the All-Union State Institute of Cinematography (VGIK) in Moscow, the film takes the form of a conversation between an African student and a mask he encounters in an exhibition of African art—the figure of a past displaced by colonial plunder. Diagne himself happened upon this mask on a visit to a traveling exhibition at the Museum of Oriental Cultures (Chertok 1972); seeing African artifacts immobilised in museal array, he resolved to make a film that would reanimate them as a source of cultural self-determination. The script took inspiration from a short text by Fodéba Keita—then head of the Guinean National Ballet—published as a preface to a 1954 photobook, also titled Les hommes de la danse, by the French photojournalist Michel Huet (see Figure 1). “Look into my eyes, child of Africa,” Keita imagines a mask saying to him, “and don’t be surprised if my face looks like despair. Since I have been confined within the walls of this room, my eyes have grown dim, my once proud smile has disappeared, and my features have been frozen by shame” (Keita in Huet 1954, 7).4

7In a written commentary on the film Diagne submitted as part of his VGIK coursework, he described his own encounter with the mask as a merging of subject and object, present and past: “I was standing close to the mask behind the glass vitrine, and saw my eyes in its empty sockets. I wanted to melt into the mask, to reincarnate into it, to be the mask at different moments in history, to relive the past through it” (Diagne quoted in Chomentowski 2023). To bring the mask back to life, Diagne imbued it with a voice that directly addresses the African student. He also made deft use of cinematic technique, setting the mask in motion through camera movements, superimpositions, and expressive lighting. For the film’s frenetic climax, Diagne marshalled ethnographic photographs of dance and ritual performance. Through these kinetic images, the film re-establishes a link between the museal object abstracted from its surroundings and its former living context.

Figure 1: Frontispiece of the photobook Les hommes de la danse (Huet 1954)

Figure 1: Frontispiece of the photobook Les hommes de la danse (Huet 1954)

Image provided by the author.

8The photographs in Les hommes de la danse are taken from Michel Huet’s eponymous photobook; both the film and the book take their title from the final lines of Senghor’s poem “Prière aux masques” (“Prayer to Masks,” 1945):

  • 5 “They call us cotton heads, and coffee men, and oily men.

Ils nous disent les hommes du coton du café de l’huile
Ils nous disent les hommes de la mort.
Nous sommes les hommes de la danse, dont les pieds
reprennent vigueur en frappant le sol dur.5

  • 6 Though both film and photobook are vague on the exact location where these images were taken. (Huet (...)

9The men (and women) of dance pictured in Huet’s photographs, inserted into Diagne’s film, momentarily transport us back to the world from which the mask was taken.6 Relinking mask and dance, they restore to the motionless object its original function as part of a dynamic performance. As Diagne’s commentary goes on to explain, rather than convey some objective “knowledge” of the mask—represented in the film by the voice of a museum guide—his film aimed to elicit its “feeling” and “function.” While the mask speaks for itself, it does not speak on its own—or not until the African student’s “visions” invest it with agency. If musealisation flattens and freezes living things into images, Les hommes de la danse flips this logic on its head by using still images to undo objectification. The medium of photography, historically a conduit for the objectification and commodification of African art (Ogbechie 2014), thus becomes a force of reanimation.

10The centerpiece of the Festival of Black Arts was an exhibition of African sculpture featuring artifacts from many parts of the continent, with about half of the items on display on loan from European museums and ethnological collections (Ficquet and Gallimardet 2009, 143). The presence of so many displaced objects did not go unremarked. Though President Senghor sought to reassure his European partners—among them the French Ministry of Cooperation, which had co-organised the festival—that restitution claims concerning borrowed items “would not be tolerated” (Senghor quoted in Ficquet and Gallimardet 2009, 148), other African heads of state dissented from this view. Even if the artifacts assembled in Dakar were now part of “universal civilisation,” as Senghor was fond of saying, the question of their provenance and current ownership was raised both on the festival stage (see, e.g., Eyo 1968 [1966]) and behind the scenes (Vieyra 1984, 7). Demands for restitution, like that voiced in the West African periodical Bingo, were ultimately contained by a rhetoric of “cooperation” (Vincent 2016, 56)—a ruse that political actors in the Global North have been employing ever since (van Beurden 2015).

11Beyond the physical return of displaced artifacts, the question of their reanimation was just as hotly debated. In a speech at the colloquium that accompanied the festival, Martinique poet Aimé Césaire (2009 [1966]) mounted a critique of the “reification” (208) affecting the subjects of colonial rule, maintaining that “racism and colonialism were eager to transform the Negro [Nègre] into a thing” (210). The main exhibition of African sculpture at the purpose-built Musée dynamique shared with Les hommes de la danse a critical awareness of the objectification of African cultures under colonisation and the ambition to bring stilled objects back to life. While the curators relied on ethnological sources to describe and classify exhibits, wall texts at the same time avoided ethnology as interpretive framework, dispensing with didactic explanations. Instead, archival photographs, sounds, and moving images were incorporated into the exhibition design to recontextualise the objects on display and—with added dramatic lighting—accentuate their dynamic plasticity (Ficquet and Gallimardet 2009, 149). If these strategies bear a striking resemblance to those employed in Les hommes de la danse, that is because they were concerned with the same problem. How to reactivate African pasts not as frozen “tradition” but as living, dynamic cultural memory: in the context of post-independence reconstruction, this was not an academic question but a subject of political urgency (see, e.g., Stouky 2016 [1966]). For Soviet film critic Semen Chertok (1972), the inner theme of Les hommes de la danse was, precisely, the rehabilitation of national culture after independence.

  • 7 I am quoting from the English translation by Richard Philcox (2008).

12The power of photographic and filmic images to objectify has been extensively theorised under the rubric of the “gaze.” Although typically associated with feminist film theory of the 1970s, iterations of gaze theory can be traced to earlier anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles, as a means of analyzing the scopic regime that underpinned both colonial rule and the global colour line (Columpar 2002). Frantz Fanon, in Peau noire, masques blancs (1952), articulated the violence of a “white gaze” (90) that collapses his “body schema”—as he writes in the language of phenomenology—into an “epidermal racialised” one (92), effectively reducing him to an image externalised as “objective gaze” (ibid.).7 Where Diagne’s film exuded optimism about the uses of archival images in undoing this racialised objectification, Césaire’s talk at the colloquium struck a more cautionary note, warning that, “if we are not careful, Africa runs the risk of seeing itself only through the eyes of others and of looking back on itself with a petrifying gaze” (2009 [1966], 211).

  • 8 The production and circulation of Et vint la liberté is analysed in the current issue by Odile Goer (...)

13In 1967, not long after finishing his studies at VGIK, Diagne was appointed director of production at Syli-Cinema, Guinea’s national cinema parastatal. President Ahmed Sékou Touré’s socialist-aligned government, viewing film as an important tool for political mobilisation, had committed significant funds and personnel to this state cinema (Cousin 2017, 22), which relied heavily on archival footage for its initial productions. Drawing on Syli-Cinema’s own film and photo archive along with additional sources from the Institut national de recherche et de documentation, filmmakers were tasked with reclaiming Guinea’s past from the distortions of colonial history. The most widely seen of these archive-based “educational” films was … Et vint la liberté (… And then Freedom Came, 1968) by Sékou Oumar Barry. Broadcast annually by national television to commemorate Independence Day, the film charts Guinea’s path from anti-colonial resistance toward independence. It was through archival films like this, writes Jeanne Cousin in her study of Guinean cinema, that “the nation was able to rediscover the truth of its history and reclaim it as its own” (2017, 32)8. National reconstruction thus hinged on the reconstruction of Guinea’s archives, which had been decimated after the 1958 referendum, when French technical and administrative personnel ordered to leave the country were “directed to take with them or destroy all materials and archives” (Schmidt 2007, 170; see also Curtin 1960).

  • 9 Diagne’s film had been entered by the Soviet Union rather than Guinea, which was boycotting the fes (...)

14As Syli-Cinema’s head of production, Diagne held fast to the idea of a revolutionary national cinema focused on “the people’s struggle against colonialism and neocolonialism, for a better future, for a new man” (Diagne in Chertok 1972). His films, among them Huit et vingt (Eight and Twenty, 1967) and Hier, aujourd’hui, demain (Past, Present, Future, 1967), nonetheless did not always find Touré’s approval. Tensions had been brewing since Diagne’s return to Guinea, when Touré barred him from work for eight months as chastisement for his participation in Senghor’s Festival of Black Arts at a time of strained relations between Guinea and Senegal (Vieyra 1975, 107; see also Chomentowski 2016).9 Following the 1970 Portuguese assault on Conakry, Touré ordered a clampdown on alleged collaborators; foreign-trained professionals in particular aroused his suspicion. In 1971, the majority of Syli-Cinema staff were imprisoned “under charges of attempting to overthrow the regime and collaborating with foreign coup plotters” (Khalitova 2019), bringing film-making activities to a complete standstill. For seven years, Diagne was imprisoned at Kindia (Cousin 2017, 61)—part of the Guinean prison complex that is today known under the name of its central node, the infamous Camp Boiro. When he was released on November 22, 1978, he was left “physically handicapped, almost blind, with crushed hands because of torture, with a totally changed perception of revolutionary ideas” (Khalitova 2019, 167).

15Since Touré’s death in 1984, Guinea’s film heritage has suffered destruction, dereliction, and displacement. The memory of Syli-Cinema’s foundational contribution to African cinema was swept away as the country entered a new political era. Extant reels were discarded, burnt, or dipped into the Atlantic Ocean (ibid., 10). The 1990s saw the widespread privatisation of public assets, including state-owned films and movie theaters (Cousin 2018, 11). In 1999, the building that once housed Syli-Cinema and the national cinematheque was taken over by a new French-Guinean Cultural Center, the construction of which entailed yet another wave of destruction, with thousands of short and feature films buried in the mud, according to a witness interviewed by Cousin (ibid., 52). In 2005, the storage conditions for over three hundred remaining reels were judged to be so poor (as the premises were no longer climate-controlled) that they were burned on site. As may be gleaned from documentation a former state functionary presented to Guinean filmmaker Thierno Souleymane Diallo—seen in Diallo’s 2023 documentary Au cimetière de la pellicule (The Cemetery of Cinema)—the burned reels apparently also included an extant print of Les hommes de la danse. When Diallo asks veteran filmmakers and former officials about the whereabouts of another lost work, Mamadou Touré’s Mouramani (1953)—considered one of the very first films realised by an African filmmaker from South of the Sahara—he is invariably told to go looking in France. An analog copy of Les hommes de la danse remains in Moscow, along with other films by African VGIK students.

16What is left of Guinea’s film heritage today is dispersed across the world, following the transnational vectors of economic and technological dependence—through co-production arrangements and commercial laboratory services—or socialist and non-aligned solidarity—through the training of film cadres and technical assistance. Jeanne Cousin lists elements of Guinean films held in laboratories in Germany, Bulgaria, France, Morocco, Poland, the People’s Republic of China, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Switzerland, and the Czech Republic (Cousin 2017, 50). The restitution of Guinea’s revolutionary cinema would require extensive provenance research (Chomentowski, forthcoming) and the participation of multiple holding institutions. It would also require the reconstruction of archives and of archival capacity in Guinea amid political instability following the 2021 coup d’État—and the will to view the country’s earliest films as more than relics of a failed revolution. If Les hommes de la danse demonstrates that one condition for the restitution of colonial-era images is the undoing of objectification and musealisation, the archival afterlives of Diagne’s work suggest that this condition equally applies to the filmic memory of the post-independence period—a scattered and suspended archive, awaiting not only return but also reanimation and reconstruction.

Recuperation: Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution (Suliman Elnour, 1977)

  • 10 The historical reconstruction in this section is in large part based on an interview I conducted wi (...)

17Like Costa Diagne before him, Sudanese filmmaker Suliman Elnour was a student at VGIK, where he had been sent on behalf of Sudan’s cinema parastatal for training in film direction and cinematography.10 Though his scholarship was revoked in 1971, when Soviet-Sudanese relations soured after a failed coup d’État against President Gaafar Nimeiry backed by the Sudanese Communist Party, Elnour managed to continue his studies in Moscow from 1973 to 1978, with support from the Soviet-Sudanese Friendship Society—though not without raising the suspicion of Nimeiry’s regime. In 1977, as a student exercise, Elnour made Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution. The short film combines interviews with Soviet citizens, children’s drawings, and archival footage from the USSR’s Central State Documentary Film and Photo Archive in Krasnogorsk to confront Soviet perceptions of Africa. Stock footage of African fauna and flora, an ethnographic recording of dancers in front of a thatched hut, and other clichés of a generic and timeless Africa are juxtaposed with Soviet newsreel rushes depicting contemporary modernisation efforts and liberation struggles. Children’s drawings of wild animals and African masks are accompanied by a nursery rhyme from a popular Russian children’s book, warning of the dangers lurking in the bush. These African stereotypes are complemented by vox pops that Elnour gathered on the streets of Moscow: a young woman musing about the “authenticity” of African art, a man in military regalia pronouncing on the need for peace in South Africa, and a little boy who wisely opines, “People there are rich and poor.” The task Elnour set for himself was to convey an image of “Africa in Soviet eyes” (Elnour in Mahdi 2018 [1979], 41)—but also to reinterpret and resignify these found images from an African perspective.

  • 11 The American scholar of Soviet cinema Jay Leyda, who also authored the first book-length study of t (...)

18Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution was “born in the moviola” (Suliman Elnour, pers. comm., February 25, 2025). Drawing inspiration from his VGIK teacher Roman Karmen and other Soviet filmmakers like Mikhail Romm, who reedited films captured during World War II to give them a new political meaning, Elnour used montage to interrogate and reassemble Soviet representations of Africa.11 His professed aim was “to forge a new expressive form […] outside the framework in which they [the films] were produced” (Elnour in Mahdi 2018 [1979], 41). However, while Karmen’s support opened doors at the Central State Archive, Elnour describes feeling “caught” and “controlled” by the limited materials available (pers. comm., February 25, 2025). Sure enough, the finished film visibly struggles to move beyond the narrow perimeter delineated by the few, skewed images at Elnour’s disposal. The film’s paratactic title—listing recurring tropes without imposing a new order—reflects this sense of entrapment. Where images fail, rhythm comes to the rescue: echoing Les hommes de la danse, dance sequences are threaded through Elnour’s montage in an effort to realign the train of images with “the cadence of African life” (Elnour in Mahdi 2018 [1979], 41). By way of conclusion, a Russian-language narration, layered over images of industry and armed struggle and set to a pulsing jazz score, reemphasises the historical dynamism of a continent in the midst of social and political upheaval.

19The impressions of Africa that Elnour solicited from Muscovite passersby proved no less “stereotypical” (ibid.) than the archival footage he found at the Central State Archive. For Elnour, these sometimes awkward encounters also spoke to the “feelings of colour segregation” (ibid.) he and other racialised students experienced in the USSR. Among the foreign-made images he had to contend with was his own image as a Black man on the streets of Moscow: “Perhaps the camera, microphone, and black skin had startled them!” (ibid.) Elnour’s line of questioning aimed to both coax out preconceptions and undermine their apparent fixity, asking his interviewees, “Has your image of Africa changed from when you were a child to now?” (ibid.) It is no coincidence that Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution opens with a group of children. In colourful drawings that capture the children’s inchoate and malleable ideas, the film gestures toward a genealogy—or sociogeny—of the Soviet “image-Africa.” Rather than investing this image with new meaning, as Elnour originally intended, the film ultimately traces its formation and continual reproduction—despite the African “revolution” evoked in the title.

20For all its avowed shortcomings, Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution was also a programmatic work. In 1979, Elnour returned to Sudan and took up a position at the Cinema Section (previously the Sudan Film Unit) of the Ministry of Information and Culture. In a conversation in the Sudanese film journal Cii’nema recorded around this time, he pointed out the “enormous amount of archival film footage” available in Sudan dating from the independence period up to the present day. Exalting the “signifying power” of these archival images, he described their potential in the context of a national Sudanese cinema as virtually “limitless,” even as he urged reflection on the “mindset and motivations of those who captured them” (ibid., 41–42). Much like Guinea’s archive-based state cinema, Elnour envisioned a national film production born from archival images. This idea also echoed Vieyra, who in his 1958 talk proposed that found footage film-making—requiring neither studios, nor expensive camera equipment, nor exposable film—could serve an important transitional function toward the creation of a more robust cinema infrastructure capable of supporting feature film production. Elnour’s student exercise served as proof of concept for this transitional archival cinema, while also suggesting the limits and conditions of recuperation. In any case, the possibilities adumbrated by that early work were never realised.

  • 12 Only after the comprehensive peace agreement between North and South Sudan in 2005, ending decades (...)

21Back in Sudan, Elnour encountered severe restrictions as a filmmaker, first facing off censorious bureaucrats under Nimeiry (1969–1985) and later witnessing the wholesale suppression of Sudanese cinema culture under Omar al-Bashir’s Islamist regime (1989–2019)—a “harsh period,” as Elnour recalls (pers. comm., February 25, 2025), which forced close collaborators like Ibrahim Shaddad and Eltayeb Mahdi into exile. Only months before the coup that brought al-Bashir to power, Elnour, Shaddad, and Mahdi were among the founders of the Sudanese Film Group, an independent organisation dedicated to film-making, the training of young talent, and the ongoing transmission of Sudan’s film history. Their efforts to keep the memory of Sudanese cinema alive—including through publications, collecting, and the establishment of a publicly accessible library—were severely hampered during decades of repression that saw the archival situation of Sudan’s film heritage steadily deteriorate (see Figure 2).12

Figure 2: Image damage. Still from the restoration of films by the Sudanese Film Group

Figure 2: Image damage. Still from the restoration of films by the Sudanese Film Group

Image provided by Markus Ruff, Arsenal.

  • 13 Parts of Sudan Radio and Television Corporation’s archive have been digitised within the framework (...)

22In the mid-1990s, picture and sound negatives held by the Overseas Film and Television Archive in the UK, where films produced by the Sudan Film Unit had been sent for processing since colonial times, were repatriated to Sudan and stored in the Film Unit’s basement, only to be abandoned when the unit was disbanded in the early 2000s and incorporated into the Sudan Radio and Television Corporation. Sporadic digitisation efforts supported by partners in the Global North—notably a 2018 cooperation with the University of Bergen—focused on positive prints that remained in good condition, but the bulk of the negative elements, comprising an estimated twenty thousand cans, was left untouched (Shaddad 2024).13 When Arsenal Institute for Film and Video Art, a publicly funded film theater, distributor and archive based in Berlin, undertook the restoration and digitisation of selected works by members of the Sudanese Film Group in 2018, most prints initially came from the filmmakers’ personal collections. Later on, negative elements for several of the films were found in the commercial image bank of Associated Press (AP). They had been acquired by AP after the dissolution of the Overseas Film and Television Archive in London—without prior consultation of the films’ producers (Markus Ruff, email to author, March 4, 2025). Elnour had lost his own copy of Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution, but a scan could be secured from the original negative, which, like that of Diagne’s Les hommes de la danse, is held in Moscow.

23While Elnour would welcome the return to Sudan of this and the other films made by members of the Sudanese Film Group at some point in the future, for the time being they may be more safely housed in Berlin and Moscow. Since the outbreak of armed conflict between the Sudanese army and Hemedti’s Rapid Support Forces in April 2023—following the 2021 military coup that derailed the country’s democratic transition—what remains of Sudan’s film heritage has faced an acute risk of destruction. The compound housing the Sudan Radio and Television Corporation, where the surviving film and broadcast materials are kept, holds strategic significance and has turned into a key battleground. The fate of these holdings is currently unknown. Meanwhile, Elnour and other members of the Sudanese Film Group have fled to Cairo, leaving behind most of their belongings—though Elnour managed to bring his laptop and several hard drives containing digital files of his films and parts of his personal archive. Despite their displacement, the group continues its vital work with whatever means available, organizing a fledgling African film club and pursuing historical research, including a study that Elnour is preparing on “African cinema as an extension of oral cultures” (Elnour, pers. comm., February 25, 2025). Their efforts are hindered not only by their precarious status as Sudanese refugees in Egypt but also by limited access to relevant films, scholarly literatures, and other reference materials.

24Like in the case of Guinea’s revolutionary cinema, the precarious archival situation in Sudan restricts the feasibility of archival returns. The displacement of the filmmakers themselves—in addition to that of their films—further complicates the issue. Asked about the possibility of restitution, Elnour suggested a more complex scenario: one in which caretaker institutions in the Global North would grant access on mutually agreed terms while maintaining a long-term commitment to devolved archival sovereignty and the full return of ownership. In reality, sovereignty and ownership often remain murky in North-South archival cooperations—including those that use digital tools to “share” or “return” audiovisual heritage. Flora Losch details a particularly egregious case from 2010, when the French Institut national de l’audiovisuel (INA) handed over digital files of colonial-era films to a number of African governments without including in this symbolic action the rights of use, with INA charging 600 to 1,140 euros for each thirty-second image segment. Such enduring inequities in the digital realm need to be weighed against the possibilities opened up by digitisation—especially in relation to exilic archives such as Elnour’s. As Erica Carter and Laurence Kent (2022) have argued regarding the estate of his compatriot, the Sudanese painter and filmmaker Hussein Shariffe—which is scattered across private and institutional archives in Khartoum, Cairo, London, Oxford, Los Angeles and Berlin—the dispersal of archives through the migration or forced displacement of people calls for novel transnational archival “tactics” that engage multiple partners across borders and archival formats. Here, digital archival infrastructures can enable communication and exchange between the various nodes, share archival authority, and make materials accessible in multiple places at once.

Repair: Mémoire 14 (Ahmed Bouanani, 1969–1971)

  • 14 The working title of the second, unrealised archival film was Le Maroc en noir et blanc (Morocco in (...)

25The power of the state to shape and curtail historical memory again takes center stage in the archival encounters of Moroccan writer and filmmaker Ahmed Bouanani. Returning to Morocco in the mid-1960s after completing his studies at the Institut des hautes études cinématographiques (IDHEC) in Paris, Bouanani joined the Centre cinématographique marocain (CCM) as an editor. The national cinema parastatal oversaw not only film production, exhibition, and regulation but also the preservation of Morocco’s film heritage. In 1968, Bouanani was banned from directing and relegated to the CCM’s basement archive as “punishment” for his unruly city symphony 6 et 12 (Six and Twelve, 1968) and alleged communist sympathies (Bouanani in Akalay 2018 [2010])—though for him it was a kind of “paradise” (Bouanani in Pierre-Bouthier 2018, 301). Over the next three years, he sifted through the archive and compiled an inventory of its holdings (see Figure 3) while developing two film projects from colonial-era footage he uncovered there. One was outright rejected by his superiors; the other, Mémoire 14, survives only in the truncated form due to pressure from the state censorship board, whose head was also the CCM’s director.14

Figure 3: Inventory of the CCM’s colonial-era holdings

Figure 3: Inventory of the CCM’s colonial-era holdings

Source: Archives Bouanani.

Transcript and translation

CINEMATHEQUE   DOCUMENTS SUR LE MAROC DE 1930 A 1945    
PR. 1930 - 25-1   Elevage et agriculture   65 m.
PR. 1930- 33-1   La moisson au Maroc   65 m.
PR. 1930- 40-2   Industrie marocaine : poteries et tapis   125 m.
PR. 1930- 46-3   Exploitation des mines de manganèse de Bou Arfa    70 m.
PR. 1930-50-3   Aspects de Meknès   60 m.
P.J. 39 - 1930   Marseille : le Sultan quitte la France   16 m.
P.J. 40 - 1930   Le Sultan rentre à Casablanca x   15 m.
F.J. 50 - 1930   Le Sultan reçoit le président Doumergue à Fez et à Casablanca   212 m.
P.J. 51 - 1930   Doumergue assiste à la fête berbère à Djébel Hébride   101 m.
PR. 1931 - 2-3   Différents aspects de Fez   125 m.
PR. 1931 - 4-1   Elevage des moutons au Maroc   75 m.
PR. 1931 - 6-1   Fabrication de la bière à Casablanca   85 m.
FR. 1931 - 9-1   Le Haut Atlas et la vie des arabes dans les villages de montagnes   50 m.
PR. 1931 -11-1   Exploitation de ciment au Maroc   80 m.
PR. 1931 -15-1   Différents aspects de Tagger   60 m.
PR. 1931 -20-4   Quelques aspects de Marrakech   95 m.
P.J. 92 - 1931   Le Sultan à Paris reçu par le Président Doumer
Hotel de Ville - Arc de Triomphe - Exposition Coloniale - Mosquée de Paris   192 m.
P.J. 93 - 1931   Le Sultan reçoit des offrandes au cours de sa visite aux Halles de Paris   47 m.
CASABLANCA   1932 - Vue aérienne Casablanca - Aérodrome de Villa Cisnéros avec trafic aérien of courrier postal   161 m.
    à reporter :    1.699 m.

FILM LIBRARY   DOCUMENTS ON MOROCCO FROM 1930 TO 1945   
PR. 1930 - 25-1   Livestock farming and agriculture   65 m.
PR. 1930- 33-1   Harvesting in Morocco   65 m
PR. 1930-40-2   Moroccan industry: pottery and carpets   125 m.
PR. 1930-46-3   Exploitation of the manganese mines at Bou Arfa    70 m
PR. 1930-50-3   Aspects of Meknes   60 m
P.J. 39 - 1930   Marseille: the Sultan leaves France   16 m
P.J. 40 - 1930   The Sultan returns to Casablanca x   15 m
F.J. 50 - 1930   The Sultan receives President Doumergue in Fez and Casablanca   212 m
P.J. 51 - 1930   Doumergue attends the Berber festival in Djébel Hébride   101 m.
PR. 1931 - 2-3   Various aspects of Fez   125 m
PR. 1931 - 4-1   Sheep farming in Morocco   75 m.
PR. 1931 - 6-1   Beer production in Casablanca   85 m
FR. 1931 - 9-1   The High Atlas and the life of Arabs in mountain villages   50 m.
PR. 1931 -11-1   Cement mining in Morocco   80 m
PR. 1931-15-1   Various aspects of Tagger   60 m
PR. 1931 -20-4   Some aspects of Marrakech   95 m
P.J. 92 - 1931   The Sultan in Paris received by President Doumer
City Hall - Arc de Triomphe - Colonial Exhibition - Mosque of Paris   192 m.
P.J. 93 - 1931   The Sultan receives gifts during his visit to Les Halles in Paris   47 m
CASABLANCA   1932 - Aerial view of Casablanca - Villa Cisnéros Aerodrome with air traffic carrying postal mail   161 m
   To be reported:    1,699 m.

26With Mémoire 14, Bouanani sought to recover from historical records of the French Protectorate (1912–1953), the collective memory of a period of fierce popular resistance against central power epitomised in the Rif Wars (1921–1926), in which Berber tribesmen fought against French occupation. During the Years of Lead under King Hassan II, this history was deeply sensitive, as it paralleled his brutal suppression of the Rif Revolt (1958–59) following Moroccan independence. The censors reduced Bouanani’s original 108-minute film to just twenty-four minutes, demanding the excised footage be burned (Subin 2018, 24). A planned voice-over in Arabic, which would have rendered the film’s message more widely understood, was similarly rejected by the CCM. In wrestling with the colonial archive, Bouanani had to navigate both the violence of the colonial archive and the power of the state to define permissible uses of the colonial past.

  • 15 As Pierre-Bouthier shows, the last chapter of Bouanani’s dissertation at IDHEC was dedicated in its (...)

27Bouanani was disturbed by much of what he found. The footage he inventoried included countless propaganda films celebrating colonial modernisation, whose compound effect he described as “toxic” (Bouanani in Saïl 1981 [1973]). The earliest moving images of Morocco he was able to find depicted the scene of a massacre: the streets of Casablanca strewn with corpses after the city’s bombardment by Brigadier General Antoine Drude in 1907. The CCM had designated much of this colonial-era footage as “refuse,” consigning it to oblivion. For Bouanani, however, this toxic waste held crucial historical importance—as well as subversive potential against the Moroccan monarchy. The question remained of how to reclaim these “fragments of deformed reality” (Bouanani in Pierre-Bouthier 2018, 318). Like Elnour, Bouanani was influenced by Soviet montage techniques,15 but he also turned to Morocco’s rich oral tradition and its media of transmission—from poetry to popular theater—as sources for what Marie Pierre-Bouthier (2019) has conceptualised as a reparative “retransmission” of Morocco’s colonial film heritage.

Figure 4: First version of the poem Mémoire 14

Figure 4: First version of the poem Mémoire 14

Ahmed Bouanani. Source: Archives Bouanani.

Transcript and translation

MÉMOIRE 14 (poème)
je me souviens du matin des malédictions
les rues de la ville frappées à mort
le soleil parmi les livres vides et des maisons a bicyclettes
je me souviens
voici que l’histoire
se brise dans le vertige du sang voici
un conte se lève à chaque pas
comme un sarment sordide la chanson
met le pied dans ma poitrine
les cavaliers lépreux le serpent endormi dans la chaleur d’une femme la vipère transformée en ceinturon de soie du miracle millénaire je me souviens
voici voici que la forêt se met en marche
voici les arbres à chacun son prénom son état-civil sa généalogie
[deux lignes biffées]
voici que les montagnes
voici que les sources les fleuves les océans
voici que les déserts
s’arrêtent
au bas des remparts
plus
de chanson
plus
d’histoire
plus
la tête a rien
les ancêtres à des années-lumières de mes paroles
les ancêtres voyageant sur les porte-bagages
mes ancêtres horizon de sanctuaires et de peaux de moutons voici
voici le vent et le tambourin son compagnon
que dire du vent et du tambourin ?
voici les gens de 14 débraillés
le mort sur les épaules
des rois retardataires
à dos de cloportes
constructeurs de chaumes et de tôles

MEMORY 14 (poem)
I remember the morning of curses
the streets of the city struck dead
the sun among empty books and bicycle houses
I remember
here history
breaks in the vertigo of blood here
a tale rises at every step
like a sordid vine the song
sets foot in my chest
the leprous horsemen the snake asleep in the warmth of a woman the viper transformed into a silk belt of the millennial miracle I remember
here here the forest begins to move
here are the trees each with its own name its civil status its genealogy
[two lines crossed out]
here are the mountains
here are the springs the rivers the oceans
here are the deserts
come to an end
at the foot of the ramparts
no more
songs
no more
story
no more
interest in anything
ancestors light years away from my words
ancestors travelling on luggage racks
my ancestors horizon of sanctuaries and sheepskins here
here is the wind and the tambourine, its companion
what can be said about the wind and the tambourine?
here are the people of 14, dishevelled
the dead man on their shoulders
the late kings
riding on woodlice
builders of thatched roofs and sheet metal

28The foundation of Mémoire 14 was a poem of the same title, composed by Bouanani based on phrases and expressions from Moroccan popular poetry that he had collected while working as a researcher for the Institut national des arts traditionnels et du théâtre (see Bouanani 2016 [1966]). Poem and film were remaking each other in a process of reciprocal remediation: while the poem was “transformed into film images” (Bouanani in Boualem 1984, 54), it was also continually rewritten in step with archival discoveries and censorship constraints. Bouanani modeled this hybrid form, marrying archival images and oral tradition, on the figure of the halqa, a popular Moroccan poet or storyteller who gathers an audience in a circle (halqa means “circle” in literary Arabic). Positioning himself as the halaqat’s cinematic inheritor, he conjured a participatory space of collective imagining and confabulation (see also Essafi 2022a). Drawing the archive into the space of popular memory, the film thus remakes its logic of recall: history as told by the coloniser yields to a different reckoning with the past, rooted in the Islamic calendar—the film’s title refers to the 14th century in the Year of the Hijra, or the period from 1882 to 1978 CE—and the popular imagination.

29Recited in voice-over, Bouanani’s poem substitutes the temporal markers of secular historiography with the proper names of mythical time:

  • 16 “Years of the gazelle,
    years of the locusts,
    year of the sword and the canon,
    year of the fair season.(...)

Années de la gazelle,
années des sauterelles,
année du sabre et du canon,
année de la bonne saison.
Notre sang garde la saveur de la légende.16

30In addition to such poetic incantations of the people’s lived experience of the past, Bouanani used popular images—engravings and drawings of mythological figures—to recategorise the archival record. Close-ups of elderly peasants whom Bouanani encountered in the Rif villages of Chefchaouen and Ouazzane—old enough to have witnessed both uprisings—inscribe a history of stubborn peasant resistance. The expressive surfaces of their aged faces and hands, juxtaposed with village walls and rock formations that evoke the deep time of stones, supplement the archive but also disrupt its timeline—the linear time of progress and modernisation under the aegis of the state. Anchoring the colonial archive in the realm of myth, legend, and popular memory, Bouanani expands the circle of what can be remembered and how, while also wresting “archivability” (Mbembe 2002, 19) away from the sole authority of the state.

Figure 5. Film strip from Mémoire 14

Figure 5. Film strip from Mémoire 14

Ahmed Bouanani, 1971. Source: Archives Bouanani.

31If Mémoire 14 emerged from an expansive archival impulse encompassing film, oral traditions, and popular arts, it also bears witness to archival suppression and neglect. Ali Essafi draws our attention to the “scars and traces of the carnage [the film] underwent” (2013, 174), among them a freeze frame marking a missing scene, which Marie Pierre-Bouthier describes as “a scar, intentionally left by Bouanani, from the scissors of censorship” (2020, 52). Much of the footage salvaged from the CCM’s archive was severely damaged; additional material obtained from Gaumont and Pathé bore deep scratch marks. Through the inclusion of these traces of decay and neglect, the film becomes a “material witness” (Schuppli 2020): a physical index of the otherwise invisible violence of historical erasure. But working with this damaged material also entailed a work of repair: Bouanani had to patch up some of the footage almost frame by frame (Pierre-Boutier 2018, 341). More fundamentally, if Mémoire 14 mirrored “the disarray of popular memory, which seeks in vain to remember a painful and violent rupture” (Bouanani quoted in ibid., 393), its retransmission of that violent history through the collective memory of the people also pursued a reparative aim—corresponding to what Bouanani conceived as the filmmaker’s task of de-traumatisation: “to contribute with his modest means to the radical and systematic transformation of his society, with a view to building a world that is not traumatizing” (Bouanani in Saïl 2021 [1973]).17

32The CCM, established in 1944 still under colonial rule, continued after independence as an “extension of the palace” (Essafi 2013, 171). Its censorship and regulatory regime, too, were a colonial inheritance (Carter 2009, 45, 59). Mémoire 14 was an act of “archive-making” (Fouéré 2016, 84) in its own right: produced from the bowels of Morocco’s cinema parastatal, it prefigured alternative archival futures beyond the state’s reach. This work of unsanctioned archive-making continues today through a multitude of independent archival initiatives by filmmakers and cultural activists, many of whom cite Bouanani as a foundational figure (Essafi, 2014, 2022a, 2022b; Morin 2016). Le Collectif Bouanani, an informal network of the filmmaker’s family and allies working to preserve and make accessible his personal archive of Moroccan cinema and popular culture (Dornhof 2021), also hosts the online repository where many of the primary sources consulted in the writing of this section are accessible in digital format.18 If Bouanani’s reappropriation of colonial images in Mémoire 14 was an “act of piracy” (Essafi 2013, 174), he is now equally regarded as inspiration for the establishment of new archival institutions.

33Importantly, Bouanani’s film was part of a broader archival practice that saw the filmmaker collect, preserve, and record items related to Morocco’s film history and popular culture. Taking shape in a context of lost and suppressed memory, this practice was particularly attuned to gaps and absences in the archival record. Bouanani’s posthumously published chronicle of Moroccan cinema, La Septième Porte (2020 [1966–87])—itself salvaged from a fire that partially destroyed his archive—painstakingly documents what has been lost: from a group of short films made in the early 1970s that the CCM’s management abandoned in a Paris laboratory to his own unrealised works. Writer and curator Léa Morin, who has been part of the collective effort to preserve Bouanani’s legacy, evokes his commitment to “films lost, censored, banned, never made, prevented” (2024, 157). Following Morin (forthcoming), such efforts to restore to historical memory “films that don’t exist” can themselves be understood as a facet of restitution. Today this work of reconstruction is carried forward by Bouanani’s daughter, Touda, with the help of Ali Essafi, Léa Morin, Marie Pierre-Bouthier, and others.

34The losses documented in La Septième Porte also concern the films of the French Protectorate that form the material basis of Mémoire 14. As a historian of Moroccan cinema, Bouanani lamented that much of the country’s colonial film heritage was (and remains) held in France. Like Vieyra and Elnour, he saw its return as foundational for the Moroccan cinema to come: “We hope that the films of this dark period of our history—at least some of the more striking works—will one day form part of the collection of a national cinémathèque that is yet to be constructed” (2022 [1966–87], 12). If Bouanani, in this instance, argues for the restitution of Morocco’s colonial film heritage in the form of repatriation, his archival practice suggests a more expansive understanding of the term: as a reparative retransmission of the history of the colonial period that seeks to de-traumatise popular memory and reconstitute historical possibility—if necessary against the reason of the state and through alternative institutional frameworks.

Conclusion: Archival Filmmaking and the Question of Restitution

35In tracing the historical experience and archival afterlives of Costa Diagne, Suliman Elnour, and Ahmed Bouanani, this article has proposed a reading of their practice as a critical engagement with the question of moving image restitution in the post-independence era. I have shown that the formal interventions of African archival film emerge from concrete material and institutional conditionalities, which filmmakers responded to but also sought to overcome. Diagne’s reanimation of an ethnographic photobook in Les hommes de la danse took shape in the context of broader efforts—exemplified by the exhibition of African sculpture at the First World Festival of Black Arts in Dakar—to reclaim African pasts from the immobilizing effects of colonial musealisation. Elnour’s attempt, in Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution, to recuperate foreign-made newsreel footage through montage was constrained both by the limited availability of archival images and their stereotypical nature, resulting instead in an immanent critique of how the Soviet “image-Africa” was (re)produced at the time. Ahmed Bouanani’s Mémoire 14, finally, which sought to repair the disfigurations of the colonial archive by retransmitting colonial-era films through the relay of oral media and popular memory, was defined by its confrontation with colonial nomenclatures and the archive’s logic of recall—but also with Morocco’s censorious cinema parastatals under Hassan II.

36The second argument—that these material and institutional conditions compel us to reconceptualise restitution beyond the single focus on return—was traced both through the filmmakers’ archival engagements in the post-independence period and through their films’ archival afterlives up to the present. The continued dispersal and inaccessibility of Africa’s colonial and post-colonial film heritage, as seen in the cases of Guinea, Sudan, and Morocco, underscores the enduring coloniality of audiovisual archiving that African archival film-making sought to contest. Holding institutions in the Global North now increasingly treat sensitive or contested collections as a “shared” or “borrowed” heritage, but the access policies they put in place mask deeper structural inequalities. As my conversation with contemporary filmmakers Jihan El-Tahri, Ali Essafi, Jean-Marie Téno, and Nii-Kwate Owoo makes clear, digitisation has not resolved these disparities but merely displaced them onto new forms of institutional gate-keeping. Some key collections, moreover, have passed into commercial image archives that are removed from public accountability, where they are monetised as grist for the content-production mill. Access is further restricted by African national heritage bodies—many of which emerged from the institutional fabric of the colonial “gatekeeper state” (Cooper 2002, 5 and passim)—and threatened by the depradations of war. Any restitutive effort today must begin with a critical reckoning with these complex provenance histories and institutional realities.

37Given the ongoing struggle for moving image restitution (see, e.g., Bulane-Hopa 2011; Essafi et al. 2019), the archival encounters of the post-independence generation remain deeply instructive. The filmmakers discussed in this article did not merely seek access to images; they imagined restitutive and reparative futures for African film heritage in a broader sense: through an emphasis on alternative practices of preservation and transmission, borrowing from photography, montage, poetry, and oral performance to reclaim the power of previously silenced heritages; the reconstitution of works lost through damage or neglect; and the creation of independent archival spaces beyond state and institutional frameworks. Their experiences reveal that restitution, in the fullest sense, cannot be reduced to the return of archival materials but must also address the systemic conditions that have led to their displacement and erasure. Beyond the repatriation of displaced audiovisual heritage, restitutive archival practice must ensure that African filmmakers, archivists, and institutions have the capacity to access, interpret, and care for their cinematic pasts. Paulin Vieyra’s 1958 proposal, introduced at the outset of in this article, was prescient in this regard. In his vision, the return of colonial-era films was linked to the creation of regional centers for African film production and preservation, drawing on the technical and financial infrastructures of late colonial development. With independence firmly on the horizon, Vieyra envisioned a transitional program that would move from the logic of development cooperation and technical assistance toward increasing degrees of self-determination—archival and otherwise. The lasting lesson of his proposal is that the restitution of Africa’s displaced and sequestered film heritage cannot be separated from the enduring colonial entanglements that continue to structure global audiovisual archiving; that the struggle for restitution must be understood as part of a larger project of archival reparation—one of the many demands of the African revolution that continue to resonate today.

Top of page

Bibliography

References cited

Akalay, Aicha. 2018 [2010]. “Portrait: Ahmed Bouanani, le sang d’un poète.” TelQuel, January 13.
https://telquel.ma/2018/01/13/portrait-ahmed-bouanani-sang-dun-poete_1576304 [archive]

Balsom, Erika. 2021. “A Gorgeous Parade.” New Left Review – Sidecar, February 11. https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/a-gorgeous-parade [archive].

Baron, Jaimie. 2014. The Archive Effect: Found Footage and the Audiovisual Experience of History. London: Routledge.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203066935

Bedjaoui, Ahmed. 2020. Cinema and the Algerian War of Independence. Culture, Politics, and Society. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37994-0

Blaylock, Jennifer. 2022. “The Mother, the Mistress, and the Cover Girls: Ghana Broadcasting Corporation and the Coloniality of Gender.” Feminist Media Histories 8, no. 1: 102–33.
https://doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2022.8.1.102

Bloom, Peter J. 2021. “The Biopolitics of Media Currency: Transforming the Ghana Film Unit into TV3.” African Studies Review 64, no. 1: 57–70.
https://doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.79

Bogues, Anthony. 2011. “The Colonial Regime of Knowledge: Film, Archives and Re-imagining Colonial Power.” In Film and the End of Empire, edited by Lee Grieveson and Colin MacCabe, 277–80. London: British Film Institute.

Boualem, Mohamed. 1984. “Ahmed Bouanani: ‘Je suis encore à l’école primaire de la création.’” Le Message de la nation, no. 28: 53–54.

Bouanani, Ahmed. 2016 [1966]. “An Introduction to Popular Moroccan Poetry.” In Souffles-Anfas: A Critical Anthology from the Moroccan Journal of Culture and Politics, edited by Olivia C. Harrison and Teresa Villa-Ignacio, 46–55. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Bouanani, Ahmed. 2020 [1966–1987]. La Septième Porte : une histoire du cinéma au Maroc de 1907 à 1986. Rabat: Kulte Editions.

Bulane-Hopa, Seipati. 2011. “Repatriation: The Return of Indigenous Cultural Content.” Journal of Film Preservation, no. 85: 4–13.
https://www.calameo.com/fiaf/read/000918540270265706207

Carter, Erica, and Laurence Kent. 2022. “An Infinity of Tactics: Hussein Shariffe’s Archive in Motion.” L’Atalante. Revista de estudios cinematográficos, no. 34: 115–36.
https://web.archive.org/web/20250916180725/https://revistaatalante.com/index.php/atalante/article/download/988/736/4716

Carter, Sandra Gayle. 2009. What Moroccan Cinema? A Historical and Critical Study, 1956–2006. Lanham: Lexington Books.
https://archive.org/details/whatmoroccancine0000cart

Césaire, Aimé. 2009 [1966]. “Discours prononcé à Dakar le 6 avril 1966.” Gradhiva, no. 10: 208–15.
https://doi.org/10.4000/gradhiva.1604

Chertok, Semen. 1972. “Kino Chernoi Afriki: problemy i nadezhdy.” In Mify i realnost: zarubezhnoe kino segodnia, edited by G. Kapralov, 278–300. Moscow: Iskusstvo.

Chomentowski, Gabrielle. 2016. “L’expérience soviétique des cinémas africains au lendemain des indépendances.” Le Temps des Médias, no. 26: 111–25.
https://doi.org/10.3917/tdm.026.0111

Chomentowski, Gabrielle. 2021. “Décolonisations et cinéma : les étudiants africains en cinéma à Paris et Moscou (années 1940–1960).” Diasporas – Circulations, migrations, histoire, no. 37: 41–59.
https://shs.hal.science/halshs-03501538

Chomentowski, Gabrielle. 2022. “Caméra au poing et valise à la main : les mobilités étudiantes du Sud vers les écoles de cinéma de l’Est socialiste.” Cahiers du Monde russe 63, no. 3/4: 619–46.
https://doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.13277

Chomentowski, Gabrielle. 2023. “Costa Diagne et Les hommes de la danse.” Chimurenga, May 4.
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/costa-diagne-et-les-hommes-de-la-danse/ [archive]

Columpar, Corinn. 2002. “The Gaze as Theoretical Touchstone: The Intersection of Film Studies, Feminist Theory, and Postcolonial Theory.” Women’s Studies Quarterly 30, no. 1/2: 25–44.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/40004635

Cooper, Frederick. 2002. Africa Since 1940: The Past of the Present. New York: Cambridge University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511800290

Cousin, Jeanne. 2017. Histoire du cinéma en Guinée depuis 1958. Paris: L’Harmattan.

Curtin, Philip D. 1960. “The Archives of Tropical Africa: A Reconnaissance.” The Journal of African History 1, no. 1: 129–47.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/179711

Dornhof, Sarah. 2021. “Crossings of Heritage, Memory and Archives: A History of Moroccan Cinema in the Bouanani Archives.” Regards – Revue des arts du spectacle, no. 26: 85–110.
https://journals.usj.edu.lb/regards/article/view/655; https://journals.usj.edu.lb/regards/article/view/655/1000

Essafi, Ali, Jihan El-Tahri, Mohanad Yaqubi, Monica Maurer, Nabil Djedouani, Olivier Hadouchi, Elif Rongen-Kaynakçi, Kay Dickinson, Mahasen Nasser-Eldin, Rasha Salti, and Sara Gubara. 2019. “Liberate the Image: A Manifesto to Restitute Collective Memory.”
https://web.archive.org/web/20210728001437/https://themanifesto.documentary-convention.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Liberate-The-Image.Engl_.pdf

Essafi, Ali. 2013. “Missing Ahmed Bouanani.” In Sweet Sixties: Specters and Spirits of a Parallel Avant-Garde, edited by Georg Schöllhammer and Ruben Arevshatyan, 170–75. Berlin: Sternberg Press.

Essafi, Ali. 2022a. Widen the Circle! An Obscure Experimentation in North African Avant-Garde Cinema. Sharjah: Sharjah Art Foundation.

Essafi, Ali. 2022b. “A Brief History of Documentary Film in Morocco.” In Documentary Filmmaking in the Middle East and North Africa, edited by Viola Shafik, 115–32. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press.

Eyo, Ekpo. 1968 [1966]. “Preservation of Works of Art and Handicraft.” In 1st. World Festival of Negro Arts: Colloquium on Negro Art, edited by Society of African Culture, 577–87. Paris: Présence africaine.
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000190260

Fanon, Frantz. 1952. Peau noire, masques blancs. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.

Fanon, Frantz. 2008 [1952]. Black Skin, White Masks. Translated by Richard Philcox. New York: Grove Press.

Ficquet, Éloi, and Lorraine Gallimardet. 2009. “‘On ne peut nier longtemps l’art nègre.’ Enjeux du colloque et de l’exposition du Premier Festival mondial des arts nègres de Dakar en 1966.” Gradhiva, no. 10: 134–55.
https://doi.org/10.4000/gradhiva.1560

Fouéré, Marie-Aude. 2016. “Film as Archive: Africa Addio and the Ambiguities of Remembrance in Contemporary Zanzibar.” Social Anthropology 24, no. 1: 82–96. https://doi.org/10.1111/1469-8676.12282; https://shs.hal.science/halshs-01404568/

Gabara, Rachel. 2023. “Restituer: Sharing Colonial Films.” Contemporary French Civilization 48, no. 1: 7–26.
https://doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2023.2

Genova, James E. 2021. “The Colonialist Regime of Representation, 1945–1960.” Black Camera 12, no. 2: 29–60.
https://doi.org/10.2979/blackcamera.12.2.03

Getachew, Adom. 2019. Worldmaking After Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv3znwvg

Huet, Michel, and Fodéba Keita. 1954. Les hommes de la danse. Lausanne : Éditions Clairefontaine.

Khalitova, Asiya R. 2019. “From Socialism to Post-Socialist Trauma: ‘Pioneers’ and ‘Newcomers’ in the Guinean Film Industry.” In The Omnipresent Past: Historical Anthropology of Africa and African Diaspora, edited by Dmitri M. Bondarenko and Marina L. Butovskaya, 162–80. Moscow: LRC Publishing House.

Leyda, Jay. 1964. Films Beget Films: Compilation Films from Propaganda to Drama. London: George Allen & Unwin.
https://patrimoniofilmico.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Leyda-Film-Beget-copia.pdf [archive]

Limbrick, Peter. 2022. “Reconstituting Archives: Moroccan Cinema and History in Ahmed Bouanani and Ali Essafi’s Projects of Re-Collection.” Expressions maghrébines 21, no. 2: 153–69.
https://doi.org/10.1353/exp.2022.0026

Lore-Mungai, Marie, Pedro Pimenta, et al. 2021. The African Film Industry. Trends, Challenges and Opportunities for Growth. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000379165.locale=en

Losch, Flora. 2022. “Penser le rapatriement du patrimoine audiovisuel africain avec la recommandation de l’Unesco de 1980: les apports d’un vieux débat intergouvernemental (1974–1991).” Politique africaine, no. 165: 167–86.
https://doi.org/10.3917/polaf.165.0167

Mademli, Geli. 2022. “Inhabiting Silent Spaces: An Interview with Jihan El-Tahri.” Studies in World Cinema 1, no. 2: 165–75.
https://doi.org/10.1163/26659891-bja10008

Mahdi, Eltayeb. (1979) 2018. “The Real Cannot Be Subdued to Our Whim: A Conversation with Suliman Elnour.” In Saving Bruce Lee: African and Arab Cinema in the Era of Soviet Cultural Diplomacy, edited by Rasha Salti and Gabrielle Chomentowski, 39–43. Berlin: Haus der Kulturen der Welt.

Mbembe, Achille. 2002. “The Power of the Archive and Its Limits.” In Refiguring the Archive, edited by Carolyn Hamilton, Verne Harris, Jane Taylor, Michele Pickover, Graeme Reid, and Razia Saleh, 19–27. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-0570-8_2

McMahon, Laura. 2023. “Disordering Archives: Onyeka Igwe and Black Feminist Speculative Histories.” Screen 64, no. 4: 377–400.
https://doi.org/10.1093/screen/hjad036

Morin, Léa. 2015. “Algérie, Maroc, Liban, Tunisie : le silence des archives.” Journal of Film Preservation, no. 92: 69–77.
https://www.calameo.com/fiaf/read/000918540a35d44be268d

Morin, Léa. 2016. “Artists and Institution Building in Situ: The Case of Morocco.” In Future Imperfect: Contemporary Art Practices in the Middle East, edited by Anthony Downey, 61–73. Berlin: Sternberg.

Morin, Léa. 2024. “Les formes d’une archive.” La Revue documentaires, no. 34: 153–60.
https://doi.org/10.3917/docu.034.0153

Mulvey, Laura. 2007. “Compilation Film as ‘Deferred Action’: Vincent Monnikendam’s Mother Dao, the Turtle-Like.” In Projected Shadows: Psychoanalytic Reflections on the Representation of Loss in European Cinema, edited by Andrea Sabbadini, 109–18. London: Routledge.

Ogbechie, Sylvester Okwunodu. 2014. “Transcultural Interpretation and the Production of Alterity: Photography, Materiality, and Mediation in the Making of ‘African Art.’” In Art History and Fetishism Abroad: Global Shiftings in Media and Method, edited by Gabriele Genge and Angela Stercken, 113–28. Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag.
https://www.transcript-verlag.de/978-3-8376-2411-3/art-history-and-fetishism-abroad/

Pauthier, Céline, Odile Goerg, and Gabrielle Chomentowski. 2025. “Et vint la liberté (Sékoumar Barry, 1968) : réflexion autour d’un film en Guinée révolutionnaire.” Sources: Materials & Fieldwork in African Studies, no. 10-11.
http://journals.openedition.org/sources/3451

Perneczky, Nikolaus. 2023. “African Film Heritage: The Case for Restitution.” In Accidental Archivism: Shaping Cinema’s Futures with Remnants of the Past, edited by Vinzenz Hediger and Stefanie Schulte Strathaus. Lüneburg: Meson Press.

Pierre-Bouthier, Marie. 2018. “‘Pour un nouveau regard’ : gestes documentaires de résistance au Maroc, des années 1960 à nos jours.” PhD diss. Université Paris I.
https://theses.fr/2018PA01H034

Pierre-Bouthier, Marie. 2019. “Le montage en héritage : Ali Essafi, une autre histoire du cinéma maghrébin.” Entretemps : Revue numérique d’histoire actuelle.
https://entre-temps.net/le-montage-en-heritage-ali-essafi-une-autre-histoire-du-cinema-maghrebin/ [archive]

Pierre-Bouthier, Marie. 2020. “Non-dits, cicatrices, résistance : la censure cinématographique au Maroc dans les années 1960-1970.” Double jeu, no. 17: 37–54.
https://doi.org/10.4000/doublejeu.2724

Saïl, Noureddine. 1981 [1973]. “Entretien avec Ahmed Bouanani : ‘J’ai choisi la voix du mythe.’” CinémAction, no. 14: 223–25.

Salti, Rasha, and Gabrielle Chomentowski, eds. 2018. Saving Bruce Lee: African and Arab Cinema in the Era of Soviet Cultural Diplomacy. Berlin: Haus der Kulturen der Welt.

Savoy, Bénédicte. 2022. Africa’s Struggle for Its Art: History of a Postcolonial Defeat. Translated by Susanne Meyer-Abich. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv20hcs1p

Schmidt, Elizabeth. 2007. Cold War and Decolonization in Guinea, 1946–1958. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press.
https://muse.jhu.edu/book/6993

Schuppli, Susan. 2020. Material Witness: Media, Forensics, Evidence. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Senghor, Léopold Sédar. 1945. Chants d’ombre. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.

Senghor, Léopold Sédar. 1998 [1945]. “Prayer to Masks.” In The Penguin Book of Modern African Poetry, edited by Gerald Moore and Ulli Beier, 316–17. London: Penguin.

Shaddad, Ibrahim. 2024. “Sudanese Film Archive.” Unpublished report for the Sudanese Film Group.

Stoler, Ann Laura. 2002. “Colonial Archives and the Arts of Governance: On the Content in the Form.” Archival Science 2, no. 1/2: 87–109.

Stoler, Ann Laura. 2009. Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7rtrg

Stouky, Abdallah. 2016 [1966]. “The World Festival of Negro Arts, or the Nostalgics of Negritude.” In Souffles-Anfas: A Critical Anthology from the Moroccan Journal of Culture and Politics, edited by Olivia C. Harrison and Teresa Villa-Ignacio, 46–55. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Subin, Anna Della. 2018. Introduction to The Hospital, by Ahmed Bouanani, 7–35. New York: New Directions Books.

Tchouaffe, Olivier J. 2010. “Colonial Visual Archives and the Anti-Documentary Perspective in Africa: Notes on Jean-Marie Teno’s Films.” Journal of Information Ethics 19, no. 2: 82–99.

Thackway, Melissa, and Jean-Marie Téno. 2020. Reel Resistance: The Cinema of Jean-Marie Téno. Woodbridge, Suffolk: James Currey.

Underwood, Joseph. 2021. “From Dakar to Diaspora: The Festival Mondial des Arts Nègres as Nexus and Network.” In The Cultural Cold War and the Global South: Sites of Contest and Communitas, edited by Kerry Bystrom, Monica Popescu, and Katherine Zien, 129–46. New York: Routledge.
https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003133438-7-10

van Beurden, Sarah. 2015. “Restitution or Cooperation? Competing Visions of Post-Colonial Cultural Development in Africa.” Global Cooperation Research Papers, no. 12: 1–25.
https://doi.org/10.14282/2198-0411-GCRP-12

Vieyra, Paulin Soumanou. 1958. “Propos sur le cinéma africain.” Présence africaine, no. 22: 106–17.
https://doi.org/10.3917/presa.022.0106

Vieyra, Paulin Soumanou. 1975. Le cinéma africain : des origines à 1973. Paris: Présence africaine.

Vieyra, Paulin Soumanou. 1984. “Africa: The Images That Must Not Fade.” UNESCO Courier, no. 8: 7–9.
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000060720

Vincent, Cédric. 2016. “‘The Real Heart of the Festival’: The Exhibition of L’Art nègre at the Musée Dynamique.” In The First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar 1966: Contexts and Legacies, edited by David Murphy, 45–63. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. [Archive]

Vourlias, Christopher. 2023. “‘Is This a Nightmare?’ Shock and Outrage as South African Film Board Rejects Groundbreaking African Classic ‘Black Girl’ Over ‘Hate Speech.’” Variety, February 2.
https://variety.com/2023/film/global/south-africa-film-board-censor-ousmane-sembene-black-girl-1235510929/ [archive]

World Intellectual Property Organization. 1971. Guide to the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works. Paris Act, 1971. Geneva: World Intellectual Property Organization.
https://www.wipo.int/edocs/pubdocs/en/copyright/615/wipo_pub_615.pdf [archive]

Filmography

Barry, Sékou Oumar. 1968. …Et vint la liberté […And then Freedom Came]. Guinea: Sily Film. 40 mins.

Bouanani, Ahmed. 1969–71. Mémoire 14 [Memory 14]. Morocco: self-produced. 30 mins & 24 mins.

Derkaoui, Mostafa. 1974. De quelques évènements sans signification [About Some Meaningless Events]. Morocco: Basma Production. 76 mins.

Diagne, Costa. 1965. Liudi tantsa: monolog maski [Les hommes de la danse / Men of Dance]. USSR: self-produced. 20 mins.

Diagne, Costa. 1967. Hier, aujourd’hui, demain [Past, Present, Future]. Guinea. 45 mins.

Diagne, Costa. 1967. Huit et vingt [Eight and Twenty]. Guinea. 80 mins.

Diallo, Thierno Souleymane. 2023. Au cimetière de la pellicule [The Cemetery of Cinema]. France, Senegal, Guinea, Saudi Arabia: L’Image d’après. 96 mins.

Elnour, Suliman. 1977. Afrika, dzhungli, baraban i revolutsiia [Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution]. USSR: self-produced.

El-Tahri, Jihan. 2007. Cuba, une odyssée africaine [Cuba, an African Odyssey]. France: Temps noir. 59 mins.

El-Tahri, Jihan. 2008. Behind the Rainbow. France, South Africa, Egypt: Big Sister. 124 mins.

Essafi, Ali. 2017. Al bab al sabea [Crossing the Seventh Gate]. Morocco: Cinemaat Production. 80 mins.

Essafi, Ali. 2020. Before the Dying of the Light [Qabla zahf el-zhalam]. Morocco, France, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Spain: Cinemaat Production. 70 mins.

Gasmelbari, Suhaib. 2019. Talking About Trees. France, Sudan, Chad, Germany, Qatar, United Arab Emirates: Agat Films & Cie. 93 mins.

Julien, Isaac. 2022. Once Again… (Statues Never Die). Video Installation. United Kingdom.
https://www.isaacjulien.com/projects/40/; https://www.tate.org.uk/documents/1847/TB_EXH_0076_IJ_LPG_full_v2.pdf [archive]

Owoo, Nii Kwate. 1970. You Hide Me. Ghana, United Kingdom: self-produced. 17 mins.
https://m.vk.com/video642792594_456240224

Owoo, Nii-Kwate. 2024. You Can’t Hide Me: The Return of the Looted and Stolen Artefacts in the British and the Fowler Museum in the US. Ghana. 20 mins.

Resnais, Alain, Chris Marker, and Ghislain Cloquet. 1953. Les statues meurent aussi [Statues Also Die]. France: Présence africaine, Tadié Cinéma Production. 30 mins.

Sembène, Ousmane. 1966. La Noire de… [Black Girl]. Senegal, France: Filmi Domirev, Les Actualités Françaises. 65 mins.

Téno, Jean-Marie. 1985. Hommage. Cameroon, France: Les Films du Raphia. 13 mins.

Téno, Jean-Marie. 1992. Afrique, je te plumerai [Africa, I Will Fleece You]. Cameroon, France, Germany: Les Films du Raphia. 88 mins.
https://vimeo.com/ondemand/183759

Téno, Jean-Marie. 1994. La Tête dans les nuages [Head in the Clouds]. Cameroon, France: Les Films du Raphia. 35 mins.

Téno, Jean-Marie. 1996. Clando. Cameroon, France, Germany: Les Films du Raphia, Arte, ZDF. 98 mins.

Téno, Jean-Marie. 2014. Une feuille dans le vent [Leaf in the Wind]. Cameroon: Les Films du Raphia. 56 mins.

Touré, Mamadou. 1953. Mouramani. Guinea: self-produced. 23 mins.

Top of page

Appendix

Discussion with African filmmakers

1. Footage Lost and Found: A Roundtable on Africa’s Displaced and Silenced Film Heritage. With Jihan El-Tahri, Ali Essafi, Nii-Kwate Owoo and Jean-Marie Téno

Nikolaus Perneczky: Jihan, you are a producer, director, writer, visual artist, and educator, and you have been a filmmaker for many years, mainly of documentaries, among them Cuba, une odyssée africaine (Cuba, an African Odyssey, 2007) and Behind the Rainbow (2008). In all these sundry capacities, you have been piecing together untold and erased histories from all parts of the African continent and its diaspora, often from an explicitly pan-African perspective, and much of it based on rare historical footage sourced from archives in Africa, Europe, and elsewhere in the world. At the 2022 Berlin Biennale, you presented an installation work entitled “Complexifying Restitution” that included a found footage film comprising fragments of archival images with superimposed price tags, which displayed the prohibitive costs of licensing these same images. That work raises and at the same time complicates the question of moving image restitution, which also happens to be the purpose of this conversation. To get us started, could you tell us about some notable archival encounters you have had over the course of your long and varied career? What drew you to the archive in the first place? And following on from there, what challenges have you faced in accessing and licensing film footage of Africa’s colonial and postcolonial past? Finally, what led you to foreground the image struggles that you have been fighting behind the scenes for quite some time now in your more recent work?1

Jihan El-Tahri: My first encounter with archives was rather odd. From the age of fifteen, I was obsessed with flea markets, and in my youth, I would go to this Tuesday market in Egypt where they used to sell film cans—it was the cans rather than the films that were worth money. The market vendors would take out the celluloid, throw it away, and sell the can, and I would collect the celluloid they had discarded, ending up with a massive roll of God-knows-what. I was intrigued as I didn’t have a light box to view the celluloid and see what was there. One day when I went to pick up the celluloid, I found the vendors hadn’t thrown it away. Somebody told me they had made a deal with the jewelers who came to take it all: they would melt down the celluloid and take the silver out of it for jewelry. I think that was a real turning point for me: the sudden realization that these images would no longer exist, that they would be turned into trinkets. I began asking myself how to use those images, how to find out what was in them, how to save them somehow—that formed part of my consciousness, long before I became a filmmaker. Indeed, my very first job was as a photographer, so initially it was the single frame rather than the moving image that interested me. Challenges emerged as soon as I had decided to work with the archive. In the mid-1980s, this idea seemed strange to many. It was understood that you only worked with the archive if you had no other alternative. Seeking access to archives as part of a film project was seen as an unreasonable request. What I really wanted to do was to go beyond the colonial archive. My first objective was to seek out the places from which I was telling the story, that is to say, I tried to find archival material either in people’s homes or to get access to the archives of what were by then national television or cinema parastatals, which turned out to be extremely challenging. I realized fairly quickly that I wouldn’t be able to work exclusively from locally sourced images; that I would have to combine them with archives abroad. And yet my quest was always to find ways to minimize the part taken up by the colonial archive. That said, accessing Western archives wasn’t always that prohibitive. When I started out as a filmmaker in the 1980s, all you had to pay were transfer fees, because nobody really thought these collections were worth anything. There has been a real transformation in the past twenty years, whereby archives have become valorized as assets. At the other extreme, I would spend twelve, thirteen, sometimes eighteen months begging our own national archives to let me in. And then, when you’re finally admitted and start looking around, termites jump into your face as soon as you open those boxes and cans. It’s very disheartening. I think the biggest challenge for a filmmaker lies in learning how to recognize the importance of continuing that struggle, despite those disappointments. And to keep the focus on why you believe it is important, because if you lose sight of that, it’s just not worth it. I remember a visit to a Congolese archive, where I struck a deal with the custodian to grant me a peek at their holdings in exchange for my labor: I spent many hours logging what was in there, just to be let in. And every time I thought I had found what I was looking for, the contents turned out to be completely disintegrated. I fainted at least three times because of the nitrogen. You just go out cold. It’s a real undertaking. You have to believe that it’s important to go on.

Nikolaus Perneczky: I’m struck by your anecdote of the silver extracted from discarded celluloid, because it articulates two sides of your experience which may otherwise seem disconnected: the pervasive neglect of film heritage on the one hand, and its substantial monetary value on the other. I would now like to turn to Jean-Marie Téno, who is one of the most notable documentary filmmakers working today. Jean Marie, you have been making essay films on the colonial and postcolonial history of Africa and your native Cameroon for over thirty years, in addition to the narrative feature Clando (1996).2 In many of your films, but perhaps most prominently in the critically acclaimed Afrique, je te plumerai (Africa, I Will Fleece You, 1992), you quote archival footage from the colonial era, ranging from newsreels to other kinds of colonial propaganda.3 It is important to note that in Francophone West Africa, these are frequently the only moving images to survive from that period, since under French colonial rule Africans were effectively barred from making films of their own.4 How did you come about the images used in Afrique, je te plumerai? How did you gain access, on what terms were you granted right of use, and—picking up on Jihan’s remark that obtaining archival films used to be less onerous—have you observed any notable changes regarding access to archives in the intervening thirty-plus years?

Jean-Marie Téno: I tell stories, and when I tell stories that have a relationship to the past, I look for material that exists of that time, wherever I can find it. It is true that the colonial archive was all I had at first. In fact, we do also have newsreels from Cameroon, but most of these were processed in France and stocked by Pathé. At one point, I believe it was towards the end of the 1980s, there was a big debate as Pathé wished to grant the Cameroonian government some degree of access to all the newsreels dating back to the Independence era. But nobody wanted to take responsibility. We approached the Ministry of Culture, but they were not really interested. They looked at these newsreels, which had been shot in Cameroon and were then sent to France to be processed, edited, and fitted with a patronizing French voice-over. Most of these newsreels were of the President inaugurating this or that building, but they are valuable images regardless. Yet the Cameroonian Ministry of Culture didn’t bother to claim this archive. I’m not sure what has become of it.5 For my part, I first encountered archival footage while working on a short film called Hommage (1985). I realized then that the French Ministry of Cooperation had made a film in Cameroon documenting the moment of Independence. I went there and said, “I need some of his footage,” and they just handed over the print, adding they would be happy for me to make a copy, which is what I did. And I’ve been using this exact 16 mm footage of Cameroonian Independence ever since, in all my films from Hommage to Afrique, je te plumerai (1992) to La Tête dans les nuages (Head in the Clouds, 1994) and on to Une feuille dans le vent (Leaf in the Wind, 2014). One might say that this footage suddenly became my property, because nobody at the time wanted to claim it and there was no copyright. So I just took what interested me and kept using it over and over. When I was looking for additional footage for Afrique, je te plumerai, someone told me there was a lot of material at the French army’s audiovisual service. In 1991, when I was working on that film, the army was in the process of reorganizing its archive. It was students doing their military service who were charged with this reorganization, sorting and labeling all this footage, which was not only of Africa but from all parts of the world, everywhere the French army had been on this globe. When I sought out this archive, I was told they were still reorganizing their collections, but that I could go and meet these young people who were doing all the real work—and so I did. I told them I’m planning a film on the history of Cameroon and would like to see what had been filmed by the army. They gathered all the relevant footage they could find, much of which they had never seen themselves. What was interesting is that these young men, in their early twenties, were shocked when they finally did take a look at this footage, because the voice-over commentary was so condescending, so horrible. Every time I visited, they enthusiastically showed me all the horrible things they had found. After around a month of weekly visits, it was time for me to leave. I asked how much it was going to cost, and they said: “We have no idea. These are your images, we cannot charge you for them.” But when they asked their supervisor, he objected: “You can’t give it to him for free!” In the end we made a deal based on a flat fee of something around 1,000 French francs. It was a symbolic amount, and I paid, in exchange for all the material I needed. I left with almost one hour of colonial-era footage. I didn’t keep all of it, which was a big mistake. I don’t even know where all of it is today. I used what interested me in Afrique, je te plumerai, not realizing how important all this footage would become. When the French army was done reorganizing their archive, I had been priced out: I could no longer afford to license any of it. In 1991, when I came to London to work on an edit of the film with Black Audio Film Collective, a lady working at the British Film Institute (BFI) told me they also had some colonial-era footage from Cameroon, shot by a German cinematographer. This film had been taken from the Nazis during the war, and no credits were attached. I was given this footage, showing familiar places in Cameroon, and used it in the film. When the film aired on television, the wife of the German cinematographer recognized herself in some of the images and contacted me to say she had more. At that time, I didn’t know where to store it all, so I approached people I thought might be able to help, but to no avail. That was in 1992. I already had all the elements I needed for the film. Beyond what the story requires, frankly, I wasn’t not too concerned with the question of the archive. Today I am trying to archive and preserve my own footage. When I recently showed a film I made thirty-five years ago, people were asking if it is preserved in some archive. In truth it’s all kept in Cameroon, but there are many issues, not least the difficult climatic conditions. In sum, my relationship to archival images is rather pragmatic. I will use them if they help me address issues that are unresolved or to illuminate a moment in time. That’s what is important to me. In my more recent work, I’ve been focusing more and more on the present, but of course the archive keeps coming back. Now that I started a program training young people in Cameroon to tell stories about the country’s cultural heritage, I am again confronted with these questions.6 And because there is no archive in Cameroon—apart from some paper archives that are in a very poor state—audiovisual archival documents are almost non-existent. Television stations have kept very little of their own history. Most film materials were discarded. The cans are languishing in some basement and are no longer usable. It’s a very complex and heartbreaking situation, because things are not really changing. People are not preserving what we have, so I feel quite lost when it comes to this question of archives. One thing I would like to add by way of conclusion is that when I reclaimed all these archival images from the colonial era, I used them in a deconstructive way, letting them say everything they were saying at the time, but adding to that a counter-discourse. In Afrique, je te plumerai I retained everything the material was saying, reflecting the mentality of those behind the camera. But on top of that I layered my own narration, my own voice, to counter this mentality and express how I feel about it. I was letting the viewer understand where we came from, and what kind of relationship colonial cinema produced between those who were filming and those who were filmed.

Nikolaus Perneczky: My next question is for Ali Essafi. Ali, you are a documentary filmmaker and a visual artist born in Morocco and based in France. Your work straddles the festival circuit and contemporary art spaces; more recently, following in the footsteps of your ancestor, the Moroccan author and filmmaker Ahmed Bouanani, you have also become a film historian.7 Wearing these different hats, you have been on an archival spree for some time now. Your last two films, Al bab al sabea (Crossing the Seventh Gate, 2017) and Before the Dying of the Light (2020), take the viewer on a deep dive into the history of Moroccan film culture. The first film is an homage to Bouanani, who not only wrote the first history of Moroccan cinema but has also worked with archival footage as a filmmaker, and was himself a kind of “living archive” of Moroccan culture;8 the second recounts the history of Morocco’s Years of Lead, the repressive rule of King Hassan II from the 1960s to the 1980s, as told through images you’ve gleaned from the archive of Moroccan cinema. The Moroccan Film Centre (Centre cinématographique marocain, CCM), which was founded in 1944, holds Moroccan films, films made in Morocco under the French Protectorate, and African films from other countries such as Senegal and Mali. These important collections are in urgent need of restoration and conservation, but they are also notoriously difficult to access, owing to institutional gatekeeping and a long history of authoritarian rule that has also led to a dispersal of Moroccan film heritage. The footage you use in your archival documentary on the Years of Lead is taken from Mostafa Derkaoui’s About Some Meaningless Events (1974), a film that was suppressed in 1974 but has returned to us now via Spain, where surviving prints were found some years ago and have since been restored by the Filmoteca de Catalunya.9 Could you tell us about what drew you to the archive of Moroccan cinema in the first place? What are the specific challenges that you were confronted with as a filmmaker working with state archives that are difficult to access? Finally, what have you discovered on your long—and ongoing—archival journey about the current situation of Morocco’s film heritage?

Ali Essafi: I’m taken aback by your question because only fifteen years ago I was completely disconnected from the archive, like so many people in Morocco and in North Africa more generally. I would never have imagined that one day I would be making a film based entirely on archival footage. I first came to the archive by accident. When I made my first films in France, where I got my training, I quickly understood that to advance in my creation, it was not enough for me to know the “universal” history of cinema alone; that it was essential to also know the cinema of the country I came from, the sociocultural background to which I belong. But at the beginning of this new century, that heritage was not really circulating for all to see. There was relatively little information available about the history of Moroccan cinema. I simply needed to know—for my own creative process, to understand where I come from. Just like everywhere else in the world: you couldn’t imagine a young filmmaker in Germany studying their craft without getting to know Fassbinder or Fritz Lang. For my first film, Général, nous voilà! (1999), about Moroccan veterans of the French colonial army, I didn’t use a single archival image, because conventional archival filmmaking bored me and I wasn’t yet aware of more experimental approaches. When I decided to return to Morocco’s film history, I had only vague recollections of one film by Ahmed Bouanani, whom you mentioned before. So I went looking for Ahmed, which was not easy but easier than finding films from that era. Ahmed was completely marginalized then. I couldn’t find a single picture of him on the web. It was by chance that I finally found him. I had the good fortune of learning with him during the last three years of his life. [Bouanani passed away on February 6, 2011.] At that time, I didn’t know he had done all this amazing research, collecting memories of folk art and everything to do with culture, including Moroccan cinema. I wasn’t aware Ahmed had spent twenty years writing a book about Moroccan cinema that no one wanted to publish, La Septième Porte: Une histoire du cinéma au Maroc de 1907 à 1986. After he passed away, I discovered his huge oeuvre while helping his wife Naïma and his daughter Touda to save what remained of Ahmed’s personal archive after his apartment had been ravaged by a fire. Much was lost, but there was also a lot we were able to save. Among other things, we found the manuscript of his book, which became my bible, allowing me to get inside the complex history of filmmaking in Morocco. In 2020, the book was finally published, in French and in Spanish. It then proved very difficult to follow this guide and gain access to the films themselves. I used everything possible, even pirated and stolen materials, and I shared what I found with many people at various organizations and festivals in Morocco and especially outside the country. The interest from outside Morocco, the fact that these works were being screened all over the world, made the local institutions appreciate their importance. I would like to add that, when I think about “audiovisual heritage,” it is not only the films that matter but also other historiographic source materials, from images and sounds to paper fragments, the whole history from which these films emerged. As Jean-Marie said, as filmmakers our role is to tell a story. Working in this postcolonial era of ours which has witnessed a huge but often silenced struggle around representation, we have a big responsibility within that struggle to try to make our daily lives less traumatizing, and to identify some elements to take forward into the future. For me this is not only about cinema, it’s about life itself. It’s about today, about memory, about the things that are urgently needed for us to move forward—not only us artists but the people as a whole. What I discovered over the course of my journey is that, unlike the archival situation in other African countries, what remains in archives in Morocco and elsewhere in North Africa is very substantial. These archives are important to let us see what we have made of our history, in the colonial era and after. Before embarking on this research, like so many people, I was lacking in historical understanding of the journey we have made collectively, which is a cornerstone of true democracy. Like the Moroccan people, the country’s archives have been imprisoned. That’s why in Before the Dying of the Light, I juxtapose archival footage with the story of a political activist’s heroic escape from prison. When I first discovered these pioneering works of the Moroccan post-independence generation, I found them so powerful and modern that I gave up filmmaking for at least seven years. I liberated those archives, but they in turn liberated me: my way of thinking, of making films, of making art. To my big surprise, the elites of this country—intellectuals, academics, artists—have no regard for the importance of the archive. They’re all convincing themselves it’s something that belongs to the state, that we can’t demand to see it or protest its sequestration. The few people who tried didn’t succeed. The way I see it, the need for archives, for memory, doesn’t come from the state, it must come from the base, from the people.

Nikolaus Perneczky: This is something your work has in common with Bouanani’s: you both proffer an expansive notion of the archive inclusive of popular memory and modes of oral transmission that are not so easily captured by the state. Our final speaker is Ghanaian filmmaker, producer, and academic Nii-Kwate Owoo. In 1970, Kwate made a short documentary called You Hide Me, which uncovered a trove of looted Asante artifacts concealed in plastic bags and wooden boxes in the basement of the British Museum. In this landmark work of militant cinema, Kwate, you forcefully argue the case for returning these artworks to their communities of origin. Bénédicte Savoy, in her 2022 Africa’s Struggle for Its Art, has hailed your film as a watershed moment in the history of restitution. In the past several years, as the restitution debate is once again intensifying, You Hide Me has been rediscovered by audiences all over the world. In the more than fifty years since the film’s original release, you have kept very busy. You have been a film producer and director, a managing editor at Ecrans d’Afrique, and head of the Media Research Unit at the University of Ghana’s Institute of African Studies. But the looted artifacts you found in the basement of the British Museum have never stopped speaking to you. Right now, you are working on a documentary on the history of the Asante Empire, a project which again brought you face to face with Africa’s displaced cultural heritage. The Asante empire goes back to the early eighteenth century, long before the invention of photographic media, so in order to illuminate this history, you have been searching for other kinds of traces, leading you to museums and archives in the Global North, where much of this cultural legacy—from artifacts to historical documentation—is being kept today. Could you tell us a bit about this project in particular? What has been your experience researching the Asante empire? And what hurdles have you encountered in trying to bring this history to the screen?

Nii-Kwate Owoo: I must pay tribute to June Givanni, who in 2020 had the foresight to organize a series of online panels commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of You Hide Me. This program series galvanized interest in the film, and now there’s renewed demand for it from all over the world. Unlike my three colleagues, I have not been directly engaged with archival film. But interestingly enough, I have accidentally created an archive of my own. When I was at the Institute of African Studies at the University of Ghana I had my own camera, and so many things were going on around that time. Starting with Kwame Nkrumah’s overthrow in February 1966, we saw three different military regimes. With my camera I tried to record student activism and other political activities. Now I have over 250 hours of recordings I made during that period in Ghanaian history, which I am in the process of digitizing so that I may access it as an archive. When the Gold Coast Film Unit was taken over by Nkrumah’s regime after independence, the old film collections previously held by the British were preserved by the new Ghana Film Corporation. Unfortunately, when a Malaysian media company took over the Ghana Film Corporation’s holdings, they turned off the air conditioning and all that footage, 16 and 35 mm, was destroyed.10 To make matters worse, under Jerry Rawlings’ regime (1981–2001) a fire broke out at the Ghana television studio, which was attached to an archive, again leading to the massive destruction of archival assets.11 Not too long ago, I asked the BFI’s Head Curator Robin Baker whether they had any archival material from the British colonial period. I was amazed by the list he sent me in response. It contained footage going back as far as 1925. All of these films, with their pompous and ridiculous titles, nonetheless represent to me an amazing discovery, which I want to share with my colleagues in the Ghana film industry today. Because our own archives of this period are lacking, this list of archival materials dating from the 1920s all the way to 1960 is of great importance. We should be acquiring all of it, the question is how. I hope the BFI is listening. Because how were these images acquired by the British colonial regime in the first place? They used the resources of the Gold Coast. This material has been preserved, but it’s not in our hands. I would be grateful to any institution willing to support requests for the return of such collections. For a documentary commissioned by the Institute of African Studies on the death, burial, and installation of the Asante king who had just passed away, I made do without archival material, by having his history narrated by Asante historians and cultural activists. My own project, titled “Asante Kingdom of Gold,” is on standby at this time for lack of funding. We’ve solicited an endorsement from the current King of Asante in an effort to raise funds. For a project on the history of slavery that I am also working on, which is currently in post-production, I have been gathering footage for twenty years or so, much of it in the United States, where I interviewed African American academics and activists. I have accumulated over twenty-two hours of footage overall, another archive in need of care. Meanwhile, You Hide Me has itself become an archive in a way: a lot of people have reached out to me asking to reuse those images I brough back from the basement of the British Museum.12

Nikolaus Perneczky: Listening to the four of you, I feel there is a common thread in the importance you attribute to oral history as ways to move beyond the past as archived, but also to make up sequestered, derelict, or suppressed archives. What stands out to me as well is the sheer complexity of the archival landscape of African film heritage across the continent. This complexity should make us wary of generalizations, but I still would like to ask you a very general question. Given the displacement and sequestration of a substantial part of Africa’s film heritage, is it time for us to talk about “restitution”? I would be interested to learn if you find that term useful. Or is there another framework you think would be more appropriate for tackling this issue?

Jihan El-Tahri: What do we actually mean when we say “restitution”? There is a big risk of emptying the notion of its content. In that, it is very much like “decolonization.” Now every museum, every gallery, everyone is talking about decolonization, without identifying what precisely they are talking about. The word has lost its meaning, which means that the struggle itself shifts. And I believe the word “restitution” now also risks being emptied of its content. I believe we ought to be radical: why are we monetizing film heritage at all? To me, that’s the central question. If it is heritage, and if it is our heritage, then it should be in the public domain—we should be able to use it whenever we want. Where is this material kept, and how? For me, ultimately, it’s about the question of property. I think the problem begins when we start pointing fingers. We’re all responsible. Colonial archives began to realize they could get money out of their holdings, which they have been doing for some time. It’s nice of them to start “sharing” now, but what about all the income generated up to this point? Who stands to gain? Do we get a share of that, too? Or does the “sharing” start only now that it has all become “problematic”? All these questions are on the table, and so is the issue of reparations, though it is very complicated. Do we talk about reparations for the image? How has all this material been used in the past? Should we not also talk about the responsibility of our own governments? We cannot forget that they have been just as unresponsive as those public and commercial archives in Europe. Because our governments recognize that the image—what it says, who owns it, who uses it, and how—is extremely political. When I made the trilogy Egypt’s Modern Pharaohs (2015), and similarly with Cuba, une odyssée africaine, I initially didn’t realize how intensely political these archival questions really are. I thought I just needed this footage in order to tell the story, but I quickly realized that if I actually succeed in shifting and reappropriating the historical narrative, I am challenging the mythology of the incumbent regime. Every political regime creates its own mythology, and much of the ability to do so rests on a silencing of the past. Which is to say that the idea of restitution gets stuck in many places at once. Heritage is about our ability to examine our past—not just to use it, but to examine and question what is presented to us as historical truth. The minute [Egyptian] President Gamal Abdel Nasser died, his successor Anwar Sadat uncovered all sorts of things that people used to say behind closed doors while Nasser was alive. But not a single image of that remains. When Sadat came to power, he had all the footage of Nasser destroyedhence the importance of orality and popular memory. We need to examine this reality and ask ourselves: who decides what needs to be preserved and why? Put it in the public domain, this is global heritage. This is not about sharing the profit but about access: anyone who wants to examine this material should be able to. If not for free, then at a reasonable price. In the 1980s, we used to pay transfer costs of around 200 US dollars, now we are charged 5,000 or 8,000…

Nikolaus Perneczky: Your championing of the public domain to me suggests an understanding of restitution as a process that would require a more fundamental reconfiguration of the property regime on which all of this archival wealth is predicated, questioning image ownership itself rather than merely “returning” images to different owners. Would you agree? Both Jihan and Jean-Marie mentioned that the terms of access to archives have changed since the 1980s. I wonder how this shift came about, and if the neoliberal restructuring of the public sector—and consequent decrease in public funding—may have been a contributing factor in incentivizing archives to monetize their holdings.

Jean-Marie Téno: The question of access is of the utmost importance, and not only for filmmakers, because we are no more important than other stakeholders. I see restitution as linked to reparation. Those who keep all these images should preserve them in the appropriate conditions, to be accessed and used by anyone who needs them. Otherwise, access will remain the privilege of a chosen few. Access and rights of use ought to be extended to as many people as possible, so they may use these images in other ways, as a kind of restitution or reparation. Reparations are usually understood as a simple transfer of money, but when it comes to Africa, for me the important thing is to equip ordinary people with the minimum elements they require to live a decent life, while giving them agency in determining their needs and allocating those resources. That is what reparations should be. It is not acceptable that people who live in places so rich in resources do not to benefit from them. Reparations as I understand it does not just mean giving money but really impelling the government and the whole society to provide the majority of people with clean water, infrastructure, services—so that they may live a meaningful and decent life. The same goes for the archive. They can keep archives in good shape where they are and provide spaces for collections that we know are going to last, while allowing people access free of charge, because only then will people be able to work with it. This is what we should demand, what we need to fight for.
Ali Essafi: I want to return to the question of archives and memory, because what people in the Western world call “archives” is really about memory. Restitution is not about the return of fragments of things, but the restitution of the memory of the colonial era. As Jihan said, this problem does not solely concern Western archives but also our own governments. I like to remind people that in the long durée of human history, the destruction and erasure of a people’s memory has been a foremost strategy of domination. But later that strategy changed, once the rulers understood that sequestering this heritage would allow them to control the people even more effectively. A person or a people who does not know their own past will always have difficulty interacting naturally with the present and projecting themselves into the future. This has been borne out in centuries of imperial domination. And so today, decades after independence, we are still under the control of neocolonial power when it comes to our present and future life choices. Restitution is a big battle, a battle we wage both with our former colonizers and with our current governments. It is a vital matter, as Jean-Marie said, a question of life itself.
Nii-Kwate Owoo: I agree that the issue of memory is critical. There now is a movement for restitution and responses from certain former colonial powers such as France or Germany, who are open to donating or returning some artifacts to the countries they were taken from. But these are all tangible objects. What about intangible memory, including the memory of the image, which has similarly been colonized? I plan to draft a policy paper about engaging the British authorities on the restitution of films and submit it to the Ghanaian Minister of Information. As others have stated, access and rights of use to these collections are very expensive—we are talking about a lot of money for a minute or two of archival footage. Of course, these materials would first have to be digitized, as many of them are still on celluloid. But I do believe there could be an arrangement, for instance, with the BFI to share this memory with our people. Such a move would contribute enormously to making meaningful documentaries that can help us understand the future.
Jihan El-Tahri: I would like to backtrack to two points made earlier. We skimmed over the rights and property issue, which I do think is non-negligible. It is fine for me to say that it should all be in the public domain, but as there are many different interests involved—cultural, political, and economic—there has to be the political will to address all these dimensions of the issue. There is no other way. Secondly, on the issue of copyright as we know it today, I would like to draw attention to the Berne Convention [first signed in 1886 and amended in 1971], which set the terms for image ownership and use rights, ultimately leading to the increase in prices.13 If they could change the legalities that bind us within the current framework of copyright then, I do not see why it cannot be changed again now. And I think opening that debate, about changing the nature of copyright, is at the heart of what we mean—or at least, what I mean—by restitution. I cannot forever be chasing footage I know was filmed in my hometown in Egypt, having to beg someone who lives in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, for the right to use images of what happened in my father’s birthplace.

Nikolaus Perneczky: So in your understanding, the restitution of film heritage necessitates a challenge to the existing legal frameworks within which we operate, especially in relation to image property. This it true also for the wider restitution debate: if current legal provisions render restitution impossible, for instance, because of restrictive deaccessioning laws that obtain at many public heritage institutions, then the law must be changed.

Jihan El-Tahri: Yes. To clarify, the material I was talking about is the massive amount of footage I have collected since the age of fifteen. While I was obviously very excited about this find at the time, I now can’t use any of it, because I have no way of knowing where each bit comes from, and I will not spend what remains of my life trying to find out. But the other question I wanted to raise is, what do we do now? Reparation is not just a financial question. It is incumbent on all colonial archives who have benefitted in the past, to now train archivists and build archival capacity in our countries. It’s your responsibility. You can’t say, as people frequently do, if we give it back, we worry what will happen to the material given the lack of archival infrastructure and difficult climatic conditions. No. You have our money, now use it to help us build capacity and train us, to ensure that everything is in place for us to make use of it.
Ali Essafi: Personally, I do not believe that anything will come from the institutions of our former colonizers or from our governments. I’ve had a dream for the past fifteen years to build an “African film liberation front,” a large network of filmmakers that would allow us to exchange and share our works with wider African audiences. I am very sad that although my two last films were made with African audiences in mind, they were seen all over the world, even in Japan, but not in Africa. I believe in building independent networks between artists, filmmakers, and researchers to apply pressure on existing institutions from without.
Jean-Marie Téno: I would like to follow up on Jihan’s point. It is of the utmost importance to challenge the logic of copyright not only when it comes to archival film. For instance, there are people who go into the forest in Cameroon, find a tree, determine it has some kind of useful properties, and then go and register that plant, making it into property. So you live in a place where there are useful plant you can’t use without paying royalties to some company somewhere in North America. I believe this whole question of what belongs to whom must be framed in a global context. For my part, I don’t want them to build museums, to replicate museums all over the continent. We should let there be bigger archives to store all this footage but compel them to give access to the whole planet. That would be a way to enact a sort of reparation for what they have done. Because if you give it to a museum in Yaoundé, access may be revoked before long. In sum, I believe we have to challenge this whole idea of copyright as part of a broader project of reparations—to stop the copyrighting on everything on this planet, as if everything had to be someone’s property.
Jihan El-Tahri: For me, every image is an archive in and of itself. If you take one image and try to figure out who commissioned it, how it came to be: that is a whole history right there. Prior to the 1960s in particular, we are talking big cameras and expensive film stock. So the question bears asking: why was this event chosen to be documented in the first place, while another event happening right next door was not? This is about the structure and the creation of narratives. In this sense, I think every image contains an archive in itself. To return to Jean-Marie’s first point, what we as filmmakers do is simply to tell stories. I am a storyteller. My obsession with the archive is ultimately a fascination with stories that these archives have the potential to tell but also to question—because I am totally dissatisfied with where we are at. Every one of the nineteen films or so I have made is really about one question: how can we move past this dead end? And every bit of archive promises answers to that question. I am certain that long after I’m gone, people will still be asking it. So how can we multiply the possibilities of answering it? Which takes us back to the question of access: we must have access in order to do that. I should be able to see what is available from my computer, and to use anything of interest without further ado. In reality, I need to assemble an entire machinery of funding, rights, and researchers, when I should be able to do it by myself from my desk, at any time. You cannot make an archive-based film for less than 200,000 euros—but the machine I have to set in motion to obtain those 200,000 euros has already killed the prospect of that image. That is what I have to say.
Jean-Marie Téno: I have been using archival footage without really caring about whether or not I will get sued. When I made Africa, I Will Fleece You, I actually wished someone would sue me, but no one did. I was a little disappointed. The only problem I ever had was with YouTube, because of a clip from an Indian song I used, though I even had a letter from the British distributor who licensed it.
Jihan El-Tahri: Ali was talking about the role of artists and the problem of funding and distribution structures. All of these issues have meant that even if we do make our films for African audiences, the infrastructure of funding and distribution is creating a gap between our films and those who are meant to see them, who would actually be interested in accessing these works. But we also need to ask ourselves how to shift entrenched mindsets. That is what our work, as filmmakers and artists, is fundamentally about. We can break existing molds, and we can say: I’m telling you this story but I no longer want to follow the rules. I have been working on a multi-disciplinary art and culture project called People’s Stories, where we invite researchers, artists, and filmmakers to come together to interpret, rethink and reappropriate the archive across several African locations.14 There, we will be brainstorming ideas around how to break with rules, formats, ways of seeing. How do we reappropriate the archive to create alternative narratives? Multiple alternative narratives! But also, how do we break with archival labels and systems of indexing that shape access to archives? Who decides how to name collection items? I don’t want to say too much about it here. Suffice it to say that this new program is asking how we may shift entrenched mindsets by making films—but in a way that is not attached to any of these funding systems. That’s another thing we have to break with. Because we all know how to leverage foreign funding, Jean-Marie, Ali, Kwate, and myself. We understand how it all works, how this system of funding entraps us. How to break out of this vicious circle?
Ali Essafi: If I want to tell a story, I use every image, but also every object, every fragment of sound, anything which exists as a trace of our history. We can use everything, as in my last film, Before the Dying of the Light, which is like a collage, and it works. I was inspired by those pioneering filmmakers I mentioned before, who tried to mix oral storytelling traditions with the narrative form of film. One of them, for example, because of the lack of archival sources, invented images based on animated drawings composed of some very simple elements. And he succeeded in telling the story in a very modern fashion. So for me, the point is to tell the story. We have to forget this conventional Western way of treating the archive. For us, it’s about dealing with history through missing images, memories, and sounds.
Jean-Marie Téno: We are perhaps focusing too much on the colonial archive. But the situation of postcolonial film heritage is equally dramatic. You now have a whole generation of aspiring African filmmakers who haven’t even seen the films of the post-independence generation. There is a trend in film production, and in documentary filmmaking in particular, where it is increasingly funders and critics who decide which films get made and what the important films are, leading to a gradual decline in substance. How can you be making films today without having seen the work of those first African filmmakers, who thought deeply about cinema and asked all these questions in the 1960s and 70s already? What shall we do to make these young filmmakers interested in their forebears? They think they are inventing the wheel, while really they are reproducing what some people believe to be “modern.” We need to challenge the younger generation to watch these films and learn about the history of African cinema, including the challenges that prompted people to start making films in the first place after we gained our independence.
Jihan El-Tahri: This past week, the South African censorship board decided to ban Ousmane Sembène’s La Noire de… (Black Girl, 1966) because it was said to use “inappropriate language.”15 I think this decision takes us to the heart of the meaning of archives. If we do not consider a film within the context that it was made, if we align ourselves with what is politically correct or expedient, we will effectively kill the past and stifle our ability to understand how we got where we are today. Of course, hell was raised over this ban, and there is now talk of an appeal, so I doubt this decision will stand. However, the danger of our censorship boards embracing some skewed idea of politically correctness is real, preventing us from voicing criticism on the grounds that it might make us look “underdeveloped”, “primitive,” or some such thing. It also means that younger generations will never have a clue about what the forefathers of African cinema were doing.
Jean-Marie Téno: I am truly appalled. When you train young filmmakers, you realize that many of these thirty-year-olds don’t even know who Sembène is. So where are we going? We have mainly been talking about colonial archives, but even in the case of this more recent film heritage, it is almost like you are killing memory. Silence is being organized so that we are not even aware we’re not teaching the whole history. Contemporary archives, too, are at risk of being destroyed. This is a serious struggle.
Nii-Kwate Owoo: Absolutely. This is especially true for Ghana. Take the fire at the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation under the Rawlings regime. Our investigation suggests that this was an act of arson. Precisely because there were so many brutalities after Jerry Rawlings took power in 1979—I have to call a spade a spade. People were disappearing, there were arbitrary executions. In the 1980s, the archive was set on fire and up to today, as I speak, not a single frame of that period remains for anybody wanting to interrogate this issue. We are really going to have to start from scratch when it comes to reconstructing our archives. Or from memory, talking to people who remember certain periods, when these things happened. Perhaps some of the events I am talking about were recorded by foreign media such as the BBC and others. I would like to add a final note about the preservation of our work for a younger generation. For my part, I am trying to translate You Hide Me, my film about the looted Asante artifacts held at the British Museum, into all the local languages of Ghana. The narration of the film as it exists is in English, which is a colonial language. I would like to go beyond that, in order for this film to be at the level of the ordinary people in the villages. In Ghana we now have local language television stations in all the indigenous languages. My plan is to translate You Hide Me into these languages and to put it out there on local television for everyone to see and debate.16

2. Transcript of conversation with Suliman Elnour

Online conversation via Zoom, February 25, 2025, between Nikolaus Perneczky and Suliman Elnour.
Archived on Nakala: https://doi.org/​10.34847/​NKL.6BC817TH

Nikolaus Perneczky: Can you tell me how you ended up at VGIK, at the film school in Moscow? Did you know you wanted to make films right away, or were you enrolled for another subject? How did you end up there?

Suliman Elnour: After the graduation, you mean?

No, I know that you went to Moscow to study film, right?

Yeah, yeah.

But were you sent there by the Sudanese government, or did you go there on your own initiative? How did you arrive in Moscow?

You see, this is also the part of the complexities in Sudan. I started… actually, I was at the University of Khartoum, College of Arts, I spent two years. Then I left, I worked for the State Corporation for Cinema, this is 1970. And with another colleague, we were to be sent to Moscow to study cinema direction and cinematography/photography. And then happened the 1971 coup d’état against the Nimeiry regime, and the relations between the Soviet Union and Sudan was not easy. So, the scholarship was ended at that end in 1971. And then I approached the Friendship Society between the Soviet Union and Sudan, and they sent me to study. I was accepted first at Patrice Lumumba University Moscow. I did my first year of studying Russian language, and I was accepted in the International Law College. And then I applied to the film school VGIK in Moscow. And then they took me on for documentary filmmaking in 1973.

Who were your teachers at VGIK?

You see, they have [a rule] in the institute that one of the film directors takes the students for the whole five years. And my master was Roman Karmen Lazarevich, who was a famous documentary filmmaker at that time.

I know of him, he’s a very famous figure. I would like to ask now specifically about Africa, the Jungle, Drums and Revolution, and starting with the making of the film. In which archives did you find the footage that you used in the film? And how did you gain access to this material?

See, I don’t remember exactly the title of the centre. I think it is the Central Archive; I don’t know the exact title or name.

Maybe Gosfilmofond?

I don’t think so, I don’t know.17 And to get there without permission, of course it is very difficult. And because our master was so influential and known, so they wrote to the archival centre there, and they admitted me, and I started the selection. I don’t know if they gave me the free hand for any material there, but they suggested a number of archival films and I started to search.

Do you have a sense what types of films… was it mostly rushes, or was it completed films or newsreels that you then took apart? What kind of material was it that you were dealing with?

I think, if I remember exactly, most were newsreels, most of them. It might be one or two short documentaries, but the majority are raw material rushes or newsreels.

And do you think the majority of them then were shot by Soviet teams and camerapeople, or were there also Western productions? Was there also maybe ethnographic material? Or was it really mainly newsreels shot by the Soviets? 

Mostly it might be shot by the Soviet cameramen, I think. There might be some, but I didn’t know exactly the source, but mostly I think they are Soviet rushes or newsreels or so on.

And this is maybe difficult to remember after such a long time, but do you have any memory of what you were expecting in approaching this archive, the kind of footage that you were expecting and what you found? How you felt about these images that you found?

You see, because when I thought of making the film, I had in mind questions to be asked randomly for people in the streets, or any gatherings of the Soviet people there in Moscow.

So those interview scenes were the starting point, that came first?

Yes. So my question, I wanted to make it… I don’t know, I’m sorry for my English, but I have tried to express myself as much as possible.

Your English is impeccable.

You see, I wanted to make it as a very sudden question, what do they think about Africa? What’s their first impressions or the images they have about Africa? As I said, I don’t know if you got through the Arsenal booklet?

Yes.

So there you find an interview with me about… and some answers there. Because that was fresh, and now more than fifty years has passed [laughs].

You mean the interview with Eltayeb Mahdi from 1989?

Yes.

That’s very interesting, I wanted to ask you more about that as well.

It was ’79, yes.

So that was just about 10 years later, that was quite –

No, no, no, this is ’79, not ’89.

The interview is ’79? Oh really, okay.

Yes, yes.

Ah, right, so very recently –

Immediately after I returned from Moscow, yes.

Okay, I see, okay. And lastly, so there are the interviews; there is the footage you found in the archives; and then there are these images of children, there’s also children whom you interview on the street, but then there are children’s drawings. Can you talk a bit about what led you to include this element, what were you getting at by showing us not just Africa through Soviet eyes, but also, I suppose, Africa through children’s eyes?

Yes, actually this helped me very much. Because I was searching before I was starting and writing even the outlines of the script, I tried to find if there was any interest in African culture, African art in Moscow. So my legs led me to this workshop studio of a Russian or Soviet artist who happened to be in Africa. And then I came to know that he opened or established this small workshop to train children. And so he tells them folk tales and the stories about Africa, and then asks them to draw freely. This is one. The second, or the clearest idea came when I started to think about making a film about Africa, this folk song which was the entry for the film: [recites nursery rhyme in Russian] and so on. And this is only in production or prologue to the film, it was not intended in itself. But most of the children, they know this poem, and it was sung. And then the workshop. And then the event of one of the schools in support or solidarity with Angola, they collected… I don’t know, I don’t know, clothes or... This scene in the film, if you remember, there is a thread for that, and the children are there, even in the interviews, which it was...

Alright. Did you edit the film yourself?

You see, we have editors. The editors, they do the technical part of it.

But you give the instructions?

Yes, I know how… and “this is a very short second scene” and so on, prepared by me orally.

Can you say a bit what the process of editing this film was like? Because to me it seems like the editing is so important, to bring out the hidden meanings and not just to show these images, not just to repeat these cliches, but to comment on them. But it’s not something you do explicitly, it’s more something that is in the montage, in the editing. So I was wondering if you could say a bit about how did that happen. Was it quite intuitive, how the different elements work together in the end?

You see, I think, the film was actually born on the table and the Moviola, and it’s a process of creating the film or making the film…creating, this is a big word…and making the film, the process actually was in the Moviola, in the table, editing. And before I sit with the editor, actually I had on paper all the shots, all the interviews. And I started editing on paper before I sit in with him. Okay, sometimes the interviews and the scenes, as if they answer, give answers to the answers of the interviewees, in a way. But I wanted to say “yes, Africa is underdeveloped or was under colonialism, but it started to rise up.” I made a small black cut between… I don’t know if it was clear or not, but I wanted to say “yes, this is a dark period in our history, in the history of Africa.” You see, I didn’t have much archival material, I was controlled… I don’t know, I was caught by the material I found. So I started just to edit the film accordingly. I wished if I had more material that I will put all the ideas better then.

You just said that you felt maybe somewhat constrained by the limited archival material that was available. But more generally, were you free to decide every aspect of the production, or were there certain constraints? Were there other people interfering or commenting, or was it entirely up to you? I’m also thinking about the voiceover narration, for instance.

No, I had free hand, no interventions. After I completed the film, after that the master and my colleagues saw the film as the final product. And even, not even then did I need to consult my master, or even my colleagues.

But in the end, they would comment, it was subject to criticism, to a collective critique or something like that?

You see, I remember only one of my colleagues, a Russian colleague, and was a friend, his comment was only he asked if I can… you see at the end of the film, you see pigeons flying, as a sign for peace or something like this. So he asked me if I can slow this, because peace is not accomplished yet. And I think it was a good idea, but I don’t know why I didn’t, but I think it was a good idea.

How did you decide on the soundtrack? There’s this jazz score as well, that’s very fast, very buoyant, how did you come up with that?

Well, I wanted, you see, also, at least to find this African rhythm and tempo in the music. The choice was not that much, but I listened to many, many pieces, African pieces, and then I selected this. I don’t know if it was fine or not, I don’t know now [laughs].

But you edited it first and then you added the music, or did you put the music –

Yes, yes. And the narration already, and I was writing it then. And when we were making the film, I had the narration in my hands then, I didn’t approach it after.

This is a more conceptual question I suppose. So the other three filmmakers I write about in my article, they are all confronting colonial archives and colonial or ethnographic images made by Western filmmakers. But your film is really more specifically about Soviet attitudes to the African continent, and to the African Revolution at that precise historical moment. And I wanted to ask you if you could reflect a little bit on how you see the differences and perhaps the similarities between Soviet and Western attitudes to Africa at the time? I mean, yeah, obviously this is something that the film talks about very eloquently, and it’s maybe a bit… I don’t know how you feel about me prodding you further, but it’s a question that I’m quite interested in, and I was wondering if you had any reflections on that?

At that time, you mean?

At that time, yes. Not in general, but at that precise moment?

The seventies?

Yes.

[Pause] You see, the period of the sixties and seventies was a global movement, and great expectations through all the continents. The seventies was the era of independence of many African countries, and the colonies already collapsed, and taking their things and going back. Also, [there] was the Vietnam war, and even the Israeli-Arab war at this time, the Six-Days war. So the supporters of the Third World, of Latin America, Africa and Asia come definitely from the socialist countries [and] less [from] the Western. Besides, in the mid-sixties we started to see African films from different… mainly it might be Ousman Sembène, who was called the father of African cinema. Because in the seventies, yes you have known even Costa Diagne, who was a known figure at that time. And when we see the attitude of the French colonisers in Western Africa, we knew that it was not easy for Africans in these colonies to make films. We know the ethnographer that the films… his name now is not in my head [laughs].

Jean Rouch?

Yes, Rouch, and his ethnographical films about Africa. And even he trained some Africans. So the attitude of… because the colonisers are from the West, not from the Soviet world or socialist countries.

So politically it was very different, there was neocolonial exploitation on one side and socialist solidarity on the other side. But what about, for instance, attitudes towards African culture and ideas about Africans being underdeveloped, things like that, those are things that you would also find in the Soviet Union I suppose?

Yes, you see when we speak about the West you do not speak about all the people there, you might speak about the governments or main political parties in the Western countries. Because definitely there are so many progressive people who supported the African struggles again, even again in their countries, as in France or England or Belgium and so on. So we differentiate between the attitude of the capitalist countries/imperialist countries and the people there, all the many intellectuals who supported and actually stood very strongly with the Africans, supporting their culture. I remember one of the films which they did about the masks, when the French stole actually the African masks and put them in museums. And the film was by two French… I think famous directors.

Chris Marker [and Alain Resnais’ Statues also Die] –

Yes, they said “this mask or this culture is dead now, if you put it in the museum.” And this film was not released for many years. [Pause] Actually still, you see the movements now from francophone countries, African countries, who stood now against the French policies. This might be a new enlightenment or renaissance in Africa, it might be, I don’t know.

Alright, thank you, that’s really an interesting and very –

I allow you to elaborate on my poor English [laughs], if you’ve got the idea.

Yes, I think so.

I expect that you can elaborate more.

I think I got the idea. I guess you’re not going along with my generalizations, which I think is very good, I appreciate it a lot. I have another question about your time in the Soviet Union and making this archival film, because there is of course a long tradition in the Soviet Union of archival filmmaking, of found-footage filmmaking. For instance, I don’t know if you know the filmmaker Esfir Shub, who made The Fall of the House of Romanov, which also uses archival footage that dates back to the tsarist era. But she uses this material in a way that expresses revolutionary aims and outlook, and I really see a certain parallel with your work there. And I was wondering, more generally, in addition to your teacher, were there other Soviet filmmakers, or is there a lineage of Soviet archival filmmaking that you were aware of at the time, that you thought was an inspiration to what you were trying to do? Or is that not something that was on your mind at all?

You see, to make a documentary film, for a foreign student in Moscow, it was difficult for me. Either I make a film about, say, African students in Moscow, or the life of Sudanese students in Moscow. And it was not easy for me to return back to Sudan to make a film, for political reasons. And this is why my graduation film, I did it in South Yemen.

Yes, I’ve seen it, it’s amazing.

Yes. And why I did it there, because just it happened that my older brother was working for FAO, the United Nations, in South Yemen. And therefore, the whole period I spent in Moscow, I would not go to Sudan. So okay, I would visit my brother in South Yemen, and there I thought of the film, my graduation film, when I came back to Moscow. So, the two films, before graduation Africa [the Jungle, Drums and Revolution], and It Still Rotates, the graduation [film], I did them outside Moscow. So it was not easy for me to make a documentary film in Moscow. You see, we studied for five years, in the second year they asked us to make a film, the first film. Actually, in the first year they gave us a 16 mm camera, and they wanted to test our abilities and skills and so on. And I made a… not a film, it was only rushes, about… I called it “Reading Moscow.” Because everywhere in Moscow you find people reading journals or books, in the bars, in the metro, in the gardens, everywhere. So this impressed me, and I asked to make a film. The second year, they asked us to make a short documentary, and I thought of the gypsies. So I asked my master “I want to make a film about the gypsies,” because the gypsies are free people, how can they survive in a socialist country, how the socialist government dealt with them. And it was difficult for my master to accept the idea, he accepted, but he asked a Russian student, one of my colleagues, to make it together. I don’t know if he wanted to have a support for me or a cover for me, I don’t know. Unfortunately, the film was not completed then, I don’t know the reasons now, but it was not completed. And when I thought to use the archival material, honestly, for me it was a good exercise to work on archival material and so on. It might be only Mikhail Romm, we saw many of his films; and of Roman Karmen himself; and even the most famous film director, [Joris] Ivens from Holland. He was invited, and he came to our class, and I had a masterclass with him at that time. So we saw many documentaries, part of them used archival material or mostly depended on archival material.

This is very helpful and instructive. Are you okay to go on for a while longer?

Yeah, please. I have nothing to do in Cairo [laughs], it is all…

These earlier films you made, you say one wasn’t finished, and they probably no longer exist, or do you think there might be prints still held somewhere in Moscow? You’re not sure?

You see, it is difficult now after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and how many years now since 1990 or 1991. So I don’t know if… even the institute itself now, I don’t know if it is a private institution or it’s still governmental. Still it has the same name, Vsesojuznyj… Vserossiyskiy. Before… You know Russian a bit?

I can understand it a little bit. It was Gerasimov, no?

No, “Vsesojuznyj,” all Union, but now it is all Russian, “Vserossiyskiy institut kinematografii… Gerasimov.”

But when the films of the Sudanese Film Group, including your films, were restored, my assumption was that those prints came from Moscow at the time, is that not right? Where did you find those prints of your films?

I don’t know. Unfortunately I’ve lost my two films in Sudan. I mean, Africa [the Jungle, Drums and Revolution], I lost it in Sudan, I don’t know what happened. And for It Still Rotates, it was screened so many times, so it was just scratches. So I gave this copy of mine to Arsenal, and they worked on it. They didn’t work on the negatives, because I don’t have the negatives, so they restored the film as they received it, yeah.

So It Still Rotates was your personal copy of the film?

Yes, yes.

And what about Africa, the Jungle Drums and Revolution?

I lost it in Sudan.

When you left just now?

No, no. The film was not restored by Arsenal, it was a copy, I don’t know who worked on it. I don’t remember the names of even… you know Rasha Salti?

Yes.

She can tell you how they found this film.

Okay, I will ask her.

Because they succeeded to get a copy from inside Russia, from inside the institute, they paid for it, I don’t know how.

Alright, okay. But that’s what I thought, I thought it came from Russia. I mean, that would not be possible now, right? That was possible then, but now, with the war and the geopolitical confrontation between Western Europe and Russia, there are very little diplomatic exchanges, films don’t travel any more, it would be impossible to get it out of there. So it was kind of lucky that it got out before that.

I don’t know if they got the film or if they got it as a –

A scan?

A scan, yes, most probably.

But the print might still be there?

Yes.

Okay, that’s good to know. And how about… well, sorry, let me just first ask another question, let’s go back a moment. So after your studies in Moscow, you returned to Sudan. Was that a difficult return also politically, were you suspicious [suspect] to the government because of your Soviet education and your time there? If this is something that you are comfortable talking about, of course.

You see, when I ended my studies in July 1978, I asked my institution to give me one year to train myself on camera, because still I think to be a documentarist it is better to shoot your own films by yourself. And fortunately they gave me the okay to stay one year, but it was monotonous, I had only four hours per week for the training. So I felt that I cannot stay longer, to end the year. So in March 1979, I returned back to Sudan. And in October 1979, I was appointed Cinema Section in the Department of Culture, Ministry of Information and Culture. In 1981 they fired the government, fired so many people from different ministries, and I was one of them. And before they fired me from my job, I started a diploma at the University of Khartoum Institute of African and Asian studies, I attended a diploma in folklore. So I continued my study at the African and Asian institute, and in 1982 they awarded me the diploma. So I found I was busy somehow. And I worked, I don’t know, for a civil society organisation or something like this. Then I was appointed as a teaching assistant to Juba University in Southern Sudan. And after the intifada or revolution against the Nimeiry regime on 6th of April 1985, they allowed us to come back to our previous jobs. So I joined, in 1987, the State Corporation for Cinema, production unit, this is in 1987. In 1989, the 30th of June, came the coup d’état of the Islamist regime, and they fired me again from my job in 1990, even before they completed their first year, and I was fired from my job. Then I joined the civil society organisation Friends of Children Society in 1990/1991 till 1994. I made a few films for civil society organisations. Then I joined the Sudanese Environment Conservation Society. Then I lectured at Sudan College for Girls or something like this, till 2019.

And throughout this time there was also the activities of the Sudanese Film Group which sort of continued, no? You were still doing workshops with youth and things like that, is that right?

You see we had the Sudan Film Club, which was established in 1968. Actually, before 1968 there was a film society at Khartoum University in 1967, but it only survived for one year. And the second birth of the Sudan Film Society or Club, it was in 1968. And then we carried our activities through screening films and so on, training youth through Sudan Film Club. In April 1989, we founded the Sudanese Film Group. Actually, it was just two months before the coup d’état on 30th of June. And after the coup d’état t all the unions and civil society organizations were banned, the political parties, everything. Actually, this was a very harsh period. You saw the film talking about this, yes?18

Yes.

So it is not a history of course of cinema in Sudan, but you see the fates of these four… all the directors, friends, Ibrahim Shaddad left to Cairo and then to Canada; Eltayeb Mahi left to Saudi Arabia; I stayed in Sudan; Manar [Al Hilo] stayed also somewhere. We actually were able to restart the activities of the Sudanese Film Group after the comprehensive peace agreement between the North and South Sudan in 2005. So after that, yes, we started, and we had an office, we had equipment and meetings, we organised workshops, we organised mobile cinema shows.

And you have been doing quite a bit of work also in the regions, right, not just in Khartoum and Omdurman but in different parts of the country as well.

Yes, especially the mobile cinema. You had many activities of the mobile cinema for (unclear 0.48.58). And the venues were not only in the capital of Sudan, or the three cities, Khartoum, Omdurman and Khartoum Bahri, but in different states. We even trained in Juba, in South Sudan. So the activities were so many. And we had a cinema magazine. We produced three books, one about the history of cinema in Sudan, Once Upon a Time, and about the first screenings. And we celebrated even one hundred years of the first film screening in Sudan in 1912, in 2012 we celebrated the one hundred years of this. And I translated a book from Russian language, the beginnings of African cinema, or Black African cinema.

By this scholar [Semen Chertok], I’ve heard about this book, yeah.

So we actually were active in different aspects: training, writing, cinema culture. And even we made small workshops for reading our scenarios, just at the same time, we must have our scenarios in our hands. So actually, so many activities.

So there are a lot of unmade films, a lot of scripts for films that weren’t made as well?

Yes, yes.

All of this self-organised, without state support?

Without not only state support, without support or without interventions and without security interrupting us. They do not give hands; they want to twist our hands.

I’m interested in what you said about the books you’ve written and translated, because that seems quite central to transmit knowledge of Sudanese film history. I know Ibrahim Shaddad published a tome, but I also found this manuscript – I don’t remember where I found it – that you wrote, gathering materials towards a history of cinema in Sudan, titled “From the Maxim Gun and Railway to the Film Camera: Modernisation in Cinema in Sudan.”

Yes, I wrote this paper.

Was this published in Arabic?

It is actually the seminar or, I don’t know, the conference remembering the period of the sixties and the seventies in Sudan. It was organised by Sharjah, you know Sharjah, yes? The state of one of the Arab Emirates.

Sharjah? Yeah.

Yes, it was organised by them there. And I presented this paper –

What year was this, do you know?

Hmm?

What year was this?

What year, what year? 2016 or 17, something like that.

Something like that, okay, alright.

And they translated the paper in English, because they said they wanted to produce a book about all the papers I had presented there. And I presented part of it in Arsenal, they invited me, but I think it was about cinema magazines or something like this. Also, I don’t remember, 2018 it might be, or ’17, something like this.

Did you draw on your own archive for this? Because there’s also articles in there dating back to the sixties and seventies, where did you gather this material? Was this something that the Sudanese Film Group was doing as well, creating a library for these materials? Or how did you have access to this information? Was this your own personal archive?

Not only mine, but Sudanese Film Group archive and others. Because you know, Ibrahim Shaddad came back to Sudan in 1964, so he has information, good information, of course he’s part of the Sudan Film Unit. And then we came later, so we gathered all the information about cinema in Sudan. Unfortunately, what is known about Sudan that it’s culture is oral, even among the intellectuals. So we wanted to document everything, to take things from the people and from memories and put it in writing. So this is actually what led Ibrahim to… before Ibrahim, two Sudanese directors, the pioneers, wrote their memories or their cinema life. To agree or not with it, this is something else, but they wrote their own experience.

And you’ve collected all of these testimonies and all of these materials?

A part of the paper of the Maxim [“From the Maxim Gun and Railway to the Film Camera”], I did myself interview Ibrahim Shaddad, Eltayeb Mahdi, and so I put it at the end of the paper. But the other information is there, I know what Ibrahim made, what others made, this is known.

Can you tell me what happened to this archive, and to the premises of the Sudanese Film Group in Omdurman? Where is it today? Were you able to save this material or to bring it with you, or is it there still?

We don’t know. But most probably, everything is damaged there, we lost everything, most probably everything is damaged there. Because the premises at… the locality of Omdurman premises, this is one of the target areas for the fighters.

So like the film and television archives, which are also –

Also, yes. Nobody knows exactly what is happening there. We hope that we will find something.

But it’s under serious threat of destruction?

Yes.

You already have sort of talked about this, but maybe you could say a bit more about the archival situation in Sudan today, especially for all audiovisual media, film and television. Can you just say a bit more about archives? The people who have been able to leave the country for safe places, have they sometimes brought their own archives, or do you think that a lot will have been lost in the process?

If you send me your…ah, you have your email, yes, and I will send a very short one-and-a-half paper A4, just about the situation of archives in Sudan.

That would be wonderful.

But you see, when we all left our country, our homes, we took very light things, just what we needed. Fortunately, I brought with me my laptop, which I have a few films there, and hard discs, which I have some rushes there. But all the people just fled, they left everything, and they could not take... So I think the situation is very sad.

Yes, indeed, very sad. There is one last thing I wanted to ask you, I’m not sure you’ll be able to help me out with this, but I know that some of the materials that were used by Arsenal to restore and scan the films… not your films, but those by, I believe, Eltayeb Mahdi and some of the others, were actually found in commercial image archives in the US, like with AP, Associated Press, they had some of this footage. Do you know how it ended up there? Do you know how your colleagues’ films ended up in these commercial image archives?

I have no idea about this. But what I know, that the films that were restored by Arsenal were within the property of the filmmakers. Eltayeb had his own films, hard copies, Ibrahim as well. And so they were sent together, from Sudan. But I don’t know about the others.

I just should ask the people at Arsenal directly. I think that’s about it, these are my questions, for now. Maybe I’ll have more questions later on.

Yes, you’re welcome at any time.

I’ll drop you an email. This has been very instructive, and I am really impressed that you remember this in so much detail. All the years, not just the years but the months, and sometimes the day. I don’t remember what happened last week, so very impressive memory. And, I mean, very important that you have this memory, because so many archival sources have been destroyed or are at risk of being destroyed, so it’s very important that it exists somewhere. Are you thinking of writing things down, of committing some of your memory to paper so that it can be shared? Or is that not something you’re interested in at this point?

No. But, you see, in almost two years in Cairo, how do we spend our time? Most of our colleagues, Sudanese Film Group, are here in Cairo. We still meet, we are trying to organise what we used to do since 1987, African cinema days, which we used to do it in Sudan. We failed to organise it here in Cairo. Some difficulties because of money, others because of regulations and laws in Egypt. And we are foreigners, so it is not easy to organise without the Egyptian umbrella.

But there are many of you. There are many Sudanese exiles in Cairo.

In Cairo, especially in our group, Eltayeb Mahdi is here, Ibrahim Shaddad in Cairo, yes, and others, Manar, Maasif, Abbas, so many names, are here, and are trying to do something, not just to stay. I’m trying just to write something about African cinema.

You are?

I’m trying. You see, no references, very rare to see African films. But I’m trying to write something about African films as a continuation to oral history. And if I write this, I will just take from others… Because, I haven’t the opportunity to see many African films.

I just wanted to say, I would be very happy to help you access films and resources. I’m in London and there’s great libraries here, and I also have a big collection of films from the sixties and seventies. If there’s anything you’re interested in, you’re very welcome to drop me a line and see if I can help you, I’m very happy to share anything I can find, I can get my hands on, either written sources or film screeners.

Thank you.

It’s an absurd situation that I can offer this, I am sitting in London and here I have all this access, and you are in North Africa and you don’t have access to African film heritage, it’s absurd. But I would be very happy to help.

Even the French, they have a good collection of African films, because either they are producers or coproducers. And all the films, when we organise African cinema days we approach Africa as a French culture, all the cinematheques in Paris, yeah, to give us African films.

What do you think about that, should the French return these films? Should there be a restitution of film heritage like there is a restitution of other cultural artefacts?

You see, when we see the situation of Sudan now, we say it was good if we keep the films in London, where they have [been] kept. So to return them back, it is not accepted like it should be, with respect and… what I can say? If it is done with respect, and they give it actually for the Africans someday, not to use it as part of their properties.

So if it were truly a shared heritage, that they care for but that you can freely access without having to pay fees?

You see, because there was an opportunity when the University of Bergen, in Norway, they presented the offer that they will digitise all the audiovisual materials and the visual audio materials of Sudan TV and Sudan radio. But what were the conditions, what did they ask to do this, was they started but I don’t know how long it went. So when I send you this small paper you will find a few information about the archive in Sudan.

I’ve heard about this Bergen project, but I don’t know what happened there. You don’t know how it went?

Even we don’t know how, because we are not part of it, they didn’t ask anyone working in cinema.

Right, so it was done over your heads, in a way?

Yeah.

Do you know the filmmaker and film historian Paulin Vieyra?

Personally, no, but we know him as a historian and a critic. And the book I translated from Russian, his name is there also.

He also was the producer of Ousmane Sembène.

Yeah, yes.

I mention him because he wrote a really interesting article in 1958, so still under French colonial rule, where he imagines a form of archival cooperation between France and its colonies that would be geared towards increasing African self-determination. And that would also involve the return of archival footage from France, that had been shot in Africa by Frenchmen, during many decades when Africans in the French colonies were legally prohibited from making films of their own. So he said it’s only right that the French should return these films now, at the end of… I mean it wasn’t yet the end, but everybody knew it was going to end soon. And he was essentially demanding the restitution of these films. And I think this is quite an interesting precedent, that’s still relevant today, when I hear you talk about how you still have to go through the Institut Français or the Cinémathèque Afrique to borrow French [francophone] African films to screen in Cairo.

They give them a copy, and keep the original there.

Yes, indeed.

Okay then, may I ask you a very few… give me an idea about the three other filmmakers you said, Costa Diagne and… When did their films… because (unclear 1.11.41) no, no, no, I did it for 50 years.

So Costa Diagne’s film is also a student film he made in Moscow, at VGIK. It’s called Homme de la danse, Men of Dance. And it’s about an African student who goes to an exhibition of African art in Moscow, and confronts a mask that speaks to him. So it’s a bit like a commentary on the film you mentioned, Statues Also Die by Marker and Resnais, this famous French film, it’s kind of like a response to that as well. And he uses some archival ethnographic images of dancing… I don’t know where they’re from, somewhere in West Africa, he intersperses these ethnographic images to animate the masks. As you said, the masks in Western museums, they’ve been stilled, and they’re no longer living objects, right, and he kind of tries to reanimate them by using archival footage. And that film is from 1965, so I guess sometime before you were in Moscow.

[Off-topic discussion about Zoom interferences]

And then looking at Ahmed Bouanani , the film is called Mémoire 14, or Memory 14. He’s a Moroccan filmmaker, and he worked for the Moroccan Film Section, the state film company. But also, he was suspected of being a Trotskyist, being a communist. He studied at IDHEC in Paris. And so, his superiors… first, he was hired as an editor, he was the head editor, but then he was demoted because of his alleged political, communist sympathies, and so they banished him into the archive. But he loved it, he was like “amazing!” And he looked at all this footage they had there of the French protectorate period, and he made a film using this archival footage that reimagines or remembers the colonial period, but through oral history and through popular memory, not the official memory of post-colonial Morocco, which is about the King and devotion to the King, but the popular memory of the colonial period. So instead of giving the years of the Christian calendar or the years of the Arabic calendar, he just calls it the “Time of Locusts” – the temporality of popular folklore, not the time of a modern conception. It’s a very beautiful film. I can send you the film if you’re interested? I can send you all of the films if you’re interested in watching them.

Yes please.

And the last film is by Assia Djebar, she’s an Algerian filmmaker. She was mainly a novelist, but this was her second…she only was able to make two films, both were produced by Algerian national television. And for this film called La Zerda, which is the name of a traditional dance festivity, she went to Paris, and went to Pathé and the big French commercial film studios that shot newsreel footage in colonial France [North Africa]. But what she did is she didn’t look at the completed films, but at the discarded material, rushes, and stuff that was supposed to be thrown away, either because it wasn’t interesting or, as she found, because it documented the most horrific colonial atrocities, the worst things about French colonial rule that they didn’t want to be seen. So she spent a whole year going through these archives, and buying stuff, and bringing it back to Algeria. And then she made this film, which is very beautiful, very poetic. It’s kind of like she uses the material, but she then also closes her eyes and… it’s about not always showing everything, but also pointing us to the things that are maybe not showable, and to the absences in the archive, to what’s missing. It’s a very beautiful film, yeah. And I’m trying to create a conversation between your films, all of your films, yeah.

That would be interesting, if you can send me.

Yes, I will send you the films, yeah. I will send you my article when it’s finished, and –

Yes, I already gave you free hand.

Okay, thank you, that’s very kind of you. Well, I really appreciate your time and everything you were able to share with me, it’s really a great honour and a pleasure to be speaking to you. And I hope that maybe sometime I’ll meet you in person, maybe I will come to Cairo sometime, that would be nice. Do you know Tamer El Said?

Yes, yes, I know him, yes.

I wanted to visit him; I wanted to visit the Cinematheque Cairo.

Cimatheque, yes.

The Cimatheque, yes. Do you go there sometimes? Do you have links with them?

Yes, before. And a long time passed, we didn’t meet. But when we came to know him, he invited us to his office and Cimatheque. And there’s an American university in Cairo, they organised a seminar, I participated in it. This is last year; this is the last time I saw him here. But when you come, it will be a pleasure to meet you.

Yes, I will send you an email before I come, yes.

Yes, please. Okay.

Shukran.

Shukran, thank you. And also thank you for your interest, to give life to this old student film.

[End of Recording]

Online conversation via Zoom, February 25, 2025, between Nikolaus Perneczky and Suliman Elnour.
Archived on Nakala: https://doi.org/​10.34847/​NKL.6BC817TH

Top of page

Notes

1 The online round-table “Footage Lost and Found: A Conversation on Africa’s Displaced and Silenced Film Archives” was hosted by the June Givanni PanAfrican Cinema Archive on February 7, 2023.

2 See the appendices to this article (“1. Footage Lost and Found: A Roundtable on Africa’s Displaced and Silenced Film Heritage. With Jihan El-Tahri, Ali Essafi, Nii-Kwate Owoo and Jean-Marie Téno”), as well as on the Nakala platform: https://doi.org/10.34847/NKL.9931R67N

3 This section of the article would not exist without the kind support of Gabrielle Chomentowski, whose research on Diagne—and other Africans who studied film-making in the Eastern Bloc—has been crucial in reinscribing this important filmmaker into the canon of early African cinema (see, e.g., Chomentowski 2019, 2022).

4 “Regarde-moi dans les yeux, enfant d’Afrique, et ne sois pas étonné si mon visage te paraît marqué par le désespoir. Depuis que je suis enfermé entre les murs de cette salle, mes yeux ont terni, mon fier sourire d’antan a disparu et mes traits ont été figés par la honte.” Translations are mine unless otherwise indicated.

5 “They call us cotton heads, and coffee men, and oily men.

They call us men of death.

But we are the men of the dance whose feet only gain power when they beat the hard soil.” Quoted from the translation by Gerald Moore and Ulli Beier (Senghor [1945] 1998, 317).

6 Though both film and photobook are vague on the exact location where these images were taken. (Huet’s book mentions the French Sudan, Chad, and the Upper Volta region, among others.)

7 I am quoting from the English translation by Richard Philcox (2008).

8 The production and circulation of Et vint la liberté is analysed in the current issue by Odile Goerg, Gabrielle Chomentowski and Céline Pauthier (2025).

9 Diagne’s film had been entered by the Soviet Union rather than Guinea, which was boycotting the festival (Underwood 2021, 137).

10 The historical reconstruction in this section is in large part based on an interview I conducted with Suliman Elnour on February 25, 2025. A transcript of the interview is to be read in the appendices of this article (“2. Transcript of conversation with Suliman Elnour”) and here:
https://doi.org/10.34847/NKL.6BC817TH

11 The American scholar of Soviet cinema Jay Leyda, who also authored the first book-length study of the “compilation film” (1964), discusses these and other films, notably Esif Shub’s Padenie dinastii Romanovykh (The Fall of the Romanov Dynasty, USSR, 1927) as paradigmatic in their use of montage to reappropriate and ideologically reframe archival footage. Writing in the long shadow of World War II and the Holocaust, Leyda already expressed concern that the “enduring nature of the enemy’s footage” (92) might resist transformation.

12 Only after the comprehensive peace agreement between North and South Sudan in 2005, ending decades of civil war, could the Sudanese Film Group continue their essential work in the open.

13 Parts of Sudan Radio and Television Corporation’s archive have been digitised within the framework of the Sudan Memory Project, a UK-Sudanese initiative. See https://www.sudanmemory.org/cms/98/.

14 The working title of the second, unrealised archival film was Le Maroc en noir et blanc (Morocco in Black and White).

15 As Pierre-Bouthier shows, the last chapter of Bouanani’s dissertation at IDHEC was dedicated in its entirety to “films de montage” (2018, 308).

16 “Years of the gazelle,
years of the locusts,
year of the sword and the canon,
year of the fair season.
Our blood still tasted like legend.”
Quoted from the translation by Emma Ramadan (Bouanani 1980 [2018]).

17 I am quoting from a translation by Omar Berrada (2021): https://www.blackstarfest.org/seen/read/issue003/ahmed-bouanani-maghreb-informations/ [archive].

18 See Les Archives Bouanani, https://www.archivesbouanani.org/.

Top of page

Endnote

1 For a discussion of El-Tahri’s work, see Madlemi (2022). For her activism regarding access to images, see Essafi, El-Tahri et al. (2022). Editor’s note: the references cited and the films cited here are listed in the general bibliography of this article.

2 For an overview of Téno’s work, see Thackway and Téno (2020).

3 For a discussion of Téno’s use of colonial-era archival footage in particular, see Tchouaffe (2010). Africa, I Will Fleece You is available for viewing on vimeo: https://vimeo.com/ondemand/183759.

4 Issued in 1934, the notorious décret Laval arrogated French colonial administrators control over all filming activity in overseas territories.

5 For a discussion of a more recent initiative for the repatriation of African-related newsreels from French archives (in this case, the Institut national de l’audiovisuel, INA) that also involved Cameroon, see Losch (2022).

6 For more on this project, titled “Patrimoines – Heritage,” see its Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/tenopatrimoineheritage/.

7 See Essafi (2014, 2022a, 2022b). For illuminating discussions of Essafi’s archival practice, see Pierre-Bouthier (2019) and Limbrick (2022).

8 For a thorough and insightful discussion of Bouanani’s oeuvre, see Pierre-Bouthier (2018).

9 For a discussion of this film on occasion of its restoration and re-release, see Balsom (2021).

10 For information on this purchase, see Bloom (2021).

11 For an oral history of the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, see Blaylock (2022).

12 Footage from Owoo’s film was reused, for instance, by British artist filmmaker Isaac Julien, as part of his multi-channel installation Once Again… (Statues Never Die) (2022) that was the centerpiece of his 2023 solo exhibition “Isaac Julien: What Freedom Is to Me” at Tate Britain. See the exhibition guide: https://www.tate.org.uk/documents/1847/TB_EXH_0076_IJ_LPG_full_v2.pdf [archive].

13 See World Intellectual Property Organization (1978).

14 For more information on People’s Stories, Past and Present, see project website: https://dox-box.org/programs/peoples-stories/online/

15 See Vourlias (2023).

16 Nii-Kwate Owoo has since completed a sequel to his film, titled You Can’t Hide Me (2024).

17 We later established it was the Central State Film and Photo Archive (alle the notes are from Nikolaus Perneczky).

18 Elnour is referring to Suhaib Gasmelbari, Talking About Trees (2019).

Top of page

List of illustrations

Title Figure 1: Frontispiece of the photobook Les hommes de la danse (Huet 1954)
Credits Image provided by the author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/sources/docannexe/image/3603/img-1.jpg
File image/jpeg, 745k
Title Figure 2: Image damage. Still from the restoration of films by the Sudanese Film Group
Credits Image provided by Markus Ruff, Arsenal.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/sources/docannexe/image/3603/img-2.jpg
File image/jpeg, 94k
Title Figure 3: Inventory of the CCM’s colonial-era holdings
Credits Source: Archives Bouanani.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/sources/docannexe/image/3603/img-3.jpg
File image/jpeg, 225k
Title Figure 4: First version of the poem Mémoire 14
Credits Ahmed Bouanani. Source: Archives Bouanani.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/sources/docannexe/image/3603/img-4.jpg
File image/jpeg, 256k
Title Figure 5. Film strip from Mémoire 14
Credits Ahmed Bouanani, 1971. Source: Archives Bouanani.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/sources/docannexe/image/3603/img-5.jpg
File image/jpeg, 112k
Top of page

References

Electronic reference

Nikolaus Perneczky, “Reanimate, Recuperate, Repair: Post-Independence African Archival Filmmaking and the Question of Restitution”Sources: Materials & Fieldwork in African Studies [Online], 10-11 | 2025, Online since 29 October 2025, connection on 04 September 2026. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/sources/3603; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/15249

Top of page

About the author

Nikolaus Perneczky

Queen Mary University of London. orcid.org/0009-0005-0663-6354

Top of page

Copyright

CC-BY-SA-4.0

The text only may be used under licence CC BY-SA 4.0. All other elements (illustrations, imported files) may be subject to specific use terms.

Top of page
Search OpenEdition Search

You will be redirected to OpenEdition Search