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Tourism, land tenure transformations, and territorial dynamics on the Amborovy coastline, Mahajanga, Madagascar

Tourisme, mutations foncières et dynamiques territoriales sur le littoral d’Amborovy, Mahajanga, Madagascar
Lucien Ramiandrisoa, Josélyne Ramamonjisoa, Andrianina Rakotoson et Njatonandrasana Vololoniaina
Cet article est une traduction de :
Tourisme, mutations foncières et dynamiques territoriales sur le littoral d’Amborovy, Mahajanga, Madagascar [fr]

Résumés

Le littoral d'Amborovy, situé à Mahajanga (côte nord-ouest de Madagascar), subit des mutations foncières accélérées sous l'effet de l'essor touristique. L'explosion des infrastructures depuis 2000 a déclenché une compétition foncière intense, une véritable ruée vers le littoral. Cette pression, qui s’accompagne d’une spéculation immobilière agressive, exacerbe les tensions entre les tompon-tany ou communautés locales et les investisseurs, tout en fragilisant les écosystèmes côtiers. Cette analyse, ancrée dans les théories du pluralisme juridique et de la gouvernance multiscalaire, évalue l'efficacité de la réforme foncière malgache de 2005, notamment l'outil de Propriété Privée Non-Titrée (PPNT), face à cette ruée. Une méthodologie mixte croise des analyses diachroniques et cartographiques (SIG) avec un travail de terrain mené entre 2023 et 2024 documentant la recomposition du bâti depuis les années 1980. Les résultats révèlent que, malgré l'innovation de la PPNT, une conversion accélérée des zones naturelles et agricoles en complexes touristiques, souvent aux mains d'investisseurs étrangers, est observée depuis 2010. Dans cette partie du nord-ouest, les réformes échouent à enrayer la marginalisation des populations locales et la dégradation environnementale. En conclusion, prévenir une fracture territoriale à Mahajanga exige l'instauration urgente d'une gouvernance adaptative. Celle-ci doit articuler l'institutionnalisation des droits coutumiers locaux et une régulation des marchés fonciers contre la spéculation. Cette hybridation normative est impérative pour éviter que ce territoire ne devienne un épicentre expérimental de fragmentation socio-spatiale.

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Introduction

1Coastal zones – highly coveted spaces – often crystallise land-use conflicts between economic, ecological, and social rationales (Neumann, 2005). The rise of seaside tourism has profoundly reshaped land-tenure structures, particularly in the Global South. Island territories are subject to sustained speculative pressure, contributing to territorial fragmentation and rising costs of access to land (Goiffon, 2014). This process tends to marginalise coastal communities, which are frequently compelled to relinquish land under pressure from investors and tourism projects (Zoomers, 2010). In Mahajanga (Madagascar), the rapid tourism-driven land-value uplift of the Amborovy coastal neighbourhood – still relatively under-documented – has catalysed intense spatial competition along recreational waterfronts, at times to the detriment of customary and livelihood-based uses.

2Since the early 2000s, the north-western coast of Madagascar, particularly Mahajanga and its coastal area of Amborovy, has experienced rapid tourism growth. This dynamic, driven by policies of economic liberalisation, has acted as a catalyst for profound land-tenure transformations. Areas once devoted to agro-pastoral activities and traditional fishing have become arenas of tensions between tourism development, ecological preservation, and local land rights. As analysed by Jarnias (2025), this unprecedented land pressure manifests in the scarcity of available plots and a surge in land prices that defy local economic realities.

3Land is traded at an accelerating pace, with exchange value supplanting customary uses. This intensifies conflicts between tompon-tany, literally “owners of the land,” referring to local communities with recognised customary rights, and national or international investors drawn by the recreational potential of the coastline. Sandron (2008) underscores that these dynamics generate social frictions, disrupting traditional land tenure legitimacies in the face of external capital. In parallel, the expansion of hotel and residential infrastructure encroaches upon fragile ecosystems, particularly mangroves, thereby threatening biodiversity and climate resilience (Alongi, 2008; Duke et al., 2007).

4The complexity is further compounded by Malagasy legal pluralism. Lavigne-Delville et al. (2008) describe a “land-tenure imbroglio” arising from the conflictual coexistence of customary law and statutory law. This chronic insecurity particularly hampers areas under intense pressure, such as the coastal neighbourhood of Amborovy. The 2005 land reform – namely the New Land1 Policy (Nouvelle Politique Foncière) and the National Land Programme (Programme National Foncier) – sought to clarify this landscape by recognising local rights through (Propriété Privée Non-Titrée

– PPNT2;

5The consequences are significant: accelerated conversion of natural or agricultural areas into urban zones, landscape fragmentation, and increasing marginalization of local populations. These communities experience restricted access to the coastline and its resources, effectively excluded by soaring land prices. Sigrid et al. (2013) note that land tenure insecurity hinders socio-economic development and conservation strategies. Conflicts over land use, including access to resources, spatial delimitation, and the coexistence of fishing, agriculture, and tourism, multiply, revealing the inability of governance frameworks to manage these tensions equitably. According to Burnod et al. (2023), land governance in Madagascar requires a multiscale approach that integrates the local level (Fokontany, defined as neighbourhoods or administrative sub-divisions of communes in Madagascar), as well as municipal, regional, and national levels. This approach must take environmental imperatives into account, particularly in coastal areas, to ensure the sustainable and coordinated management of land resources.

6Mahajanga provides an exemplary illustration of the intertwined effects of tourism development. These manifest as spatial reconfigurations, new patterns of land appropriation, and increasing environmental tensions. Tourism development impacts both urban transformation and access to land. Within this context, and in the face of still-incomplete land governance, the present study raises the following question: to what extent does tourism development sustainably transform land access, social equilibria, and ecological resilience along the coastline of Amborovy?

7This article analyses the impact of tourism development on the coastline of Amborovy, Mahajanga. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the research aims to demonstrate how tourism reshapes territorialities (a concept referring to the forms and practices through which individuals and social groups appropriate and valorise space according to economic, social, and cultural stakes) (Arnauld de Sartre & Gagnol, 2012), by transforming land tenure regimes, redistributing socio-spatial balances , and fragmenting coastal environmental structures. The study identifies the conditions necessary for resilient development that reconciles ecological integrity, social equity, and economic viability within this island context. The central hypothesis posits that the marginalization of coastal communities and the degradation of ecosystems result from the absence of inclusive regulation that integrates ancestral land rights with the protection of ecological commons.

8The present study is structured as follows: first, the conceptual framework and methodology are presented; subsequently, the results are outlined, detailing the physical, land tenure, socio-economic, and environmental transformations; this is followed by a discussion that situates these dynamics within broader geographical debates and compares them with international case studies; finally, perspectives for the sustainable management of this fragile coastal area are proposed.

Materials and Methods

Study site: the coastal area of Amborovy in the city of Mahajanga

9Located at the north-western extremity of the city of Mahajanga, the Fokontany of Amborovy is distinguished by its strategic position along the fringe of the Indian Ocean. The figure below provides a precise spatial location of Amborovy within the urban fabric of Mahajanga, highlighting its significance at the interface between the city and the ocean.

Figure 1: Location map of the Amborovy neighbourhood within the city of Mahajanga

Figure 1: Location map of the Amborovy neighbourhood within the city of Mahajanga

10This coastal strip, covering an area of approximately 30 km², connects the city to the sea and presents a mosaic of landscapes characterised by alternating sandy beaches, tranquil lagoons, dense mangroves, and coastal savannahs. This territory constitutes a genuine ecological and social interface between the urban space and the coastline.

11The climate reflects the characteristics of Madagascar’s western coast: predominantly hot and dry conditions, with an average annual temperature close to 29°C. Rainfall is variable but generally exceeds 1,500 mm per year. Trade winds and seasonal cyclones strongly shape local climatic conditions, with implications for both ecosystem dynamics and human activities.

12Natural vegetation, dominated by mangroves and savannahs, plays a crucial ecological role. Mangroves, which act as natural barriers against coastal erosion, protect the shoreline, while savannahs contribute to the conservation of remarkable biodiversity. Together, these natural environments enhance soil stability and strengthen the ecological resilience of the neighbourhood in the face of climatic hazards.

13Located at the interface between the city centre of Mahajanga and the Philibert Tsiranana International Airport, Amborovy benefits from remarkable accessibility via National Road 54 (RN 54), making it a strategic area for urban and tourism development. This privileged location has encouraged the establishment of a wide range of tourism-related infrastructures, including hotels, restaurants, and seaside resorts, which attract an increasing flow of domestic and international visitors each year.

14Between 2010 and 2023, the local population of the neighbourhood increased from 11,500 to 18,629 inhabitants (Urban Commune of Mahajanga, administrative census, internal data, 2024), reflecting sustained demographic growth primarily driven by the influx of workers employed in the tourism sector and by internal migration motivated by the economic opportunities generated by tourism development.

15However, this dynamic has been accompanied by increasing land pressure. Strong demand for land has led to a rapid rise in land prices and the progressive conversion of agricultural and natural areas into residential and commercial zones. This process has generated tensions between local stakeholders and investors, exacerbated the degradation of natural environments, particularly beach erosion, and further complicated land management due to the coexistence of customary and modern regimes, thereby making access to land ownership increasingly difficult for historical residents.

Rationale for selecting the study site

16The choice of Amborovy as the study site is justified by its exemplary socio-environmental richness. This coastal neighbourhood crystallizes the challenges inherent to tropical land–sea interfaces: its unique ecological mosaic, where mangroves and savannahs occupy the front line, has been subjected to rapid artificialisation, with built-up areas increasing by 48% between 2010 and 2024, thereby disrupting ecosystem balances (source: GIS analysis conducted by the author, 2024).

17The entanglement of land tenure regimes, customary law and statutory legislation, generates acute conflicts of use, exacerbated by real-estate speculation linked to its strategic position between the international airport and the city of Mahajanga. This accessibility attracts investors, particularly in seaside tourism, as well as economic migrants, triggering a demographic boom (+62% between 2010 and 2024; author’s GIS analysis, 2024).

18Amborovy thus emerges as a privileged observatory of tropical coastal gentrification, comparable to Bali (Indonesia) (Suyadnya, 2021) or Zanzibar (Tanzania) (Jasiński, 2021), but with distinct Malagasy features: weak state regulations, palpable land-tenure tensions that are manifest in everyday local transactions and disputes and this race for the coastline that has turned the shoreline into an economic battleground.

19In sum, this site offers a key to understanding transformations along tropical coastlines, where each disputed hectare or mangrove areas incrementally converted exemplifies the clash between global dynamics and local realities. For us field geographers, it represents a textbook case that directly challenges the development of coastal fringes under pressure.

Methodological approach

20This research examines land tenure transformations induced by tourism development along the Amborovy coastline, within the urban commune of Mahajanga. This coastal area is characterised by intense land pressure, the coexistence of customary tenure regimes and state legal mechanisms, and sustained demographic growth (18,629 inhabitants in 2023, according to the administrative census of the urban commune of Mahajanga). These dynamics make it a particularly relevant site for analysing land tenure tensions and usage conflicts in coastal contexts.

21To capture these transformations across social, spatial, and institutional dimensions, the study adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative surveys, qualitative methods, documentary analysis, and spatial processing using Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Data were collected continuously between November 2023 and April 2024, the triangulation of sources and levels of analysis.

Quantitative and Qualitative Surveys

22A questionnaire-based survey was conducted among 350 households residing in the Fokontany of Amborovy. The survey of 350 households constitutes the quantitative foundation of the analysis. It allows for the statistical assessment of land access modalities, the transformations in land-related practices, and the perceived socio-spatial effects of tourism development at the domestic level, that is, at the level of households and their everyday land tenure practices.

23The sample size was determined using Cochran’s formula for finite populations, with a confidence level of 95%. Questionnaires were administered through face-to-face interviews, conducted in Malagasy or French depending on respondents’ preferred language. This survey modality was designed to foster direct interaction, thereby facilitating comprehension of the questions and reducing biases associated with illiteracy or limited access to digital tools.

24The questionnaire comprised 45 closed and semi-open questions addressing socio-demographic characteristics, land tenure status and modes of access, transaction practices, the effects of tourism development as perceived by households, as well as the adaptive strategies implemented. The average duration of interviews ranged between 35 and 45 minutes.

25The spatial representativeness of the sample is detailed in Table 1. It also reflects a socio-professional diversity (fishermen, employees in the tourism sector, farmers, traders, and households without formal employment), as presented in Table 2. Nevertheless, women, young people under the age of 25, and recently settled households remain underrepresented, given their limited availability and low institutional visibility.

Table 1: Spatial distribution of surveyed households (n = 350, Fokontany of Amborovy)

Spatial Zone

Number of Households

Percentage (%)

Characteristics

Coastal frontage (Central Amborovy)

145

41

Hotels, restaurants, tourist beaches; intense real-estate speculation; high population density (approximately 40% of the coastal population); a 125% increase in built-up area between 2010 and 2024; encroachment on the statutory 25-metre coastal setback (pas géométrique).

Immediate hinterland

(Ambondrona, Antanimalandy)

115

33

Agricultural transition/urbanisation, population relocations; average growth rate of approximately 3.4% per year; medium density; multi-use conflicts involving fishing, agriculture, and tourism.

Outskirts

(Tsararano Ambany and Ambony)

90

26

Spontaneous urban extensions; precarious housing; low density but rapid urbanisation; +62% population growth between 2010 and 2024; limited access to formal land tenure.

Total

350

100

Author, 2024.

26This table illustrates the spatial stratification adopted, with an overrepresentation of the coastal frontage (41%), where tourism pressure is most intense, thereby ensuring representative coverage of urbanization gradients and the most acute land use conflicts.

Table 2. Socio-professional characteristics of respondents

Characteristic

Number

Percentage (%)

Gender

Men

220

63

Women

130

37

Age groups

Under 25 (< 25)

28

8

25-40

98

28

41-60

188

54

Over 60 (> 60)

36

10

Main occupations

Artisanal (small-scale) fishers

112

32

Tourism sector employees

70

20

Farmers

77

22

Traders

49

14

Without formal occupation

42

12

Total

350

100

Author, 2024.

27This composition faithfully reflects the socio-economic structure of Amborovy, dominated by artisanal fishing (32%) and affected by the growth of tourism (20%), while revealing sampling biases: male predominance (63%) and an over-representation of household heads aged 41–60 (54%). This survey was supplemented by 50 individual semi-structured interviews conducted with stakeholders involved in local land tenure dynamics: local and regional authorities (n = 20), managers of tourism establishments and real-estate developers (n = 24), and representatives of local associations (n = 6). The interviews, lasting between 60 and 90 minutes, were guided by a thematic framework focusing on access to coastal land tenure, formal and informal transaction practices, land use conflicts, and perceptions of land tenure policies.

28The interviews were conducted in French or Malagasy, recorded with the participants’ consent, and subsequently transcribed. This method makes it possible to shed light on the roles played by different actors and informal mechanisms, while remaining exposed to strategic discourse. Interviewees were selected using a reasoned sampling approach based on their level of involvement in local land tenure and tourism dynamics, as well as the nature of their institutional, economic, or community roles.

29The qualitative approach was further enriched by 10 community focus groups, bringing together a total of 100 participants. The groups were formed according to criteria of spatial proximity and socio-economic profiles (artisanal / small-scale fishermen, female heads of households, young adults, relocated households, and traditional leaders), in order to encourage freedom of speech.

30Each group discussion, comprising between 8 and 12 participants, lasted on average approximately two hours. These discussions provided an insight into collective representations, social norms, and community-based adaptation strategies, while also being liable to reflect certain group dynamics.

Field observations, documentary review and spatial analysis

31The methodology also included direct field observations, conducted continuously between November 2023 and April 2024 in the coastal neighbourhoods of Amborovy and in the identified peripheral relocation areas (Ambondrona, Antanimalandy, Tsararano Ambany and Ambony). These observations focused on land use patterns, settlement dynamics, types of housing, daily uses of space, and visible transformations of the built environment. Conducted through repeated visits, guided tours with local residents, and during household surveys, these observations allowed for the contextualization of statements collected during interviews and helped to objectify the observed spatial relegation processes.

32A literature and archival review further complemented the methodological approach, drawing on municipal and regional land records (land titles, land ownership certificates, partial cadastral maps), legislative texts relating to land and urban planning, and national institutional reports. Partial access to archives and the difficulty of documenting informal transactions constitute structural limitations of this approach.

33Finally, land use changes between 2010 and 2024 were analysed through supervised classification of Landsat-7 ETM+, Landsat-9 OLI/TIRS, and Sentinel-2 imagery, processed using QGIS 3.30. These data were cross-referenced with the BD500 database (“Base de Données 500”) (commonly abbreviated to BD500) from the Foibe Taosaritanin’i Madagasikara (FTM), or National Institute of Geodesy and Cartography of Madagascar, as well as field survey data. Validation using a confusion matrix indicated high reliability (κ = 0.87). However, the heterogeneity of spatial resolutions limits the accuracy of classification in certain complex environments (mangroves, wetlands).

Methodological limitations

34The mixed-methods approach adopted entails several limitations. The quantitative survey is affected by the underrepresentation of women (37%), young people (under 25: 8%), and recently established households, mainly due to accessibility biases. Qualitative methods are exposed to strategic discourses and group dynamics. The literature review remains constrained by partial access to land archives and by the lack of documentation of informal transactions. Finally, GIS analysis is limited by the heterogeneity of spatial resolutions in mangrove and wetland areas. These limitations were offset by triangulation of sources and the spatial/socio-professional representativeness of the sample (Tables 1 and 2).

Research findings

35The results presented demonstrate how tourism development, by intensifying land pressure, has led to a profound reconfiguration of property structures and socio-economic dynamics, with major implications for local governance and traditional populations.

Physical Transformations and Land Use

Evolution of land use and coastal artificialisation

36The analysis of land use maps of Amborovy reveals that the area has undergone a profound transformation between 2010 and 2024. The data clearly indicate a marked increase in artificialised areas. At the same time, natural and agricultural spaces are shrinking considerably, reducing their territorial footprint. These cartographic representations clearly bear the imprint of a shift in land use regimes. Whereas the landscape in 2010 was still dominated by agropastoral activities (Figure 2), the situation in 2024 is now characterised by a pronounced urban expansion, particularly concentrated along the coastline (Figure 3). This shift reflects an accelerated territorial dynamic.

Figure 2: Land use map of the Amborovy coastal area (2010)

Figure 2: Land use map of the Amborovy coastal area (2010)

FTM BD 500, Google © OpenstreetMap, Landsat-7 imagery / Map design: Ramiandrisoa Lucien, October 2024.

Figure 3: Land use map of the Amborovy coastal area (2024)

Figure 3: Land use map of the Amborovy coastal area (2024)

FTM BD 500, Google © OpenstreetMap, Sentinel-2 imagery / Map design: Ramiandrisoa Lucien, October 2024.

37Furthermore, the quantitative results confirm a significant increase in artificialised areas over the study period. The footprint of built-up areas, including tourist infrastructure, facilities and permanent housing, expanded from 555 ha to 850.41 ha, representing a net gain of 295.41 ha (+53.3% over 14 years). This expansion occurred primarily at the expense of agricultural land, whose area declined from 221.45 ha to 128.23 ha (a loss of 93.22 ha, −42%), and grassland savannahs, which were reduced from 551.66 ha to 270.63 ha (a loss of 281.03 ha, −51%). This trend thus reveals an increasing artificialisation of the coastline, consuming agricultural and natural spaces.

38Contrary to expectations, and against the national trend of mangrove decline (approximately 26% or 74,050 hectares between 1995 and 2018 according to WWF Madagascar in 2022), the Amborovy area shows, according to our supervised classification of satellite imagery, a notable increase in these ecosystems: from 16.75 ha in 2010 to 76.66 ha in 2024 (+59.91 ha, +358%).

  • 3 “Ecological gaps” (or dents creuses écologiques) refer to previously degraded or deforested mangrov (...)

39This increase is directly attributable to targeted reforestation operations and the administrative reclassification of restored areas. However, this apparent success must be interpreted with caution: a substantial share of the newly accounted surfaces corresponds to juvenile or actively regenerating stands of "ecological gaps"3 which do not yet provide the full ecological functionality of a mature mangrove.

40With regard to mature mangrove stands, field observations indicate that their ecological functions, such as coastal protection and biodiversity support, are fully operational, in contrast to juvenile stands. The sustainability of these gains nevertheless remains fragile, as they are subject to sustained land tenure pressures, latent land use conflicts, and inadequate environmental protection mechanisms. As is often the case, initial voluntarism ultimately clashes with the implementation constraints on the ground.

41Table 3 synthesizes these transformations, unambiguously highlighting the trend toward coastal anthropisation and its corollary: the gradual disappearance of savannahs and cultivated land.

Table 3: Evolution of land use in Amborovy (2010-2024) (Unit: ha)

Land use classifications

Area in ha

Gain or loss of area (ha)

Trend

Year 2010

%

Year 2024

%

Built-up areas and infrastructure

555.00

33.63

850.4103

51.53

295.41

Increase

Mangrove

16.75

1.02

76.6614

4.65

59.91

Increase

Croplands

221.45

13.42

128.2258

7.77

-93.22

Decrease

Water bodies

60.00

3.64

52.001

3.15

-8.00

Decrease

Sand and bare soil

145.06

8.79

162.1078

9.82

17.05

Increase

Shrub savannah

100.28

6.08

110.1571

6.68

9.88

Increase

Grassland savannah

551.66

33.43

270.6312

16.40

-281.02

Decrease

Total

1,650.19

100

1,650.19

100

Supervised classification of Landsat 7 and 9 images – USGS / author processing, 2024.

42The study reveals a rapid transformation of agricultural land toward tertiary urbanisation (services and tourism). This transition is accompanied by a demographic boom (+62% between 2010 and 2024, according to the Urban Commune of Mahajanga, 2024 administrative census), exacerbating land tenure pressure. The coastline, as the area of highest attractiveness, concentrates this dynamic. A clear shift of populations and activities toward the immediate coastal fringe (0–300 m) is observed. This contested interface now crystallizes heightened covetousness, generating worrying land use conflicts.

Coastal built-up densification and ecological fragmentation

43To objectively quantify the increasing urban footprint along the Amborovy coastline, a simple but robust spatial indicator was used: linear building density, defined as the average number of buildings per kilometre of coastline. This approach draws on spatial analysis methods for coastal dynamics (Lagarias & Stratigea, 2022; Marlow et al., 2025). Calibrated through photo-interpretation (high-resolution Google Earth Pro orthophotos for 2010 and 2024) coupled with exhaustive manual geocoding of built structures, this tool acts as an effective barometer of anthropogenic pressure along the shoreline.

  • 4 Under Malagasy law, the “geometric paces” refer to a 25-metre coastal strip measured from the high- (...)

44Our findings are unequivocal. In 2010, the average density was 12 buildings per linear kilometre. Fourteen years later, this figure had risen to 27 buildings/km, an increase of 125%, reflecting a worrying acceleration of coastal artificialisation. Even more strikingly, this densification disproportionately affects the 25-metre strip known as the “pas géométrique” (statutory 25-metre coastal setback), which is legally designated as a non-buildable zone4. Our surveys indicate that 73% of the new constructions identified between 2010 and 2024 encroach precisely upon this ecological buffer zone. This blatant contradiction between the legal framework and observed reality raises major questions regarding the effectiveness of control mechanisms.

45The transformation on the ground is striking, as evidenced by comparative vertical aerial photographs of “Petite Plage”, located in the centre of the Amborovy neighbourhood, directly adjacent to the sea (Figure 4). This visual sequence vividly illustrates how built structures, through a process of progressive urban sprawl (fragmentation of space by dispersed constructions), are colonising the legally protected areas. A detailed analysis of this emblematic site reveals densification dynamics that remain invisible at the macro scale, particularly within the interstices left vacant by previous urbanisation.

Figure 4. Evolution of the built-up front at Petite Plage, Amborovy (2010–2024)

Figure 4. Evolution of the built-up front at Petite Plage, Amborovy (2010–2024)

© Google Earth, 2010 and 2024.

46This diachronic comparison (14 years) reveals a radical transformation of the Amborovy coastline. Natural interstitial spaces have almost entirely disappeared, and there is evident illegal encroachment on the legally protected 25-metre strip, reflecting intense land pressure linked to tourism. This dynamic has profoundly altered the coastal morphology. The reconfiguration extends beyond the shoreline: the neighbourhood is undergoing accelerated urban restructuring. Private housing developments have emerged, an extensive road network has extended into the hinterland, and land has been fragmented into small cadastral plots, a characteristic pattern of urban sprawl. This physical and land use transformation is driven by new dominant actors (real estate developers, agencies, hotel operators), whose footprint is evident in the proliferation of tourist service signs.

47This built-up densification is particularly pronounced along the shoreline. The constructions observed within the 25-metre geometric paces strip are primarily concentrated along the central coastal stretch of Amborovy, notably at Petite Plage and in the Maroala sector, within the 0–300 m coastal fringe (Figure 4). These developments, predominantly for tourism and commercial purposes, encroach upon the maritime public domain and constitute cumulative violations of property law, the ICZM (Integrated Coastal Zone Management) framework, and the urban planning regulations in force.

48Beyond this visual observation, the analysis must now unravel the underlying land tenure mechanisms and the reconfiguration of property structures that have enabled this development.

Land dynamics and ownership structure

49Between 2010 and 2024, the Amborovy coastline experienced a profound transformation in land tenure, closely linked to the tourism boom and intense real estate speculation. According to Gopy-Ramdhany and Seetanah (2024) and Moukomla and Marome (2025), this dynamic, manifested in a dramatic rise in land prices, stems directly from strong tourist demand combined with a limited land supply, as observed in Amborovy.

50This context primarily attracts three categories of key economic stakeholders in the restructuring of land:

  • Foreign investors, primarily French and Indo-Pakistani, acquire coastal plots in Amborovy to develop high-end tourism complexes (Coco Beach, Holidays Hotel, Le Tamarinier, Edena Kely). According to GIS-based calculations, the built-up area increased by 48% between 2010 and 2024. These dynamic drives up land prices, modernises the real estate sector, and transforms the local seaside economy.

  • In Amborovy, local companies such as Agence Mahajanga, Majunga Immo, ALEZ Immobilier, and Ravelojaona Group are actively redistributing land. They purchase plots of land, develop them into subdivisions, and resell them as individual lots, generating social tensions, legal disputes, the impoverishment of original landowners, and the loss of traditional land uses. The controversial Amborovy housing development in 2018 illustrates these abuses as recently reported to the Independent Anti-Corruption Bureau (BIANCO).

  • In Amborovy, newly naturalized landholders, residents for at least five years, individuals adopted by a Malagasy citizen or foreign spouses, as well as members of the Malagasy diaspora who have acquired another nationality, invest despite their physical distance. They benefit from enhanced acquisition mechanisms and economic citizenship programmes, which facilitate access to land and support various local development projects, sometimes land-related stakes.

51This land reconfiguration significantly contributes to the marginalization of indigenous populations, who account for 28% of the local population according to our survey results. Their access to land is constrained by substantial economic, administrative, and legal barriers. Many are compelled to sell their land under economic pressure or speculative forces, leading to peripheral relocation and severe social consequences, such as the loss of community ties and heightened vulnerability.

52Furthermore, the intensification of informal and often unregulated land transactions exacerbates legal insecurity, generating land use conflicts and social fragility. This landscape thus reveals a dual causal effect: tourism development fuels rising land prices and speculation, which in turn accelerates the concentration of land ownership in the hands of external actors, leading to increasing exclusion and vulnerability of local communities.

Land price inflation and the polarisation of values along the coastline

53The analysis of land price trends in Amborovy reveals the transformations affecting this highly sought-after coastline (Table 4). Our reconstruction of price trends is based on a cross-referencing of data from real estate agencies in Mahajanga, interviews with key stakeholders (notaries, developers), and ad archives.

Table 4: Changes in average land prices in Amborovy (2010-2024) (Unit: Ariary/m²)

Period

Initial price

Final price

Change (%)

Main context

2010-2015

80 000

120 000

+50.0 %

Land reform, booming tourism

2015-2020

120 000

150 000

+25.0 %

Urbanisation and urban expansion

2020-2023

150 000

250 000

+66.7 %

Post-COVID recovery and speculation

2023-2024

250 000

270 000

+8.0 %

Partial stabilisation

Real estate agencies of Mahajanga, 2024 / Author’s surveys, 2024.

  • 5 Ariary: the Malagasy monetary unit and official currency since 2003.

54In 2010, in the Amborovy neighbourhood, the price per square metre was estimated at 80,000 Ariary5. (USD 17.06). By 2024, it had reached 270,000 Ariary (USD 57.59), representing an increase of 237.5% over 14 years. This major inflation can be divided into four distinct phases:

  • Take-off phase (2010–2015): +50%. Driven by the 2005 land reform and the arrival of the first major tourism projects.

  • Consolidation (2015–2020): +25%. Reflecting urban expansion and the gradual structuring of the land market.

  • Post-pandemic escalation / acceleration (2020–2023): +66.7%. Economic surge fuelled by substantial investment

  • Relative stabilisation (2023–2024): +8%. A slowdown suggesting temporary market saturation or the absorption of previous price increases.

55The stepwise price trajectory of land prices constitutes a compelling barometer of Amborovy’s rapid transformation. From the initial surge / take-off dynamics to the recent slowdown, it illustrates the accelerated conversion of a coastline under pressure, at the intersection of economic valorisation, land speculation, and tensions over access to land. What happens next will depend on public policy and the resilience of the environment in the face of this increasing artificialisation.

56Our analysis further reveals a spatially heterogeneous land value growth. The 300-metre coastal strip concentrates the core of the dynamics, driven by the proliferation of tourism projects. This seafront area experiences heightened valorisation, with prices per square metre quadrupling those of second-tier neighbourhoods located only slightly further inland. This marked differentiation illustrates a pronounced polarisation around the coastline, highlighting its dual economic and symbolic value.

Transformation of legal regimes and restructuring of the ownership structure

57With regard to changes in the legal framework for land tenure in Amborovy since 2005, our analysis reveals a transformation in land tenure following the 2005 land reform. State-driven dynamics, challenged by increasing tourism pressure (Table 5), have weakened local governance. The securing of land parcels, including ancestral lands, remains problematic. Table 5 summarizes this complex institutional evolution.

Table 5: Evolution of the legal framework for land tenure in Amborovy since 2005

  • 6 The LPF is defined as a public document, accessible to all and easily consultable. It is intended f (...)
  • 7 Law No. 2006-031 of 24 November 2006 establishing the legal regime for Untitled Private Land Owners (...)
  • 8 Law No. 2022-013 of 1 September 2022 revising the rules governing the legal regime of Private Untit (...)

Period

Evolution at the national level

Observed effects in Amborovy

2005-2010

Adoption of the Land Policy Letter (LPF)6 ; establishment of Communal Land Registry Offices; recognition of Untitled Private Property (PPNT) under Law No. n° 2006-0317.

Slow adoption of the new measures.

2010-2017

Persistent coexistence between customary and modern tenure regimes; partial legal framework for coastal land transformations

Multiplication of informal transactions; occupation-related conflicts; private deeds not officially recognized.

2018-2022

Support from cooperation projects (the National Land Reform Programme; the Centre for International Cooperation in Agricultural Research for Development – CIRAD) for land tenure security; gradual cadastre modernisation.

Incomplete cadastral coverage; rise in land disputes.

Since 2022

Promulgation of Law No. 2022-0138 revising the legal regime governing PPNT; modernisation of land governance through digital tools.

Partial implementation in coastal areas; persistence of land speculation; operational and enforcement challenges on the ground.

Field surveys, 2024, and consultation of legal texts governing land tenure and tourism, 2024.

58This analysis reveals a land tenure dynamic in Amborovy characterised by an unfinished reform process. Although the Malagasy legislative framework, particularly Law No. 2005-019 of 17 October 2005, signals a shift toward more equitable recognition of rights, its tangible effects on the ground remain limited. This dissonance stems from frequently overstretched institutional capacities, exponentially increasing pressure on coastal land, and the persistent entrenchment of informal practices. Ultimately, this situation exacerbates the vulnerability of local populations and feeds harmful property speculation.

59Data collected in 2024 from 350 households (representing a sample of 1,050 plots, i.e. 2 to 3 plots per household) indicate a high apparent rate of formalization: 83.74% of the plots benefit from a formal status or a land title (Figure 5). This rate includes registered land belonging to the State’s private domain (DPE, 18.43%) as well as privately titled land parcels or held under an occupation permit (65.31%).

60This statistical increase, particularly pronounced for highly sought-after coastal parcels, appears to indicate a trend towards enhanced legal security. Yet, this façade of formality conceals a far more complex reality. Nearly 16.26% of the parcels surveyed, representing less than one-fifth of the total (PPNT at 2.12%; Public State Property at 14.14%), remain outside the formal circuit, especially within the sensitive 25 m “geometric paces” strip (25 meters). This situation results from non-cadastral management, informal occupation, and the absence of regularization mechanisms.

61Parcels belonging to the Public State Property, which are inalienable, cannot be transferred without prior declassification. Even more revealing, our survey highlights the persistent prevalence of informal transactions, including on parcels that are already titled or held under an Occupation permit. This apparent contradiction is explained by a critical discrepancy: possession of a legal document (title) does not in itself ensure compliance with formal procedures in land transfers (unregistered private sales, non-compliant occupations).

Figure 5. Legal status of land parcels / plots in Amborovy (2024)

Figure 5. Legal status of land parcels / plots in Amborovy (2024)

Land Registry Office of Mahajanga and author’s field surveys, 2024.

62Figure 5, which visualizes this distribution, strikingly illustrates the coexistence of heterogeneous legal statuses. It confirms the predominance of formally recognized land parcels while simultaneously revealing the significance of precarious or conflict-prone situations (nearly 25%). These 25% correspond to plots where land rights remain uncertain, often informally occupied without official title, or subject to conflicts of use among different parties. This legal mosaic directly reflects the complexity of the Malagasy land tenure system, where customary norms and modern law intertwine and sometimes clash. For example, access to land and territorial management based on customary practices frequently conflict with the requirements of modern law, such as the formal registration of land titles.

63This legal framework results in incomplete land tenure security, a source of ongoing insecurity and potential conflicts of use, and highlights the operational difficulties in enforcing regulations, particularly those concerning the ‘geometric paces’ area. This configuration undoubtedly advocates for a more inclusive land reform, capable of reconciling effective recognition of local rights and legal security for land transactions.

64Access to this legal land tenure security remains, in practice, a major challenge for many households. Prohibitive costs, administrative complexity, and sometimes cultural barriers often exclude them from the registration process. This statutory heterogeneity within the same area generates chronic legal instability, which is a true breeding ground for speculation. An alarming observation corroborates this fragility: our field surveys indicate that, along a 2.5 km stretch of coastline, 73% of recent tourist constructions on the seafront openly violate the “geometric paces” regulations. This high rate of non-compliance, observed even in major development projects, highlights the glaring limits of existing control mechanisms and the frequent impunity enjoyed by certain actors (real estate developers, entrepreneurs, local officials). As one resident of Amborovy summarized: “Ny lalàna dia ho an’ny madinika, fa ny lehibe dia manao ny sitrapony” (“The law is for the little people, but the powerful actors do what they want”).

65In Amborovy, the redistribution of land ownership reveals a profound structural transformation. The data show a dramatic reversal between 2010 and 2024: the share of land held by resident Malagasy families (mainly the Merina, Sakalava, Antesaka, and Antaimoro ethnic groups, engaged in agriculture, livestock, fishing, trade, and tourism-related employment) fell from 63% to only 13%. This historic decline has benefited foreign investors and naturalized citizens (notably through economic citizenship programmes), whose share now reaches 43.5%, while commercial companies control 30.4% of land rights.

66This upheaval results from several closely intertwined dynamics. The rapid increase in land prices has progressively made the coastline a highly coveted area, attracting new investors. At the same time, the proliferation of transactions has contributed to the emergence of an increasingly selective real estate market. In this context, many indigenous households face growing economic pressure and are often compelled to sell their land to meet immediate needs, within a climate of intensified land speculation.

Figure 6: Distribution of landowners in Amborovy (2010–2024)

Figure 6: Distribution of landowners in Amborovy (2010–2024)

Field surveys (2024)/Data collected from the Mahajanga Land Registry Office, 2024.

67Our survey of 350 households confirms the social impact of this dynamic: 33% have sold all or part of their land over the past fifteen years, generally under economic constraint (health emergencies, indebtedness). Approximately 22% have been relocated to under-serviced peripheral areas such as Antanimalandy, Ambondrona, Tsararano Ambany, and Tsararano Ambony, which are suburban outskirts of Mahajanga characterised by weak infrastructure and limited access to basic services. For 68% of respondents, this loss is perceived as irreversible, a feeling fuelled by the glaring asymmetry in access to legal and financial resources between local populations and new actors.

68Concentration is most pronounced within the 300-metre coastal strip, where more than 80% of land parcels have now passed beyond the control of local actors. This trend, clearly observable in the field, mirrors patterns identified in Nosy Be, located approximately 600 km from Antananarivo and 15 km from the Malagasy coast, and in Diego-Suarez, at Cap d’Ambre, bordered by the Mozambique Channel and the Indian Ocean. It signals an accelerated financialization of the Malagasy coastal fringes, where land increasingly becomes a pure speculative asset, as illustrated in particular by Thibaud (2012) in southwest Madagascar, where similar land dynamics are observed.

69This phenomenon forms part of a sectoral strategy revealed by data from the Economic Development Board of Madagascar (EDBM, 2017): 43–47% of the 17 tourist establishments registered with the institution were under foreign control at that time. In Mahajanga, 70% of tourism investments (hotels, resorts, and related services) are concentrated along the coastal strip, intensifying pressure on traditional land tenure. This dynamic is experienced by displaced residents as a “victory of the purse over the land”, a recurring expression noted during interviews and focus group discussions conducted in the field between 2023 and 2024.

Land tenure deadlock in Amborovy: Between incomplete formalization and coastal pressure

70In Amborovy, our study reveals the persistence of dominant informality: 61% of land transactions fall outside the legal framework established since 2005. These practices are characterised by private sales agreements, accounting for 74% of informal cases, conducted without registration with the Land Tenure Service and without verification of the legal status of the land parcels, a reality we describe as a discouraging approach for local residents. This situation is explained by the interplay of several structural constraints.

71The high cost of land registration, estimated at no less than 400,000 Ariary (approximately USD 85), equivalent to four months' worth of the guaranteed minimum wage (SMIG) in force in Madagascar, constitutes a major financial barrier for many households. Added to this are particularly lengthy administrative delays, with the average time required to obtain a land title reaching six years, as well as a persistent lack of knowledge about land rights: 68% of the sellers surveyed reported being unaware of their exact legal status.

  • 9 For further information, see the Independent Anti-Corruption Bureau website [Online] URL: https://w (...)

72This informality fuels chronic legal instability: 37% of households report having experienced at least one dispute since 2010. The conflicts primarily involve multiple sales (55%), encroachments (21%), or illegal occupation of coastline (17%). Worse still, 19% of relocated households report having been expropriated without compensation. Thus, land grabbing by investors exacerbates the crisis, as documented by the Independent Anti-Corruption Bureau or BIANCO (2021)9 , notably through fraudulent titles, the eviction of fishers from Maroala (2017), and the systematic marginalization of local communities along the seafront (Petite Plage, Grand-Pavois).

  • 10 For further information, see the website of Foncier et Development. [Online] URL: https://www.fonci (...)

73The Belinta10 episode in 2017, during which families were evicted by a bailiff assisted by law enforcement, illustrates this land-related violence. Furthermore, an illegal occupation of the coastline from Amborovy to Maroala exemplifies the challenges of coastal governance. Initially a wooden shack appeared near Zahamotel; this precarious structure, tolerated despite the absence of a permit, has de facto become a permanent dwelling by an occupant. The latter now runs a grocery store and bar on the site, prompting recurring complaints to the urban commune of Mahajanga, which have gone unaddressed. However, this installation clearly violates alignment and setback regulations and encroaches upon a legally registered property. The authorities' inaction regarding this classic example risks encouraging uncontrolled urbanisation of the beach, thereby irreversibly transforming this privileged coastal sector. Urgent intervention is therefore required.

74As a corollary, 72% of relocated households without land titles fear a renewed eviction. Our data highlight the failure of mediation mechanisms and the urgent need to recognize customary land rights. Without a reform adapted to the Malagasy context, one that explicitly incorporates the realities of fihavanana (community-based social ties), land tenure security will remain illusory in the face of growing tourism pressure.

Observed socio-economic effects

Amborovy: the tourism dilemma? Between growth and exclusion

75Table 6 presents a summary of the socio-economic transformations observed in the local communities of Amborovy between 2010 and 2023, directly linked to tourism development. It is based on our field surveys and the analysis of secondary data (reports from the National Institute of Statistics – INSTAT, results from the administrative census of the Urban Commune of Mahajanga, ORT Boeny, and the regional land service of Boeny), providing an initial insight into the territorial dynamics at play.

Table 6: Socio-Economic Impacts of Tourism Development on Local Communities in Amborovy (2010-2023)

Indicator

2010

2023

Variation / Observation

Local population (inhabitants)

11,500

18,629

+62% (population growth linked to tourism)

Proportion of land-owning households (%)

63 %

13 %

Sharp decline; land exclusion

Direct jobs created in the tourism sector

250

1 200

Increase in employment, but job insecurity

Share of seasonal jobs (%)

35 %

65 %

Growing precarization

Average monthly income (Ariary/month)

90 000 (43 USD)

150 000 (74 USD)

Moderate increase, remaining below the poverty threshold. Across the Boeny Region, the poverty line was approximately 188,000 Ariary (USD 90) per household per month in 2010, while in 2023 it rose to 591,000 Ariary (USD 133) per household per month.

Households that have sold their land (%)

10 %

33 %

Sales increase due to land pressure

Relocated households (%)

5 %

22 %

Relocation to the outskirts

Rate of abandonment of traditional activities

18 %

40 %

Shift toward tourism-related employment

Access to property ownership

Premium

Limited / Poor

Speculation restricts access

Level of land tenure insecurity

Low

High

Growing insecurity

Field surveys, 2024.

76The tourism boom in Amborovy has triggered unprecedented demographic pressure, attracting workers and investors to this northern Malagasy coastline. This rush toward the coast has generated intensified real estate speculation, progressively marginalizing indigenous communities. Quantitative data reveal an alarming process of dispossession: the landownership rate among historical households declined from 63% in 2010 to 13% in 2024, while 33% have ceded their land under economic or land-related pressure. This systemic exclusion, fuelled by the speculative valorisation of coastal land prices (increases of up to +1,200% in highly sought-after areas), has forced 22% of households to relocate to the outskirts.

77These displacements toward under-serviced areas (limited access to water, schools, and health services) have disrupted solidarity networks and compromised access to traditional resources. As expressed by an artisanal fisher: “Before, our land was worth next to nothing. Now that it's worth its weight in gold, they're taking it away from us” (artisanal fisher, Fokontany of Amborovy, Mahajanga, interview conducted in February 2024), illustrating a growing sense of land tenure insecurity and loss of local anchoring.

78At the same time, the transformation of economic activities has generated employment that is predominantly precarious. Although direct tourism-related jobs increased significantly, from 250 to 1,200 between 2010 and 2023, their quality remains largely inadequate. Nearly 65% of these jobs are currently seasonal and poorly remunerated, with an average monthly income of approximately 150,000 Ariary, below the regional poverty threshold. According to the results of a questionnaire administered to 350 households in Amborovy, this situation perpetuates long-term economic vulnerability. Indeed, based on the national per capita poverty line adjusted for average household size, the regional poverty threshold in Boeny is estimated at approximately 188,000 Ariary (USD 90) per household per month in 2010, rising to 591,000 Ariary (USD 133) in 2023. This trend is accompanied by a marked decline in traditional activities.

79According to the survey results, subsistence agriculture and artisanal fishing / small-scale fishing, which constituted the main sources of income for 82% of households in 2010, account for only 60% in 2023. Occupational shifts toward low-skilled tourism-related jobs, such as waiters or drivers, thus expose households to chronic economic vulnerability, exacerbated by the lack of appropriate training and effective social protection mechanisms. Qualitative surveys, conducted through individual semi-structured interviews and community focus group discussions with rehoused households, highlight deep socio-cultural divides.

80A large majority of the households concerned (78%) thus express a “permanent fear” of eviction, while 40% of families report intergenerational conflicts related to the sale of ancestral land. This tension between the economic opportunities offered by tourism and the gradual loss of autonomy is perfectly captured by an artisan's statement / well summarized by the words of a craftsman: “Tourism provides us with work, but it erodes our roots and our future” (artisan / craftsman, Fokontany of Amborovy, semi-structured interview conducted in March 2024).

81These contradictory dynamics call for an urgent rebalancing of public policies. On the one hand, an inclusive land reform is required to secure the rights of indigenous populations in the face of speculation, in line with the principles of common resource governance (Ostrom, 2009). On the other hand, the formalization of tourism-related employment (social security contributions, stable contracts) and the establishment of redistributive mechanisms (earmarked local taxes, hiring quotas) are essential to mitigate economic precariousness. Although alternative initiatives are emerging (community-based tourism involving 15% of households, often supported by NGOs), their impact remains limited in the absence of an appropriate institutional framework.

82As demonstrated by research on tropical coastlines (Hall, 2013), territorial resilience depends on the balance between economic development and the preservation of socio-land rights. In Amborovy, the lack of regulation threatens social cohesion and the very sustainability of the tourism model, echoing challenges observed in in other global Souths, where uncontrolled tourism growth generates social exclusion, heightened economic vulnerability, and environmental degradation, thus jeopardizing the expected benefits for local populations (Ashley et al., 2000).

Testing the hypothesis of “coastal gentrification”

83The question of a possible process of gentrification affecting the coastal fringes of Mahajanga is regularly raised in both local and academic debates, yet it has not been subjected to systematic empirical verification (Randrianjafy & Boudi, 2022). This study aims to provide concrete insight into this presumed dynamic of coastal gentrification (settlement of affluent populations along the coastline to the detriment of traditional inhabitants) by adopting a multidimensional approach that combines field surveys, socio-economic analyses, and spatial diagnostics.

84Our investigations, combining an analysis of recent land transactions with in-depth qualitative surveys, highlight a striking homogenisation of the profile of new purchasers in the coveted Amborovy area. A clear predominance emerges of economic actors linked to tourism, expatriate senior executives or highly mobile professionals, European retirees, and members of the Malagasy diaspora, all characterized by substantially high levels of financial resources. This socio-economic configuration contrasts sharply with to the historical composition of these areas, as documented through communal land records, cadastral data prior to 2010, and interviews conducted with indigenous residents. This transformation is accompanied by extreme land pressure. The data reveal a staggering inflation in real estate values: the average price per square metre in these coastal neighbourhoods increased by more than fourfold between 2010 and 2023 (+312%). Such an acceleration far exceeds national trends and signals active speculation. This market-driven process generates tangible social effects. Semi-structured interviews, community focus groups, and field observations show that low-income populations formerly residing in these areas are being progressively displaced toward the outskirts. Confronted with soaring land prices and mounting pressure to sell their plots, these households often have no choice but to settle in less valued areas, such as Ambondrona or Antanimalandy, where access to residential or productive land remains a viable option. This process of spatial relegation is gradually transforming the social landscape of the Mahajanga agglomeration.

85The articulation of these different bodies of evidence, namely the socio-economic homogenization of coastal land purchasers, accelerated speculative land price inflation, and the forced relegation of economically vulnerable populations to the urban periphery, corroborates the hypothesis of an ongoing social reconfiguration along the coastline of Mahajanga. This transformation appears to be largely driven by logics of spatial distinction and land rent, which are characteristic of a process of gentrification. The study thus underscores the tangible reality of this dynamic in Mahajanga, beyond mere local perceptions, and calls for a more nuanced analysis of its implications for social cohesion and territorial development.

Measurable Environmental Impacts

Ecological dynamics of coastal environments

86The diachronic analysis (2010-2024) of the Amborovy coastline (Mahajanga, Madagascar) reveals a spectacular expansion of mangrove (+358%), contradicting the regional trend of decline. This growth, particularly pronounced in estuaries and back-lagoon marshes, results from the combined effects of three factors: (1) active mangrove replanting and ecological restoration programmes initiated in 2015; (2) significant improvements in remote sensing capabilities (reliable detection of young mangrove stands) and (3) the reclassification of areas previously considered degraded as “mangroves under restoration.”

87However, this spatial expansion masks a worrying ecological degradation. Newly established mangroves frequently develop on disturbed substrates (embankments, polluted sediments) under altered hydrological conditions and increasing anthropogenic pressure. As documented by Ramarokoto et al. (2024), this dynamic is accompanied by a decline in associated biodiversity, a reduction in root density, and a weakened natural regeneration capacity of mangrove species. This paradox, an increase in surface area, but a loss of ecological functionality, constitutes the major challenge for the area.

88Furthermore, young stands and restored areas exhibit acute vulnerability to land-use pressures, tourism development, and coastal artificialization. The sustainability of this expansion therefore depends absolutely on the strengthening of rigorous integrated management and ongoing ecological monitoring. In the absence of such safeguards, the quantitative gains observed may ultimately conceal an irreversible qualitative degradation of the ecosystem.

Coastal artificialization, anthropogenic pressure, and increased ecological vulnerability

89Since 2010, the Amborovy–Mahajanga coastline has undergone rapid artificialization, characterised by urban expansion that fragments the mangroves and dunes, yet essential to coastal stability. This anthropogenic pressure has led to an unprecedented worsening of coastal erosion: the mean annual rate of shoreline setback increased from 0.8 m to 1.5 m (+87.5%) over a thirteen-year period, with a statistically significant spatial correlation in the Antsanitia sector (R² = 0.9257) (Maharombaka & al. 2020). Illegal constructions, accounting for more than 30% in wetlands, and the destruction of mangrove stands (65% lost due to storms) further exacerbate flood risks. Particularly in low-lying topographic areas where water stagnates (Ramanantsoa et al., 2021).

  • 11 For further information, see the website 2424.mg [Online] URL: https://2424.mg/news/environnement-1 (...)

90Ecological vulnerability is further exacerbated by chronic pollution, with approximately 100 tonnes of plastic dumped into the sea annually, of which less than 10% are collected, according to 2020 estimates by the Association Mahajanga Ville Propre (AVMP) in 202011, as well as the climatic variability, with sea-level fluctuations ranging from −47.63 mm to +94.25 mm per year (Ranaivojaona et al. 2020). The ecological impacts are systemic: 82% of sea turtles ingest plastics (Ramanantsoa et al. 2021), while concentrations of suspended particulate matter in coastal waters (85–120 mg/L) consistently exceed the standards (Decree No. 2003/464; WATERAID Madagascar, 2003).

91Despite the establishment of 1,000 drinking water points between 2022 and 2023, 47% of households still lack access to treated water, and 42% of solid waste remains outside any effective management system (Ministry of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene – MEAH, 2022), thereby highlighting critical institutional shortcomings. Inadequate management of tourism-generated waste, particularly plastic waste and untreated effluents, constitutes a major source of pollution along the Mahajanga coastline, undermining beach quality and the economic sustainability of the tourism sector (Chaminah and Raharinaivo, 2021). This observation usefully complements the socio-environmental dimension addressed in the present study.

92The Ecological Vulnerability Index (EVI = 0.62) now ranks the area among the most exposed regions in Madagascar (Cochrane et al., 2019), with a sea-level rise of +4.2 mm/year recorded since 2010 and at least three major flood events per year (Lai & Beierkuhnlein, 2024). Urban population growth reaches +2.8% per year, and 38% of households are involved in overfishing (Cochrane et al., 2019).

93Reversing this trend requires integrated governance: the urgent restoration of mangrove ecosystems, a strict control of coastal land occupation, and circular waste management involving local communities constitute the only viable strategy for restoring ecological resilience thresholds.

Comparison with coastal governance models in the Global South

94Our comparative analysis of coastal governance performance reveals a pronounced gap between Amborovy and sites that are widely recognized as benchmarks, such as Bali or Zanzibar. The data presented in the table below unequivocally illustrate this asymmetry, raising concerns about the sustainability of the local tourism model.

Table 7: Comparative coastal governance indicators: Amborovy, Bali and Zanzibar.

Indicator

Amborovy

Bali

Zanzibar

Share of community land

13 %

62 %

48 %

Waste recycling rate

12 %

34 %

28 %

Budget allocated to coastal management

1.2 %

4.7 %

3.1 %

Local satisfaction index

2.8/5

4.1/5

3.6/5

United Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO), 2023; author's surveys, 2024.

95In Amborovy, key indicators reflect persistent institutional fragility. There, the share of community-owned land barely exceeds 13%, far below the 62% observed in Bali, a disparity that calls into question the actual role of the fokonolona (traditional community governance) in land use planning / territorial development. Waste recycling is capped at 12%, nearly three times lower than in Bali (34%). Regarding budgetary effort, coastal management mobilises only 1.2% of local resources compared with 4.7% in Bali, reflecting chronic underinvestment.

96These disparities become fully meaningful when viewed in light of proactive policies implemented elsewhere. In Bali, tourism saturation has led to a moratorium on coastal hotel construction and the promotion of community-based tourism, a strategy that has curbed land speculation and preserved vital agricultural lands (Utama et al., 2024). Zanzibar, for its part, illustrates the benefits of decentralized fisheries management, notably through co-management approaches and local committees engaged in monitoring and regulating resource use (Drury O’Neill et al., 2024). These models provide relevant transferable insights: the introduction of a 2% carbon tax on overnight stays in Bali suggests that a similar mechanism in Amborovy could generate approximately 15 billion Ariary annually. Such a dedicated fund for ecological compensation would be decisive for mangrove rehabilitation and coastal erosion mitigation.

97For Madagascar, these lessons highlight three imperatives: a rigorous coastal land registry / a strict coastal cadastral system, local governance that genuinely integrates the dina (customary agreements), and an economic diversification beyond conventional tourism. The expansion of non-aedificandi zones / expansion of no-build zones (Latin for “prohibition to build on a plot”), the establishment of local co-management committees, the development of credible ecotourism labels, and the use of participatory GIS could constitute levers for reconciling tourism development, social equity, and ecological resilience.

98These results underscore the complexity of transitions affecting the Malagasy coastline. The following section aims to shed light on these dynamics through a critical discussion, aligning our observations with key geographical debates on land–sea interface governance and comparing them with experiences at different scales.

Discussion

99The increasing presence of constructions within the strip that constitutes the setback area / geometric paces zone in Amborovy cannot be interpreted as a series of isolated incidents. Rather, it reflects the limitations of coastal land governance, which struggles to enforce a clearly defined legal framework in a space where tensions converge between economic uses, public regulation, and environmental protection, all within a context of particularly intense tourism pressure.

100The acceleration of tourism development in Amborovy, Mahajanga, is triggering a radical restructuring of coastal land, where the commodification of coastal plots, driven by real estate speculation and the influx of external investors, exacerbates socio-economic inequalities. Rapid, often opaque transactions lead to skyrocketing land prices and the gradual eviction of indigenous populations, forced to relocate to the outskirts or convert to precarious seasonal service jobs. This process of coastal gentrification occurs within a fragmented legal framework: the coexistence of marginalized customary rights and an incomplete formal cadastre generates widespread tenure insecurity, facilitating conflicts over land use and sales conducted without community consultation. Weak local regulation, undermined by limited institutional capacity and poor inter-institutional coordination, allows for the proliferation of illegal constructions in ecologically sensitive areas, despite formal prohibitions (Chimhowu & Woodhouse, 2006; Wily, 2011).

101Simultaneously, the accelerated artificialization of the coastline is irreversibly transforming ecosystems: savannahs and agricultural lands are giving way to tourism infrastructure (hotels, car parks, roads), while coastal erosion, exacerbated by recurrent cyclones, and is undermining natural sediment dynamics. Mangrove restoration projects, though visible, struggle to restore the original biodiversity; young mangroves have difficulty taking root in degraded soils, diminishing their function as a buffer against coastal flooding (Friess et al., 2016).

102This territorial transformation marks the breakdown of traditional lifestyles: the loss of access to agricultural lands and fisheries undermines ancestral solidarity networks, which are replaced by a subsistence economy dependent on tourism. Forced relocations to under-equipped peripheral areas exacerbate precariousness, creating pockets of vulnerability where the lack of essential services (healthcare, education) constrains opportunities for upward social mobility (Montgomery & Hewett, 2005).

103Their empirical work highlights a correlation between the residential segregation of vulnerable populations (displaced and low-income) in precarious urban fringe areas and the systemic degradation of their access to healthcare and educational infrastructure. This spatial configuration functions as a structural barrier to socio-economic advancement, permanently compromising trajectories of upward mobility.

104Theoretically, the Amborovy case validates the necessity of an integrated approach that links land tenure, ecological, and social dimensions (Larson & Ribot, 2007). The work of Chaminah & Raharinaivo (2021) highlights that, although the principle of subsidiarity theoretically allows for integrated coastal management involving local authorities and communities, material and human resources, as well as coordination mechanisms, remain insufficient, severely limiting the effectiveness of protective measures.

105This analysis reinforces the argument of our study in favour of inclusive governance that is fully operational and strongly committed to local stakeholders. Viable governance must recognize the legitimacy of customary rights and actively involve communities in territorial planning, thereby avoiding the implementation of unsuitable imported models (Zanzibar or Bali). Operationally, detailed documentation of local dynamics, combining remote sensing, longitudinal field surveys, and the collection of local narratives, is urgently needed to map financial flows and invisibilized coping strategies.

106Targeted regulatory measures are imperative: moratoria on construction in flood-prone areas, redistributive ecological taxation, and responsible tourism certification that makes investment conditional on compliance with socio-environmental standards. Without this shift toward polycentric and inclusive governance, Amborovy will join the wider pattern observed on many tropical coasts of tropical coastlines degraded by predatory development, sacrificing biodiversity and fairness for fleeting private interests , as exemplified by cases such as Cancún, where intensive tourism development has led to major socio-environmental impacts (Rivera-Arriaga et al., 2018; Cinner & Aswani, 2007).

Conclusion

107This study highlights that tourism development along the Amborovy coastline in Mahajanga is driving a profound yet largely silent transformation of land tenure. This process is radically reshaping land relations, social balances, and patterns of territorial use. Historically dedicated to community-based agro-fisheries activities, this Malagasy coastal area is increasingly becoming a commercial front, subject to intense land speculation and touristic valorisation, thereby generating growing inequalities in access to land.

108These dynamics, intrinsically linked to power relations and social inequalities, call for an urgent reform of land governance. It is imperative to articulate integrated spatial planning, effective protection of fragile coastal ecosystems, and the effective recognition of the rights of coastal communities. Failing this, there is a significant risk that an exclusionary development model will take hold, reproducing the socio-spatial fractures already observed elsewhere on Madagascar.

109The findings, which highlight the specificities of informal transactions and propose an innovative typology of purchasers, underscore that envisioning a sustainable future requires a rebalancing of land use planning rationales. It is equally essential to amplify marginalized local voices and to reaffirm the collective and socio-cultural dimensions of land. Along this coastline, land is less a matter of individual plots than of shared memory, intangible rights, and preserved territorial dignity.

110Addressing this challenge requires strengthening genuinely inclusive and participatory land governance, while simultaneously establishing innovative financing mechanisms capable of supporting adaptive ecological management, and fostering the development of comparative research on resilience models in the face of the progressive commodification of coastal areas.

111These guidelines constitute the necessary conditions for preserving social equity and sustainability within this maritime territory undergoing rapid transformation. Finally, the work of Chaminah and Raharinaivo (2021) underscores the need to link environmental policies with a genuine consideration of local socio-economic constraints, particularly precariousness, which limits adherence to eco-citizen standards. This social approach is essential to ensure the success of coastal protection strategies, thereby enriching the concluding reflections of the present study.

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Notes

1 For further information, see the Land Policy Letter 2015–2030, [Online] URL : https://www.saha.mg/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/Lettre_de_politique_fonciere.pdf

2 For further information, see Law No. 2006-031 of 24 November 2006 establishing the legal regime governing Untitled Private Property, and Law No. 2022-013 revising the rules defining the legal regime of Untitled Private Property. The legal regime of untitled private property applies to land plots that are neither registered nor cadastrated, and whose occupation is recognized through a procedure defined by the present law.

3 “Ecological gaps” (or dents creuses écologiques) refer to previously degraded or deforested mangrove sectors currently undergoing replanting or natural regeneration. These areas are occupied by juvenile stands which, although integrated into the restored surface areas, do not yet exhibit the full ecological functionalities of a mature mangrove, particularly regarding coastal protection and biodiversity support.

4 Under Malagasy law, the “geometric paces” refer to a 25-metre coastal strip measured from the high-tide line. This area forms part of the State’s natural public domain and is, in principle, non-buildable. This status is established by Law No. 2008-013 of 23 July 2008 on the general regime of the public domain (Art. 3) and further specified by Decree No. 2010-137 of 23 March 2010 on Integrated Coastal and Marine Zone Management (ICZM), whose Article 9 explicitly establishes a non-buildable 25-metre coastal strip, subject only to exceptional exemptions for public-interest works following an environmental impact assessment. The non-buildable status is fully enforceable in urban planning matters since the adoption of Law No. 2015-052 of 16 December 2015 on Urban Planning and Housing, which mandates compliance with public property and no-build areas in urban planning documents (Arts. 4 and 27) and provides for sanctions, including demolition, in cases of unauthorized construction on public property (Art. 62).

5 Ariary: the Malagasy monetary unit and official currency since 2003.

6 The LPF is defined as a public document, accessible to all and easily consultable. It is intended for elected officials, economic development stakeholders, and the technical and financial partners of the Malagasy State (Sandron, 2008).

7 Law No. 2006-031 of 24 November 2006 establishing the legal regime for Untitled Private Land Ownership.

8 Law No. 2022-013 of 1 September 2022 revising the rules governing the legal regime of Private Untitled Property.

9 For further information, see the Independent Anti-Corruption Bureau website [Online] URL: https://www.bianco-mg.org/echos_region/acquisition-illicite-dun-domaine-public-a-Amborovy-mahajanga-un-conservateur-de-la-propriete-fonciere-et-un-ancien-pds-places-sous-mandat-de-depot/ (BIANCO - Illegal acquisition of public land in Amborovy-Mahajanga

10 For further information, see the website of Foncier et Development. [Online] URL: https://www.foncier-developpement.fr/actualite/un-litige-foncier-a-belinta-madagascar/ (A land dispute in Belinta Mahajanga - Madagascar)

11 For further information, see the website 2424.mg [Online] URL: https://2424.mg/news/environnement-100-tonnes-de-dechets-par-an-deverses-en-mer-a-amborovy-mahajanga-et-ses-alentours/

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1: Location map of the Amborovy neighbourhood within the city of Mahajanga
URL http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/docannexe/image/54037/img-1.png
Fichier image/png, 376k
Titre Figure 2: Land use map of the Amborovy coastal area (2010)
Crédits FTM BD 500, Google © OpenstreetMap, Landsat-7 imagery / Map design: Ramiandrisoa Lucien, October 2024.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/docannexe/image/54037/img-2.png
Fichier image/png, 337k
Titre Figure 3: Land use map of the Amborovy coastal area (2024)
Crédits FTM BD 500, Google © OpenstreetMap, Sentinel-2 imagery / Map design: Ramiandrisoa Lucien, October 2024.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/docannexe/image/54037/img-3.png
Fichier image/png, 343k
Titre Figure 4. Evolution of the built-up front at Petite Plage, Amborovy (2010–2024)
Crédits © Google Earth, 2010 and 2024.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/docannexe/image/54037/img-4.png
Fichier image/png, 712k
Titre Figure 5. Legal status of land parcels / plots in Amborovy (2024)
Crédits Land Registry Office of Mahajanga and author’s field surveys, 2024.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/docannexe/image/54037/img-5.png
Fichier image/png, 49k
Titre Figure 6: Distribution of landowners in Amborovy (2010–2024)
Crédits Field surveys (2024)/Data collected from the Mahajanga Land Registry Office, 2024.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/docannexe/image/54037/img-6.png
Fichier image/png, 76k
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Référence électronique

Lucien Ramiandrisoa, Josélyne Ramamonjisoa, Andrianina Rakotoson et Njatonandrasana Vololoniaina, « Tourism, land tenure transformations, and territorial dynamics on the Amborovy coastline, Mahajanga, Madagascar »VertigO [En ligne], 25-2 | Octobre 2025, mis en ligne le 20 avril 2026, consulté le 13 mai 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/54037 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/163nt

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Auteurs

Lucien Ramiandrisoa

Senior Lecturer, Department of Tourism, University of Mahajanga, Madagascar. Email: ramiandrisoa.lucien2017@gmail.com

Josélyne Ramamonjisoa

Professor Emerita, Department of Geography, University of Antananarivo, Madagascar. Email: joslyneramamonjisoa@gmail.com

Andrianina Rakotoson

Department of Tourism, University of Mahajanga, Madagascar. Email: andrianina.rakotoson@yahoo.fr

Njatonandrasana Vololoniaina

Lecturer and Researcher, Department of Tourism, University of Mahajanga, Madagascar. Email: tonja.naii@gmail.com

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