Navigation – Plan du site

Jean-Baptiste Yon & Julien Aliquot, Inscriptions grecques et latines du Musée national de Beyrouth

Michael Zellmann-Rohrer
p. 349-362
Référence(s) :

Jean-Baptiste Yon & Julien Aliquot,

Inscriptions grecques et latines du Musée national de Beyrouth

(BAAL Hors-Série 12), Beyrouth, ministère de la Culture, Direction des Antiquités, 2016, 21 x 28, 332 + xi p., ISSN : 1683-0083

Texte intégral

  • 1 For the genesis of the Museum see the editorial preface to the first volume of the Bulletin du Musé (...)
  • 2 See BMB 6 (1942-1943), p. 85-86 as cited above.

1The National Museum of Lebanon at Beirut was inaugurated in 1942, but the formation of its collections dates back to the beginning of the French Mandate in 1920. It closed during the war years of 1975-1991, and did not fully reopen until 1999 after extensive restorations. 1 Both the inauguration, attended by “[t]outes les personnalités de Beyrouth et du Liban qui se préoccupent des choses de l’esprit”, 2 and the reconstruction have been justifiably proud moments for the city and the rest of Lebanon. Among the Museum’s collections, which range in date from the prehistoric to the medieval, and are particularly well-known for artifacts of the Bronze Age, is a sizeable number of Greek and Latin inscriptions, from Beirut itself (ancient Berytos) and its environs, and a wider range of sites in modern Lebanon, Syria, and beyond, whose finds were dispatched there for safe-keeping. These inscriptions have been conveniently collected and furnished with definitive editions in the excellent new catalogue produced by Jean-Baptiste Yon and Julien Aliquot.

  • 3 Dunand 1934; Aliquot & Yon 2016; Yon 2015 (Bull. ép. 2016, 526). The Jordan Museum (Amman) will al (...)

2The catalogue is the first such treatment for the Beirut Museum. For the larger region of Phoenicia and greater Syria, as a museum-based corpus, it adds a welcome complement to a small group, principally Maurice Dunand’s volume on Suwaydā, and articles by the present editors themselves devoted to the epigraphic collections of the American University of Beirut and the Université du Saint-Esprit of Kaslik. 3

  • 4 For a prospectus and updates see (...)

3An introduction gives a brief history of the Museum and its collections, and situates the present catalogue within the continuing work of the venerable series Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie4 including useful maps. There follow the editions themselves, in a style that will be familiar to readers of the newer volumes of the IGLS, accompanied by French translations and commentaries and conveniently presented side-by-side with photographs where available. The quality of the photographs might occasionally be regretted, in some cases inevitably due to the nature of the extant documentation. The catalogue includes objects no longer accessible for autopsy, of which archival photographs and records exist in the Museum or among unpublished notes taken by René Mouterde and Jean-Paul Rey-Coquais, which have also served in some cases to reconstruct provenance when Museum records are lacking.

  • 5 The Museum holds twelve Palmyrene Aramaic texts, not included in the present catalogue but conveni (...)

4In total the catalogue includes 564 individually numbered texts (some with sub-headings or similar), 306 of which are published here for the first time. For the remainder, improvements over previous editions are numerous (for some particularly significant examples see further below). The volume begins with the stone inscriptions, organized first topographically, then typologically. Inscribed instrumenta form a single group at the end, consisting primarily of civic lead weights (nos. 532-543) and one mold for their casting (538, from Sidon) and “textes magiques”, with a significant collection of inscribed gems and metal objects (549-559). Each site yielding stone inscriptions is introduced with a useful historical summary and bibliography. There is an especially large number of texts from Beirut itself and its territory, primarily Latin, due to the early presence of a Roman colony. Excluded are inscriptions from Deir el-Qalaa, on which a separate, dedicated monograph is promised. In the rest of the catalogue Greek predominates; no. 399 is a Greek-Palmyrene Aramaic bilingual (IGLS XVII.1 383, where the photograph is more legible), 5 and the dedication no. 409, from Cyprus, uses the Cypriot syllabary.

5The volume concludes with indices, subdivided where relevant into Greek and Latin. These include personal names; gods, heroes, mythical and allegorical figures; Christian religious terms and figures; “noms magiques”; toponyms and ethnics; units of the Roman army; dated inscriptions, organized by eras and eponyms; and a general index of key terms in French. There are concordances of previous epigraphic publications and inventory numbers of the Beirut Museum, and lastly an Arabic version of the table of contents and preface.

6Although the editors admit that the majority of their texts “ne sont pas très spectaculaires,” they have treated them with admirable care, in a clear and orderly presentation that should allow a diverse range of readers to find in them much that is in fact of interest. The editorial work, both in the publication of new inscriptions and in the revision of previously known texts, is of high quality. The catalogue offers a valuable service to epigraphists and others interested in the history of the region, for which Yon and Aliquot should be warmly thanked and congratulated. The remainder of this review confines itself to an overview of the texts of greatest historical significance in the catalogue (I), the particular contributions of the new texts offered therein (II), and finally to some remarks on remaining difficulties in the readings and interpretations of certain texts (III).


7Among historical inscriptions, pride of place goes to another version of the well-known Marisa decree of Seleukos IV of 178 bce concerning the appointment of an official over the sanctuaries of Koile Syria and Phoinike and its covering-letters (SEG LVII 1838, LX 1723, 1947 in fine), from Byblos (text no. 1), first published by J.-B. Yon (see Bull. ép. 2016, 527). In the new version the letter of Seleukos itself, of which the first nine lines are preserved, is prefaced by only a single covering-letter, presumably addressed to the civic community of Byblos (which hence will have been recognized by the Seleucids already at this date as a Greek πόλις), and likely to the same strategos Dorymenes as the Marisa decree, in whose satrapy Byblos also fell. In the preserved portions there are some minor differences in phrasing with respect to the Marisa version, though one alleged divergence, the month date of the covering-letter, might be only apparent: the editors read Γορπιαίου κς (L. 5), but the photograph seems to show instead κγ, just as the Marisa version. A fragment of a Hellenistic inscription of unknown provenance, no. 410 ( Yon op. cit.), probably belongs to an epistolary decree of 177 bce addressed to a Heliodoros, and hence might come from the same dossier of Byblos.

8A Latin inscription commemorates the restoration of a temple built under Herod the Great at Berytos, by his descendant Agrippa II and queen Berenike (no. 51; Ann. ép. 1928, 82; 2006, 1578). Two unpublished Latin dedications from Berytos attest Julius Julianus, governor of Phoenicia probably of the early fourth century, previously known through only a single published inscription (nos. 52-53, cf. Ann. ép. 2005, 1566). No. 81 from the same site brings to light for the first time a Greek dedication to Zenon, στρατοπεδάρχης (magister utriusque militiae per Orientem), perhaps to be identified with the consul of 448, or with the future emperor Zeno. Under nos. 82-85 come four fragments of roughly contemporary fiscal tariffs from Byzantine Berytos (SEG XXXIX 1575-1577, XLIV 1316; Bull. ép. 1946-1947, 207; 1995, 628), the last previously unpublished, the first two perhaps joining (in no. 84). From Laodikaea on the Sea, no. 382 is a Roman re-inscription of a Hellenistic decree of the πελιγᾶνες, originally enacted in 174 bce, concerning the priests of Sarapis and Isis (IGLS IV 1261).

9Among the wealth of dedications and related cultic inscriptions, particular interest is offered by the small bilingual dossier from Nihatha, near the plain of Bekaa southwest of Heliopolis-Baalbek, concerning the priestess Hocmaea (Ochmaea, Οχμαια) comprised by nos. 353-354 (IGLS VI 2928-2929). The first text is a Latin dedication by the woman herself as a virgin priestess (uates) of the god Hadaranes, commemorating a fast without bread for 20 days; the second, a bilingual Latin-Greek funerary monument later set up for her by a Roman veteran, commemorates her service in the same function for the goddess Atargatis (in the Greek version), called in turn “the Syrian goddess of Nihatha” (dea Syria Nihathena). For the temple at this same site, no. 357 (SEG XXXV 1496) provides an architectural scale model of the inner sanctum itself (προκέντημα ἀδύ[του], A), labeled with dimensions in feet (πόδες, B; in LL. 4 and 6 the abbreviations should be expanded in the singular, not plural, πόδ(α) and πό(δα), given the following numeral αʹ).

10A testament to the intersection of Semitic, Greek, and Iranian cultic traditions is no. 293, a dedication to Asklepios by Theodotos, priest of Mithras, of 141 ce from the sanctuary originally dedicated to the Phoenician god Eshmun at Bostan al-Sheikh near Sidon (Ann. ép. 2002, 1530; SEG LII 1590). From Berytos itself, most likely, in the newly edited no. 48, comes the first evidence for the cult of Adonis in Roman Phoenicia, in the form of a Latin dedication to deus Adonis, unfortunately badly weathered. Noteworthy dedications of objects include nos. 564, a bronze lamp dedicated to a local Zeus Παγραμηνός, attached to an otherwise unknown site (Bull. ép. 1973, 40), and 411 (Bull. ép. 1908, 204, 1977 no. 533; SEG XXVI 1654, Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 20/18/01), an especially realistic model of a human foot dedicated to Sarapis, clutched in the talons of an eagle and accompanied by a riddling hexameter perhaps hinting at the homonymity of the dedicant with the bird (Ἀετός).

  • 6 From the region a further parallel may be added: a fragmentary stamp said to be of soft white ston (...)

11From the Christian period, under no. 332 comes a well-known decree of asylum (ἀσφάλεια) for an oratory (εὐκτήριον) of St. Zacharias, issued on the joint initiative of a bishop and a comes, found at El Bassa in the territory of Tyre, which joins a smaller fragment in the Louvre (SEG VIII 18). The names of both bishop and comes are lost; the former’s probably ends in -ας (gen. -α̣, L. 4, on the Louvre fragment). At the top are the heads of an emperor and empress (θεῖοι χαρακτῆρες), flanking that of the saint, and the editors rightly point out that an identification of the imperial couple holds the key to a precise dating of the inscription. Inspection of the Louvre fragment, on which the emperor is preserved, appears not yet to have been possible, and no published facsimile is known. No. 561 is a limestone stamp for the impression of eucharist-bread, found at Byblos (Bull. ép. 1958, 507), bearing cruciform designs in the center and the incipit of the Lord’s prayer from Matthew 6:9 in retrograde around the circumference (Πάτερ ἡμῶν ὁ ἀν τῆς οὐρανῆς [sic]). 6

12From the realm of mythology and legend come some labeling dipinti accompanying the fine mythological scenes of a painted tomb discovered at Burj al-Shamali, now removed to the Museum (no. 323). The scenes, of Tantalos (“dans les jardins infernaux;” he appears to be bending down with arms extended, perhaps attempting to catch the waters of the eternally receding pool?), Herakles leading Alkestis, Hermes, Athena, and Artemis at the rape of Persephone, the ransom of Hektor from Achilles by Priam, and Herakles walking Kerberos on a leash, are conveniently collected with the funerary inscriptions themselves (no. 324) and furnished with good photographs. Dated to the later, Byzantine period are nos. 340-343, a series of luxurious mosaic pavements from Byzantine houses at Heliopolis-Baalbek, with decoration including the busts and sayings of the Seven Sages plus Sokrates (340; IGLS VI 2884; Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 20/13/03), personifications of Summer and Earth (341; IGLS VI 2885), a building-inscription of a Patrikios of Neoplatonist sympathies (342; IGLS VI 2886, Merkelbach-Stauber ibid.), and scenes from the birth and childhood of Alexander the Great (343; IGLS VI 2887).

  • 7 The editors signal at p. 114 a forthcoming work by Yon on the typological features of these monume (...)

13Funerary inscriptions make up a major portion of the catalogue, and include the largest single collection of the distinctive Sidonian grave cippi (nos. 171-289). 7 These monuments share a distinctive form, a rectangular base with squat column crowned around the top with a decorative band, in many cases recalling a floral garland. The texts generally provide the name of the deceased (only), and often the age at death, with or without a farewell, and epithets such as καλός and ἄλυπος, and are occasionally dated on the era of Sidon (nos. 242, 252); no. 228 is a rare example with a patronym. No. 7, the epitaph of a Theodoros from Byblos, contains a rare mention, for the East, of the occupation of sculptor (ἀνδριαντοπλάστης).


14Among public inscriptions, besides those already mentioned, the most significant new contributions are fragments from the territory of Tyre (Kafra or Naffakhiye) of a Byzantine imperial constitution in Latin (with Greek dating clause) in the form of a rescript, perhaps granting asylum to an oratory (no. 329), and a fragment of another rescript constitution in Greek, perhaps of Gordian III, from Hama in the Emesene (385).

  • 8 On this inscription see now also Rey-Coquais 2016, p. 132-133.

15Concerning cult, nos. 333-334 may be mentioned, from southern Lebanon, two marble plaques for the dedication of altars for the safety of the emperors of the second tetrarchy in 310/311, whose formulary permits a correction in the interpretation of I.Tyr II 389, which concerns Galerius, not Maximian. Nos. 338-339, from Heliopolis-Baalbek, are dedications to Jupiter Heliopolitanus, the first a Latin-Greek bilingual, the second Latin; no. 370, probably from the plain of Bekaa, is a bilingual Latin-Greek dedication to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Heliopolitanus; and 373 is a Greek dedication to Κυρία Πατρίς (likely Berytos or Heliopolis), erected perhaps at Nihatha by a duumvir. No. 310 is an honorific inscription from Tyre for a man holding priesthoods of Ἀγαθὴ Τύχη, Herakles, Leukothea, and another deity with the epithet πρόμαντις, whose name is lost. Here may be mentioned also no. 374, from the vicinity of Heliopolis-Baalbek and dated to 182 ce, a rare instance of a Greek epitaph addressed to the θεοὶ καταχθόνιοι in the dative, corresponding to Latin diis manibus8 and no. 307, a Latin dedication to the Genius sacramenti (Ann. ép. 1924, 135), which can now be traced firmly to Tyre based on unpublished archival correspondence, in place of Sidon where it was seen by

16From the Christian period, a mosaic from Nikertai in the Apamene (no. 381) commemorates the restoration of a martyrium of St. Symeon and provides the first epigraphic attestation of the archbishop Konon of Apamea. A new addition to the group of anonymous Christian epitaphs of the πιστοί from Tyre (see I.Tyr I, p. 139-140 with Bull. ép. 1987, 409) is no. 315. In no. 131, a fragmentary mosaic in a Byzantine church in the territory of Berytos (Khaldé-Choueifat), previously published but without articulation of the traces, the month name [Ὀκ]τό[βριος] is tentatively offered for an inscription above the head of a standing youth holding a hare, likely to be identified as a shepherd; the decorative program would then have been designed to evoke “l’époque de l’année où des festivités étaient célébrées dans l’église.” In no. 134, a mosaic in the nearby church of St. Rhodon, the editors add the weight of onomastic evidence to the hypothesis of that the honorand is an otherwise unknown local saint: names derived from the rose are common in the region in both Greek and Aramaic (Ῥόδων, Ῥόδον, Warda).

17Among epigrams are nos. 88, the ends of four lines of Greek moralizing trimeters on an architrave block likely belonging to the same monument as the previously published no. 87, from Beirut (CIG III 4530, an addendum to Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO). Related too, propose the editors, is a fragment unearthed in Beirut in 2004 and edited by Maurice Sartre (SEG LV 1632), and a comparison of the photographs bears out this similarity as far as the physical form of the blocks, though the block published by Sartre has a Latin inscription on its back, which sets it apart, to some degree, from the Museum blocks, for which no such further texts are mentioned. New Greek grave epigrams are nos. 344, from Byzantine Heliopolis-Baalbek, and 418-420, of unknown provenance. Of the latter 419 is the most substantial, with remains of eight lines, unfortunately in a poor state of preservation, and appears to commemorate a young woman deceased at the age of 19 (on this and no. 420 see also III below).

18The greatest share among the crop of new texts falls to funerary inscriptions, which, along with the rest, offer no small onomastic interest. New names include: Γεννασίμη, from the vicinity of Antioch or northern Syria (no. 379, apparently formed on the analogy of e.g. Ζωσίμη, Ὀνησίμη, and Χρησίμη, well-attested in the region; for the initial element compare Γενναΐς, a Sidonian woman attested at Tomis in the Roman period in ISM II 290; in the later, Byzantine period Γενναδία is found at Emesa, IGLS V 2479 with SEG LI 1969); Εζωβας, in an inscribed Christian prayer from Qana in the territory of Tyre, dated to 407/8 (no. 330, whose apparent novelty the editors note; if Εζωβαν is regarded as an accusative in place of genitive, it could perhaps be referred to the Ασουβος on a Jewish ossuary from Jerusalem of the 1st cent. bce or 1st cent. ce, which has in turn been explained by the biblical name Ḥaššûb, LXX Ασουβ, see CIIP I.1 120 with commentary; if instead Εζωβαν is considered indeclinable, the biblical Ḥăšabnâ, LXX Εσαβανα, formed from the same root might be compared); the apparently Semitic Ζεννθας, possibly from Berytos (no. 107; references might be added to the better-attested Ζαννεος and Ζοναινος/Ζονενος, for which possible Semitic roots are discussed in I.Pal.Tertia Ia 78.2 and 120.2 with commentary; to Ζανναθη in an epitaph seen in a private house at Adraa, IGLS XIV.1 89; or to Ζαναθος, resident of Alexandria in the mid-fourth century, among the correspondents in the Abinnaeus archive, P.Abinn. 30); Μαγαδελ from the vicinity of Zeugma or Heliopolis-Baalbek (no. 380, feminine on the basis of the following χρηστή; only the masculine Μαγαδελος is known thus far, IGLS XXI.5.1 334); Μαμνας, of unknown provenance (no. 432, gen. Μαμνα: new at least in this form, but one might think of a dissimilated form of the Μαμμας found in e.g. MAMA III 495; compare the more common Μαμας); Συδδηνος, a patronym or double name in the Christian epitaph no. 431, to which the editors compare the village Σινδυς mentioned in connection with Tyre in a Byzantine legal text (Justinian’s Novel 139; if this plausible relation is correct, might Συδδηνος be instead an ethnic for this village, formed with the familiar -ηνός suffix?), and in the same text a papponym or patronym Μαυραειας, which the editors propose might be read in place of Μαυραγγας in I.Syrie 2258; and finally Σώστη (no. 276?, see further III below).

  • 9 Edited by Müfid 1933, p. 119 no. 11.

19Among rare names, noteworthy are Ἀντιοχιανή probably from the Syrian city of the same name (no. 376), Ἀποστολία from Tyre (319), Ζήλωτος from Sidon or Tyre (413), and Ισβαλτος in a dedication from Byblos (5, the name of both the father and the grandfather of a priest of Dionysos; see further III below). In a group of 22 previously unpublished epitaphs of unknown provenance (422-444) are the rare names Αμιους (422), Κονναρος (425), Πίτα (a reference to two previously known attestations may be added, from Epidamnos [LGPN IIIa s.v.] and Phrygia; 9 compare also Πίτας in I.Sinope 39 with SEG LIV 1258), and Χορίων (423). In the Sidonian cippus no. 186 the rare, mythological name Βρέμουσα is now read with more confidence than in (Β̣ρέμουσα in place of [Β]ρέμου[σ]α), which, as the most recent editors point out, is borne also by an Amazon in Quintus of Smyrna (1.43, 247) and paralleled once as a personal name in Latin transliteration (see LGPN IIIa s.v.; a reference to the male equivalent Βρέμων, slightly more common, may be added, LGPN II, IIIa, and Vb s.v.); names of this genre recur also in nos. 250, Λήδα, and 268, Ῥοδόπη.

  • 10 Edited by Lamy 1898, p. 133 no. 133; for the location (Syriac Myspr) see Hoyland 2009, p. 139.
  • 11 See Hoftijzer & Jongeling 1995, p. 1195 s.v. 2 in fine.

20The first instance of the nominative of the name Ταψαρος comes in a bilingual Greek-Latin dedication from ʿAkkār in northern Lebanon; the gen. Ταψαρου is reported by the editors in an unpublished inscription from Maqam al-Rabb in the same vicinity, and the ensemble forms the basis for their proposal of a correction of the genitive Γαψαρα in IGLS XIV.2 529 (Akraba) to Ταψαρα (nom. Ταψαρας); further support may be added from the name of a Christian archimandrite, Ṭpswrws, attested circa 569-570 at Musayfirah in the Hauran. 10 The name might be referred to a compound of the Semitic ṭb “good” and šrš “root, stock, family”, or perhaps more specifically, “offspring”. 11 The man in the ʿAkkār dedication is a native of Γαβιθα in Arabia, if Γαβιθαι in LL. 3-4 is taken as an ethnic “à un cas indéterminé” (or perhaps instead an unmarked abbreviation for Γαβιθαινός, or a simple transliteration of a Semitic ethnic gbty(ʾ), as in e.g. Syriac ḥmṣyʾ, “from Emesa”).

  • 12 See in general SEG XLV 2242, and in particular e.g. SEG LV 1524, a cryptographic invocation of St. (...)

21Among the magical texts are offered four previously unpublished amuletic gems: nos. 555, a hematite featuring a lion-headed figure bearing a staff entwined with a snake, inscribed above its head Σαβαω[θ]; 556, a green jasper with the seven Greek vowels inscribed above two scorpions, and on the other side, Helios enthroned; 557, a green jasper with an image of a standing male figure identified by the editors as Asklepios, surrounded by magical words, continuing onto the other side; and 558, a black serpentine to aid digestion with an inscription exhorting the gastric tract to “digest well” (εὐπέπτι, εὐπέπτι). Little sense can be made thus far of the intriguing “[t]exte magique” edited under no. 560, which consists of 10 fragmentary lines inscribed shallowly on a marble block, appearing to yield unpronounceable strings of Greek letters (e.g. L. 3 [- - -]ΘΧΨΛΧΕΟ[- - -]). Besides a possible talismanic function of the alphabet itself (for which see recently SEG LVIII 1760, along with no. 305 in the present catalogue), one wonders whether a cryptographic or isopsephistic system might be in use to encode a more mundane message. 12

  • 13 Bonner 1950, p. 182-183.
  • 14 Bonner 1951, p. 318-319 no. 17.

22This section also includes under no. 545, first published by Campbell Bonner, 13 a good new reading in LL. 4-6, ὁ ἔτι ⟨Ζ⟩εῦ [ΝΕΥ, gem] ἐννεάμορφε, where Bonner read Ορτινευ ἐννεάμορφε. The editors point out the appropriateness of the following epithet κελενεφές (κελαινεφές), L. 6, to Zeus. Nos. 549-550 are fuller editions of two metal prophylactic amulets from Tyre (SEG XXXVI 1313 and 1317), with a similar treatment in no. 559 for a hematite gem set in a gold ring from Berytos. 14


No. 5

  • 15 Zgusta 1964, p. 205 §484.
  • 16 Hoftijzer & Jongeling 1995, p. 183 s.v. bʿl.
  • 17 Benz 1972, p. 232, 277.

23The rare name Ισβαλτος, borne by both the father and the grandfather of a dedicant at Byblos, is said to be “d’origine inconnue.” It was previously attested only at Iasos (I.Iasos 265.8). Ladislav Zgusta has proposed a Semitic derivation: “ʿis [sic] + balt ‘Herrin + Göttin’”. 15 The name is better analyzed as the Phoenician compound ʾšbʿlt, “man of the Lady,” most likely a theophoric of bʿlt gbl, “the Lady of Byblos,” patron goddess of that city, 16 called θεὰ Βααλτις by Philo of Byblos (FGrH IIIc 790 F2.35). For the formation the Phoenician name ʾšbʿl may be compared, “man of Baal” (attested in a Punic dedication at Carthage, CIS I.3 4917.6-7), as analyzed by Frank Benz, who adds the Ugaritic parallels išbʿl and i-ši-baʿal and the Hebrew ʾešbāʿal (1 Chronicles 8:33, 9:39), and adduces also ʾšʾdr, ʾštnt, and ʾšʿštrt. 17

No. 21

24The name Αβδους, gen. Αβδουτος, said to be a hapax, occurs at least once elsewhere as a male name, on an ostrakon from Roman Egypt (Apollonopolis, O.Edfou I 167 [whence C.Pap.Jud. II 408a]), while a female Αβδου̣ς appears in I.Pal.Tertia Ia 194.

No. 22

25In L.5 the photograph shows ΣΤΟΡΟΓΗΣ where the editors print στοργῆς, undoubtedly the intention of the cutter.

No. 149

26L. 8 should read γῆρας ἀπένθ̣ητον λοιπόν, as required by the meter and confirmed on the photograph, so too, whence SEG VII 267 and Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 20/14/07, in place of γῆρας ἀπένθ̣ητον τὸν λοιπόν.

No. 156

  • 18 Hoftijzer & Jongeling 1995, p. 1052-1054 s.v. 1 and 4.
  • 19 Cumont 1926, p. 392 no. 33 (SEG VII 375); Grassi 2012, p. 247 s.v.

27The editors rightly reject previous attempts (, SEG LV 1594, Bull ép. 2005, 516) to restore the name of the deceased as [Μακ]ροβία: the stone is complete. The resulting Ροβια is referred to a Latin nomen Robia, attested in three Latin texts, which may well be right, but none of the parallels cited comes from the region. A Semitic etymology might also be considered, note Ροβεος twice in IGLS XIII.2 9930 (Nāmr al-Hawā, near Adraa), of the fourth century: the patronym of one man is Βάσσος, and the other is the patronym of a man whose name is lost, while the rest of the text presents a mixed list of Greek, Roman, and Semitic names, e.g. Εδδωλας, Βαυθαλαν, and Μαλχος. Perhaps related is the Ρωβης (gen. Ρωβη) in CIIP III 2213, from Ioppe (though referred to the biblical Ρουβην in the commentary there). All might be referred to the verbal root rby, “be, become large,” with a derived noun rby, “child, adolescent”. 18 The name Ροβος at Dura-Europos has been similarly explained. 19

No. 157

28From the photograph, Φιλουμενὲ̣ | χρηστέ̣, suggested particularly by the top and bottom horizontal bars of final Ε in each word, seems preferable to the editors’ Φιλουμένη, χρηστή̣. Hence the deceased was a man, Φιλουμενός.

No. 164

  • 20 Jalabert 1907, p. 306 no. 106.13.

29This funerary monument from Sidon, tentatively dated to the 1st cent. ce, was first described by Louis Jalabert, 20 and a text, without line division, was printed by René Mouterde in the commentary to IGLS IV 1295. The most recent editors have improved upon the preliminary interpretation of Mouterde by identifying a dedication of Σεγνας, a well-attested Aramaic name, son of Κεφάλων, to his deceased wife. This woman’s name, which should come in the dative in L. 2 before τῆι ἑαυτ̣[οῦ γ]υ̣ναικί in the following line, remains uncertain. The editors rightly reject Mouterde’s [Ἱερα]πολίτῃ, which is too long for the space, and offer instead in the text the otherwise unattested Ἀ̣πολλίτι from a putative Ἀπολλίς (the best articulation in my view, formed perhaps on the analogy of Διονυσίς, with an interchange of τ for δ in the root). In the apparatus, however, it is admitted that the letter read without underdot as π “pourrait à la rigeur être un sigma” (the photograph might even suggest a compressed ΣΙ), while the final letter printed as ι is described as “éventuellement un êta avec la seconde haste sur le rebord”, on the basis of which “une forme du nom latin Pollitta” is also allowed (for Greek transcriptions thereof see LGPN I s.v. Πώλιττα, IIIb s.v. Πολίτα and Πωλίτα). The latter alternative is not favored by the preceding letterform read as Α̣, nor is the reading ΟΛΛ for Mouterde’s ΟΛ readily confirmed by the photograph. As the final line shows, the wife in any case died in a shipwreck. The editors reject Mouterde’s restoration ναυαγή[σασι]ν as too short, which would also illogically require both spouses to have perished in this way, whereas Σεγνα in L. 1 is surely better taken as a genitive governing τὸ μνη̣[μεῖο]ν̣. The end of the final line is left unrestored as ναυαγή̣[- - -]Ν, but there is an acknowledgment in the apparatus of “la partie inférieure d’un jambage incliné avant le nu final (alpha?).” One hesitates to propose an ungrammatical supplement, but ναυαγή̣[σασ]α̣ν would fit, for ναυαγησάσῃ, and is in fact no shorter than the supplement for the lacuna of approximately the same size accepted in the preceding line.

No. 168

30In L. 2, ἄωρε should be read, from the photograph, as also Bull. ép. 1946-1947 no. 208, in place of ἄλυπε.

No. 176

  • 21 Schwabe & Lifschitz 1974, nos. 149 and 183. For the motifs in general see Goodenough 1954, p. 145- (...)
  • 22 Ilan 2002, p. 264.

31In L. 5, after the age of the deceased comes an ornament, described by the editors as a “palme”, then “un petit delta penché en arrière, d’interprétation difficile.” One avenue of interpretation does present itself, if the palm is regarded more specifically as a lulav, a well-known Jewish symbol in use in funerary epigraphy, which could plausibly be followed by either an etrog or an incense-shovel (the “petit delta”). Clearer instances of the symbols appear in two epitaphs from Bessara-Beth Sheʿarīm, which combine menorah, shofar, lulav, and incense-shovel in the top register above the texts. 21 The name Ἀντίοχος is in fact attested among Jews in Roman Syria, despite the ill will associated with the homonymous Hellenistic monarch. 22

No. 189

32In L. 1, from the photograph, χρηστ[έ] seems preferable to the editors’ χρεστ[έ].

No. 193

33In L. 1, the name of the deceased is left in majuscules as ΔΗΜΗΤ̣ΕΙ. The following χρηστέ suggests a male honorand, making either Δημήτ⟨ρ⟩ει or Δημή⟨τ⟩ρει very likely, for Δημήτρι, vocative of Δημήτρις, compare Διονύσι from Διονύσις in no. 202, Ἰούλει from Ἰούλις in 240, Τέρτι for Τέρτις in 277, and Τιβέρι for Τιβέρις in 279.

No. 210

  • 23 Contenau 1920, p. 288 no. 14.
  • 24 Aliquot & Yon 2016, p. 169 no. 44.
  • 25 Aliquot & Yon 2016, p. 169 no. 43.
  • 26 See e.g. the text edited by Negev 1961, p. 127 no. 1.
  • 27 Aliquot & Yon 2016, p. 169 no. 43.
  • 28 Lane 1863-1893, p. 2888c s.v. hirru.
  • 29 Harding 1971, p. 612-613.
  • 30 For the distinction see Lane 1863-1893, p. 2890a-b s.v. haritu.

34In this Sidonian cippus, for an Εραθως of uncertain gender, the editors comment, “Le rapprochement avec la Muse Ἐρατώ ... est douteux” (apparently their own theory, since does not comment on the name and articulates Ἐράθως23), and compare the Greek masculine Ἔρατος and an Ερρεθωση in an unpublished Sidonian cippus from the collection of the American University in Beirut (inv. 5359). The latter has now been published in turn by Aliquot and Yon, 24 who there compare Ερρεθας (nominative, feminine) in yet another new Sidonian cippus brought to light from the American University collection, 25 which finds a parallel at Emesa in IGLS V 2334. At least in the case of Εραθως it is tempting to think of a relation with the Nabataean royal name Ḥrtt, which is in fact not entirely restricted to royalty, 26 though usually transcribed Αρεθας (so probably IGLS XXI.5 376 from Umm al-Jimal; which is also the Greek transcription of the name of the Ghassanid monarch, d. 569, rendered in Syriac Ḥrt) or Αρετας (Josephus, AJ 1.124 et al., for the royal use). More difficult to evaluate is the suggestion of the editors that Ερρεθας in the American University cippus “peut correspondre à un nom arabe désignant le chat” 27: apparently the Arabic hirra(tu) is meant, “(female) cat,” certainly known in Islamic Arabic 28 but not firmly attested to my knowledge as a personal name. Gerald Lankester Harding lists attestations of Hr and Hrr along with Hrt, but the latter is glossed “Ar. harit, lion”. 29 Harding thinks perhaps of al-muharratu, “the gaping-mouthed one,” an epithet of the lion, though the simple haritu (from the same root, hrt, to be distinguished from hrr, the source of the cat terms) should mean more generally “wide, ample,” itself not inappropriate for a personal name. 30 In fact the editors of IGLS V 2334, the parallel from Emesa, do cite the cat interpretation, attributing it to René Dussaud ap., but prefer “le nom divin ḤRT’, devenu nom. pr.”

No. 225

35In L. 1, the main text should read Ἡλιόδω{δ}ρος, confirmed on the photograph and already suggested in; the second Δ has not been cancelled by the cutter.

No. 253

36This damaged inscription is titled “Épitaphe de Math–,” after the vestiges of a name so read in LL. 3-4. In view of its position, ΜΑΘ[ ̣]Λ[ ̣]Υ could instead be the patronym, the inclusion of which is rare but attested in Sidonian epitaphs (see no. 228), with the name of the deceased directly preceding (LL. 1-2), perhaps an infant, as the editors rightly note the specification of age in months (L. 7). It is not necessary to seek with the editors an unusual genitive of an unattested female name: if a patronym is accepted, the masculine genitives Μαθ[ε]λ[ο]υ or Μαθ[η]λ[ο]υ, of a Μαθελος or Μαθηλος so far unattested but apparently cognate with the Μ[α]θελη in IGLS XXI.5 337 already compared by the editors, are closer to hand.

No. 258

  • 31 Renan 1864, p. 383.

37In L. 2, the editors read χρηστέ (so too, 31 but the sigma does not appear in the photograph, and the space between Η and Τ seems insufficient for another letter even if damage to the surface is assumed. More likely is χρητέ by an omission of the cutter, as in no. 240, L. 2.

No. 270

38The name Σειλθα is referred by the editors to a “féminin du nom sémitique courant Σειλας (š’yl’)”, formed from the root šʾl, “ask for.” It is worth noting the alternative explanation of the Σιλθα popular at Zoora, advanced by Yiannis Meimaris and Kalliope Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou in the commentary to I.Pal.Tertia 13.2 via the root šly/šlʾ (“be at rest, be quiet or peaceful”), who adduce Nabataean parallels; for the sense compare perhaps Ἡσύχιος and Ἡσυχία. The vocalization Σ(ε)ιλθα, at any rate, would seem to favor the interpretation of the present editors (as opposed to Συλλ(α)ιθα, compare Συλλαιος in Josephus, AJ 16.220 and elsewhere as the equivalent of the masculine šly).

No. 276

39The name whose vocative is read as Σώστη appears to be new; the editors note that the only feminine name in -ωστη previously known is Γνώστη, which is too long. Names terminating in -στη are more numerous but none will fit the traces, which they render in the main text as Σ̣[ώ]στη but Ϲ[ ̣]ϹΤΗ in, further describing “la lettre qui précède le [deuxième] sigma et dont on voit le bas” as “une lettre ronde,” so perhaps either Σ̣ώ̣στη or Σώ̣στη should be printed. A reference may be added to Σωστου (gen.) in P.Gen. I 16.6 (cf. perhaps also BGU XIII 2309.2), from Roman Egypt, the nominative of which may well be Σώστης, in which case a vocative Σώστη is conceivable here, if the deceased is in fact male: note the discord between χρηστ⟨έ⟩ (ΧΡΗϹΤϹ on the stone) in L. 2 and the participle ζήσασα in LL. 3-4.

No. 312

40From the photograph the name of the deceased should be read as Βωδοσταρτος (so too and Bull. ép. 1967, 639), in place of Βωδασταρτος.

No. 351

  • 32 Chapter 34 in the edition of Lacombrade 1964; on the divinity, see recently van der Sluijs 2009.
  • 33 A recently published Greek dedication from the territory of Emesa, however, explicitly equates Azi (...)
  • 34 Starcky 1972.
  • 35 For a possible addendum, Μανεμος ἥρως, see SEG LXII 1594 with in fine.

41The name Μονιμος, patronym of Μανβογις, the dedicant of a statue from the vicinity of Heliopolis-Baalbek, is identified in passing as “la transcription grecque d’un nom théophore du dieu Munim.” For this divinity references may be added above all to the locus classicus, the oration of the emperor Julian On Helios the King 32: Μονιμος received cult at Edessa jointly with Azizos and Helios, and as intimated by Iamblichus, both Monimos, equated with Hermes, and Azizos, equated with Ares, served as “assistants” (πάρεδροι) to Helios, raining down benefactions on the earth (πολλὰ καὶ ἀγαθὰ τῷ περὶ γῆν ἐποχετεύοντες). 33 Important epigraphic evidence for the divinity comes in the form of an inscribed bilingual stele dedicated to Mʿnym in Palmyrene Aramaic (mṣbʾ dnh lmʿnym gnyʾ ṭbʾ wškrʾ), attributed on stylistic grounds to the north-west part of the Palmyrene and connected with the Edessan Μονιμος by its first editor, Jean Starcky, 34 though the Greek portion is unfortunately missing the name of the divinity. 35 In his study, Starcky duly considers the various Semitic personal names sharing the same root nʿm, but, noting the wide distribution of the names in contrast to the more restricted evidence for the god, ultimately concludes that the former were more likely “donné à l’enfant pour marquer qu’il serait « bienveillant »” than as theophorics.

  • 36 For Hebrew see further Zadok 1988, p. 47, 51, 81, 125; for Phoenician, Benz 1972, p. 362 s.v.; for (...)
  • 37 Ryckmans 1934, vol. 1, p. 124, with p. 39-217 (“Noms simples”), p. 217-252 (“Noms théophores”), an (...)

42Indeed the same root nʿm is productive in several Semitic languages of personal names that have no obvious relation to a god. In Hebrew, most famous are Naomi (Noʿŏmî), mother-in-law of Ruth, and the Aramaean general Naaman (Naʿămān) healed of leprosy by Elisha (2 Kings 5); comparanda can be found in Phoenician and Palmyrene, 36 especially the Palmyrene-Greek bilingual IGLS XVII.1 425 (201/2 CE), which establishes a precise equivalence between the personal names [Μον]εμος and Mnʿ[ym]. In his onomastic analysis of the pre-Islamic South Arabian languages, Gonzague Ryckmans has classed Mnʿm among nine other derivatives of the root nʿm (“bon”), in the subgroup “Dérivés de racines verbales” among “Noms propres simples”, and not among “Noms théophores”, which form a separate class, though theophorics may be formed with this same root (e.g. Gdnʿm, Ṣlmnʿm).37

  • 38 Sartre 2007.

43It is worth noting, finally, that Μόνιμος is also a common Greek name (“Steadfast”), found in contexts where Semitic transcription is less likely, e.g. Monimos of Syracuse, 4th cent. bce, RE (4), or the contemporary Monimos of Sparta, RE (2). In Phoenicia, however, given the obviously Semitic name of the son (Μανβογις), the Semitic derivation suggested by the editors may be preferred, even if its theophoric basis remains open to question. It is quite possible that the phonetic coincidence of Greek and Semitic in fact contributed to the popularity of the name, as discussed for Roman names such as Βάσσος, Γερμανός, and Οὐάλης by Maurice Sartre. 38

No. 360

44On a fragment of an architectural block, below an ornamental band, are four letters engraved and rubricated, read as ΝΙΗΛ. The editors remark, “il est tentant de restituer le nom latin de Niha abrégé : Niha(tha)”. Without emendation the end of the biblical name [Δα]νιήλ may be resolved in Greek, if the stone is indeed broken at the left as the photograph appears to show. No evidence for provenance from Niha(tha) is given apart from the proposed emendation. The “graffito ancien et graffito moderne reprenant tous deux le texte principal” are illegible from the photograph and in any case do not assist in deciding the matter (read as [- - -]ΙΛ by the editors).

No. 383

45In L. 1, from the photograph, read γραφαῖσιν for γραφαῖσι.

No. 385

46In L. 8, where the editors print [- - - τὰ] περὶ τούτων δόξαντα, to the right of the break there is a vertical trace which, from the photograph, is difficult to reconcile with Α; perhaps instead [- - - τὰ ὑμῖ]ν̣, compare ὑμεῖς in L. 9.

No. 398

47In L. 7, the space appears insufficient for [μὴ τ]ήν, in place of which [μ]ήν seems preferable.

No. 401

  • 39 Cumont 1923a, p. 34; Cumont 1923b, p. 204, whence the drawing; Cumont 1926, p. 427 no. 85.

48In L. 8, the Φ of ἀδελφῶν is not visible in the drawing of Cumont reprinted here, though printed the letter without brackets 39 (SEG II 778a gives ἀδελ(φ)ῶν). The stone has since been damaged, and the photograph shows only the first two letters of this line, ΑΔ[, now on a displaced fragment perpendicular to its proper orientation.

No. 419

49The text is a grave epigram of relatively early date for the region, late Hellenistic or early Imperial, nearly complete but badly weathered, for a woman dead at the age of 19. The photograph is not very clear, but it is nevertheless possible to give some tentative suggestions for further readings. In L. 2, the editors print ΑΠΙ οὐδεὶς ἔμολον ΦΕΥΧ[- c. 2-3 -]Ν[- - -], for which read perhaps ἀπρ̣οϊ̣δεῖς ἔμολον, φεῦ, which would fit the second line of an elegiac distich and the sentiment of a lamentably untimely death; for ἀπροϊδής in a similar context see IGLS III.1 944 (Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 20/03/05; Antioch). No supplement fitting the printed Χ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]Ν[ comes to mind, although χαλεποί or χαλεπαί would fit the meter. L. 4 is likely to be the second line of a second elegiac distich, and hence what would be its second hemistich, printed μητρὶ λιποῦσα· [ ̣ ̣ ̣] by the editors, may with some probability be restored μητρὶ λιποῦσα [γόους], as in GV 932 (Rhodes), πολλοὺς ματρὶ λιποῦσα γόους; and Bernand, Inscr. métriques 29 (Alexandria?), πατρὶ λιποῦσα γόους. For the first hemistich, where the editors print Ω[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ΩΣ κεῖμαι, one might think of ὧ[δε νεκρ]ὸ̣ς κεῖμαι, compare SEG XXXV 630 (Larisa), Μνημόνις ἐνθάδε κεῖμαι νέκυς. If the identification of elegiac distichs is accepted, the restoration of the adjective [αἰν]ολεχής at the beginning of L. 1, proposed in, must be favored over the alternative [μον]ολεχής given there, though the latter could be accommodated via the epic form μουνολεχής, as in IG XII.5 678 (Syros). The beginning of L. 3 as printed by the editors, ΒΗΣΙ σοῦ Α̣ΓΕΝ[ ̣]Ι[, is difficult to reconcile with the expected opening of a hexameter, though one might think of an underlying τῆς σου ἀλγεινῆς (sc. e.g. μοίρας) that could fit.

No. 420

50Under this number is another, somewhat later epitaph, in a better state of preservation with respect to the surface, but broken at the top and right. From the photograph, some traces survive of L. 1, given only as [- - -] by the editors, which might be read very tentatively [ ̣]Π̣Ι̣Σ̣[. No metrical schema is readily apparent from the text as printed, which might otherwise help with reconstructions. In LL. 2-3, where the editors have νηπι[- - - | α]ὐ̣τὸν τὰ ὅσα [- - -], read perhaps νήπι[α τέκνα λι]|π̣όντα ὅσα: for the use of λείπω see text no. 419, and for the sentiment, the epitaph from Antioch adduced above, IGLS III.1 944 (Merkelbach-Stauber SGO IV 20/03/05), LL. 5-6, μουνοέτι[ν δὲ] νηπίαχον κούρην λίπω ὑπ’ ἠέλιον; from Sidon, Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 20/14/08, LL. 3-4, [λ]είπω δ’ ἑξαέτη με νέμοντα, μόνον δ’ ἐπὶ θηλῇ υἱέα. In L. 5, for the editors’ ΤΕϹ βρέφος, Π̣ΕϹ βρέφος also seems possible, if continuing a word from the previous line perhaps [ἔλι]|π̣ες βρέφος, or [προὔλι]|π̣ες. In LL. 5-6, the editors give ἡ δὲ νόησ[ις - - -]|ΦΙΑϹΠΩϹΕΜΗϹ; read perhaps ἡ δὲ νόησ[ις σο]|φίας πως ἐμῆς? The reading of Π is difficult to confirm on the photograph and there might in fact be two letters here, but no better reading comes to mind. For the sentiment, compare the praise of an adult as σοφός in Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 20/18/02 (Syria), L. 1; IGLS XIII 9434-9435 (Bostra; Merkelbach-Stauber, SGO IV 22/42/10), a woman ἣ σοφίῃ κραδίην (...) ἐκέκαστο; and SEG XXX 263 (Attica), LL. 2-3, a man ὅς ποτε σωφ[ροσύνης κα]ὶ σ[ο]φία[ς] μέτεχεν· [κάτθανε δὲ] εὐ̣[τυχίαν ὀλέσα]ς πατρός. In LL. 6-7, the noun ἔπαιν|ο̣ν̣ might perhaps be read instead of the editors’ ἐπαιν|[έ]σ̣αι; the sense of LL. 5-7 together would be that the wisdom of the deceased son has brought praise (ἔπαινος) to his parents that will outlive him.

No. 448

51For the unrestored [- - -]σαρίου̣, given the regional context, it is tempting to propose [Δου]σαριου, a well-known Nabataean theophoric, but [Και]σαρίου is also possible.

No. 554

  • 40 Kotansky 1994, p. 262-264 no. 50.
  • 41 For an example from Roman Berytos, which was found in 1929 but apparently never entered the collec (...)

52This gold lamella, found rolled up and deposited in the ruins of a late ancient villa at Soueidiye, is titled “Tablette de défixion” following the first editor. Roy Kotansky had included it among his collection of amulets, 40 and this interpretation seems preferable in regard both to the material, gold instead of lead, and to the text, which, although prudently left in unarticulated majuscules by the most recent editors, can be taken with some confidence as a long series of non-Greek magical words, constituting a protective invocation (in L. 10, [τ]οῦτό μοι κ[- - -] could perhaps be articulated, consistent with such an invocation; the editors in L. 4 refer to “une ou ... plusieurs coupes,” but whether κύλιξ may indeed be extracted from [- - -]κυμικυλιξειβραυραυ seems uncertain). Nothing to indicate a curse or related aggressive action can be discerned, whereas a central concern of curse tablets, as a rule, is to identify the victim and the desired torment. 41

Haut de page


Aliquot (J.) & Yon (J.-B.) 2016 « Inscriptions grecques et latines du musée de l’American University of Beirut », Berytus 56, p. 1-234.

Benz (F. L.) 1972 Phoenician Names in the Phoenician and Punic Inscriptions, Rome.

Bonner (C.) 1950 Studies in Magical Amulets, Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, Ann Arbor.

Bonner (C.) 1951 « Amulets Chiefly in the British Museum », Hesperia 20, p. 301-345.

Contenau (G.) 1920 « Mission archéologique à Sidon (1914) », Syria 1, p. 16-55, 108-154, 198-229, 287-317.

Crowfoot (J. W.), Crowfoot (G. M.) & Kenyon (K. M.) 1957 The Objects from Samaria, Londres.

Cumont (F.) 1923a « Rapport sur une mission à Sālihīyeh sur l’Euphrate », CRAI, p. 12-41.

Cumont (F.) 1923b « Le temple aux gradins découvert à Sālihīyeh et ses inscriptions », Syria 4, p. 203-223.

Cumont (F.) 1926 Fouilles de Doura-Europos (1922-1923), Paris.

Decourt (J.-C.) & Ghanimé-Marion (P.) 2011-2012 « Une nouvelle dédicace à Azizos à Tallat ʿAzzu (Émésène, Syrie) », Tempora. Annales d’histoire et d’archéologie 20-21, p. 71-78.

Dunand (M.) 1934 Mission archéologique au Djebel Druze. Le musée de Soueïda, Paris.

Goodenough (E. R.) 1954 Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, vol. 4, New York.

Grassi (G. F.) 2012 Semitic Onomastics from Dura Europos. The Names in Greek Script and from Latin Epigraphs, Padoue.

Harding (G. L.) 1971 An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions, Toronto.

Hoftijzer (J.) & Jongeling (K.) 1995 Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions, 2 vol., Leyde.

Hoyland (R.) 2009 « Late Roman Provincia Arabia, Monophysite Monks and Arab Tribes: A Problem of Centre and Periphery », Semitica et Classica 2, p. 117-139.

Ilan (T.) 2002 Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity I. Palestine 330 bce–200 ce, Tübingen.

Jalabert (L.) 1907 « Inscriptions grecques et latines de Syrie (deuxième série) », MUSJ 2 (1907), p. 265-320.

Kotansky (R.) 1994 Greek Magical Amulets. The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze Lamellae I: Published Texts of Known Provenance, Opladen.

Lacombrade (C.) 1964 L’empereur Julien. Œuvres completes, vol. 2.2, Paris.

Lamy (T. J.) 1898 « Profession de foi adressée par les abbés des couvents de la province d’Arabie à Jacques Baradée », Actes du Onzième Congrès International des Orientalistes, Paris, 1897. Quatrième section : hébreu, phénicien, araméen, éthiopien, assyrien, Paris, p. 117-137.

Lane (E.) 1863-1883 An Arabic-English Lexicon, Londres.

Müfid (A.) 1933 « Erwerbungsbericht des Antikenmuseums zu Istanbul seit 1914 », AA, p. 115-140.

Negev (A.) 1961 « Nabatean Inscriptions from ʿAvdat (Oboda) », IEJ 11, p. 127-138.

Renan (Ε.) 1864 Mission de Phénicie, Paris.

Rey-Coquais (J.-P.) 2016 « Pierres en errance : Syrie et Liban », Syria 93, p. 129-135.

Ryckmans (G.) 1934 Les noms propres sud-sémitiques, 2 vol., Louvain.

Sartre (M.) 2007 « The Ambiguous Name: The Limitations of Cultural Identity in Graeco-Roman Syrian Onomastics », E. Matthews (éd.), Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics, Oxford, p. 199-232.

Schwabe (M.) & Lifschitz (B.) 1974 Beth Sheʿarim 2, The Greek Inscriptions, Jérusalem.

Starcky (J.) 1972 « Relief dédié au dieu Munʿīm », Semitica 22, p. 57-65

Stark (J. K.) 1971 Personal Names in Palmyrene Inscriptions, Oxford.

Van der Sluijs (M. A.) 2009 « Who are the ‘Attendants of Helios’? », JAOS 129, p. 169-177.

Yon (J.-B.) 2012 « Cippes funéraires de Sidon et leurs inscriptions », M. Martinelli-Reber, A.-M. Maïla-Afeiche, & M.-A. Haldimann (éd.), Fascination du Liban. Soixante siècles d’histoire de religions, d’art et d’archéologie, Milan, p. 117-120.

Yon (J.-B.) 2015 « Inscriptions grecques et latines inédites du musée de l’Université du Saint-Esprit à Kaslik (USEK), Liban », Syria 92, p. 299-308.

Yon (J.-B.) 2016 « Quelque cippes funéraires de Sidon. Documents nouveaux et méconnus », Syria 93, p. 17-28.

Zadok (R.) 1988 The Pre-Hellenistic Israelite Anthroponymy and Prosopography, Louvain.

Zgusta (L.) 1964 Kleinasiatische Personennamen, Prague.

Haut de page


1 For the genesis of the Museum see the editorial preface to the first volume of the Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth (1937), which traces the kernel of the collection back to that of Raymond Weill, a French military officer active in 1919, as well as the overview of the curator Maurice Chéhab in the same volume (“Le Musée de Beyrouth”, p. 1-6); the official opening, on 27 May 1942, is commemorated in the sixth volume of the same journal (1942-1943), p. 85-86. The reconstruction, facilitated by the protective measures taken by Chéhab himself as Director of Antiquities, is chronicled in various issues of the National Museum News, launched in 1995 (see esp. vol. 1 of that year and 6 of 1997); for an accessible and engaging account of the recent culmination of years of restoration work see also R. Wright, “Beirut’s Museums of War and Memories”, The New Yorker, 12 October 2016, [].

2 See BMB 6 (1942-1943), p. 85-86 as cited above.

3 Dunand 1934; Aliquot & Yon 2016; Yon 2015 (Bull. ép. 2016, 526). The Jordan Museum (Amman) will also be treated in a forthcoming collaboration of Aliquot and Yon with P.-L. Gatier, N. Bader, and M. Sartre, in ADAJ 58 (2014).

4 For a prospectus and updates see

5 The Museum holds twelve Palmyrene Aramaic texts, not included in the present catalogue but conveniently collected at p. 216 in the form of a concordance with inventory numbers and their editions in PAT.

6 From the region a further parallel may be added: a fragmentary stamp said to be of soft white stone, found in the Byzantine church at Sebaste-Samaria, mentioned in Crowfoot, Crowfoot, & Kenyon 1957, p. 466, in which ΗΜΩΝ in retrograde around the circumference can be read from the accompanying drawing (fig. 118 no. 1), surely belonging to Πάτερ ἡμῶν etc.

7 The editors signal at p. 114 a forthcoming work by Yon on the typological features of these monuments in a volume in honor of Leila Badre; until it appears readers may wish to refer to two other essays of the same author: Yon 2016 and Yon 2012 (cf. Bull. ép. 2013, 453; SEG LXII 1615-1618).

8 On this inscription see now also Rey-Coquais 2016, p. 132-133.

9 Edited by Müfid 1933, p. 119 no. 11.

10 Edited by Lamy 1898, p. 133 no. 133; for the location (Syriac Myspr) see Hoyland 2009, p. 139.

11 See Hoftijzer & Jongeling 1995, p. 1195 s.v. 2 in fine.

12 See in general SEG XLV 2242, and in particular e.g. SEG LV 1524, a cryptographic invocation of St. Sergios.

13 Bonner 1950, p. 182-183.

14 Bonner 1951, p. 318-319 no. 17.

15 Zgusta 1964, p. 205 §484.

16 Hoftijzer & Jongeling 1995, p. 183 s.v. bʿl.

17 Benz 1972, p. 232, 277.

18 Hoftijzer & Jongeling 1995, p. 1052-1054 s.v. 1 and 4.

19 Cumont 1926, p. 392 no. 33 (SEG VII 375); Grassi 2012, p. 247 s.v.

20 Jalabert 1907, p. 306 no. 106.13.

21 Schwabe & Lifschitz 1974, nos. 149 and 183. For the motifs in general see Goodenough 1954, p. 145-208.

22 Ilan 2002, p. 264.

23 Contenau 1920, p. 288 no. 14.

24 Aliquot & Yon 2016, p. 169 no. 44.

25 Aliquot & Yon 2016, p. 169 no. 43.

26 See e.g. the text edited by Negev 1961, p. 127 no. 1.

27 Aliquot & Yon 2016, p. 169 no. 43.

28 Lane 1863-1893, p. 2888c s.v. hirru.

29 Harding 1971, p. 612-613.

30 For the distinction see Lane 1863-1893, p. 2890a-b s.v. haritu.

31 Renan 1864, p. 383.

32 Chapter 34 in the edition of Lacombrade 1964; on the divinity, see recently van der Sluijs 2009.

33 A recently published Greek dedication from the territory of Emesa, however, explicitly equates Azizos with Hermes: Decourt & Ghanimé-Marion 2011-2012 with Bull. ép. 2015, 697.

34 Starcky 1972.

35 For a possible addendum, Μανεμος ἥρως, see SEG LXII 1594 with in fine.

36 For Hebrew see further Zadok 1988, p. 47, 51, 81, 125; for Phoenician, Benz 1972, p. 362 s.v.; for Palmyrene, Stark 1971, p. 99-100 s.v. nʿym and nʿm; as well as p. 70 s.v. ʾnʿm. For a collection of attestations see also Grassi 2012, p. 232.

37 Ryckmans 1934, vol. 1, p. 124, with p. 39-217 (“Noms simples”), p. 217-252 (“Noms théophores”), and p. 237 (theophorics compounded with nʿm).

38 Sartre 2007.

39 Cumont 1923a, p. 34; Cumont 1923b, p. 204, whence the drawing; Cumont 1926, p. 427 no. 85.

40 Kotansky 1994, p. 262-264 no. 50.

41 For an example from Roman Berytos, which was found in 1929 but apparently never entered the collection of the National Museum, see SEG XLIV 1317.

Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Michael Zellmann-Rohrer, « Jean-Baptiste Yon & Julien Aliquot, Inscriptions grecques et latines du Musée national de Beyrouth », Syria, 94 | 2017, 349-362.

Référence électronique

Michael Zellmann-Rohrer, « Jean-Baptiste Yon & Julien Aliquot, Inscriptions grecques et latines du Musée national de Beyrouth », Syria [En ligne], 94 | 2017, mis en ligne le 15 décembre 2017, consulté le 16 décembre 2018. URL :

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

© Presses IFPO

Haut de page
  • Logo IFPO
  • OpenEdition Journals