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Imaginary Geographies of Classic and New Travel Media – Reality-Construction of Touristic Intermediaries with Sevilla as a Case in Point

Tatjana Thimm
Traduction de Guenther Augustin
Cet article est une traduction de :
Imaginäre Geographien klassischer und neuer Reisemedien – Wirklichkeitskonstruktion touristischer Intermediäre am Beispiel Sevillas [de]
Autre(s) traduction(s) de cet article :
Geografías imaginarias en los medios de comunicación clásicos y nuevos sobre viajes. La construcción de la realidad de los intermediarios turísticos tomando Sevilla como ejemplo [es]


The theoretical approach of “Imaginary Geographies” by Christoph Hennig serves as a framework for the examination of forms of reality construction via classical and new travel media. Here the questions in which way these selected intermediaries form part of the construction process, what are similarities and differences to be observed and which models can be designed upon this basis, shall be answered. Seville, a destination exposed to image forming imaginary geographies for a longer time, serves as a case study.

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I thank an anonymous referee for valuable indications for the revision of the paper.

1During each phase of the touristic chain of value-creation, processes of perception play a relevant role. As far as the potential tourist is not repeatinghis visit he can merely fall back on the image of the destination, an image not of his own, which has been formed not only by touristic marketing but by other processes of perception: always when the destination appears in a film, a news program or in a book these appearances contribute to the formation of the image. That is why only part of the touristic perception before travelling is manipulated by tourist marketing. The image of a destination a potential traveler has may have been constructed along years by the connection of the whole of impressions of it which he gathered during his life. These inner images may vary individually, but in many cases they contain aspects people have in common (e.g. Paris is by most people associated with romanticism, the South Sea with paradise, and Berlin is with party). During and after traveling the tourist looks for the confirmation of those inner images – they proof to be resistant even against reality. This kind of touristic perception Hennig (1997) calls aptly “Imaginary Geography” which is to be the central reference of this paper, and we shall apply this concept to the exemplary case of Sevilla. The objectives of the paper are the following:

  • Demonstrate the explicative potential of Christoph Hennig’s concept of “Imaginary Geography” for touristic processes of perception.

  • Presentation of the role of classic and new travel-media as touristic intermediaries, with the case study Sevilla:

  • Explication of the relation of “Imaginary Geography” (and similar concepts) with the empirical practice (in our case Sevilla as an example)

2The results presented in this paper are based on a research fieldwork in Sevilla in 2011 where we made an analysis of primary and secondary sources (webpages, printed media, research in the libraries of the Faculty of Tourism at Sevilla University, Junta de Andalucía, Consejería de Turismo y Deporte in Sevilla, and Centro Andaluz de Flamenco in Jerez), which were completed by observations both participating and non-participating in flamenco-events (Tablaos, Peñas, flamenco bars and flamenco courses) during the I Congreso Internacional de Flamenco (10.-12.11.2011 in Sevilla), besides expert interviews in Sevilla. The criteria for selecting the experts were their participation in or observation of flamenco life or tourist business. Those interviews were recorded and analyzed regarding the mention of image-attributes in relation to the town of Sevilla.

Imaginary Geography – conceptual framework

3Hennig (1997) classifies “Imaginary Geographies” a “central concept” within the general scope of tourismtheories. On the one hand it is central by its explanatory potential; on the other hand it is central having in view a basic lack of theoretical approaches in tourism studies. Following Morin (1958) and Raymond (1959) he describes this concept as the search for images of a destination acquired during socialization.

“The travel oscillates in a strange way between reality and dream; it becomes a concrete utopia in which the tourist re-encounters images of his imagination in material reality – partly taken from mass media. […] Touristic perception does not produce a ‘realistic’ image of visited areas. On the contrary, it constructs own spaces of experience with the help of phantasies and projections. Only to a limited extend there is the discovery of otherness. Tourists search mainly for sensitive experience of imagined worlds” (translation of Hennig 1997, p. 47).

4In this sense the touristic concept of “Imaginary Geography”, which is to be understood as constructivist, can be attributed to the scientific debate after the cultural turn, the “New Cultural Geography”, which defines space basically as socially produced (cf. Pott 2007, p. 45). Weichhart (2010, p. 25) and Wöhler et al. (2010, p. 11) argue the same way postulating spaces as dual entities with immaterial and material parts and the construction of space as a result of human imagination. Urry (2002, p. 3) and Hennig (1995 and 1998) give the same answer to the question where does imaginary geography, the inner images of a touristic space, come from without the person having been there: films, television, literature, journals, pictures, photos or visual arts anticipate the image of a destination being permeated by individual projections in the form of phantasies and desires which surge as surplus necessities in everyday life (Hennig 1997, p. 94). Travel accounts of friends and relatives form another source of imaginary geographies of travel destinations (Freytag 2008, p. 53).

5In the English literature Hennig’s concept of “imaginary geography” corresponds largely to Said’s “Imagined Geography” described in 1978 in “Orientalism”, even if there is no exclusively touristic relationship. In his book Said describes the Orient as constructed, among other things, by travel-literature or travel descriptions. His basic idea was adopted, among others, by Gregory (1993) in “Geographical Imaginations “and“The Colonial Present“(2004) as well as by Springer (2011).They reveal the “war against terror” or the connection of violence with certain places as “Imagined Geographies” or “Imaginative Geographies”. Likewise nearly identical are the “Tourist Imaginaries” by Gravari-Barbas and Graburn (2012). Another relevant term in this context is “Imagineering” – originally a concept of the construction of reality used by the Disney entertainment corporation – which is related to focused and globally effective city-marketing, as for example in Paul (2004) in relation to Montreal, or in Rutheiser (1996) in relation to Atlanta.

6Travel as a product is mainly immaterial which makes that it must be imagined before and after travelling as long as the physical space is not available (Wöhler 2011, p. 48). The adaption of the past to the inner and imagined geography corresponds also to the concept of narrative inversion (Decher 2010, p. 184) which describes exactly this correspondence. While travelling the tourist searches for the confirmation of his imagined geography (see above) which means that the imagination continues and the touristic perception tends rather to be adapted to the imagination than to realities that might contradict it (Hennig 1999, p. 54 f.). Even a blockade or refusal of perception may occur:

“so that all those information coming from outside which do not square with own expectations and desires are kept away and ignored at will” (translation of Decher 2010, p. 168).

7The significance for the tourist business is obvious: only those able to effectively manipulate – at least partially – the imaginary geography of the traveler will be able to influence the booking behavior of the tourists in his favor.

“Management of signifiers and symbols – the ability to produce, transform, communicate and manipulate images and signs – becomes the decisive element in postmodern economy, apart from the process and reproduction of the social” (translation of Miles 1998 cited in Wöhler 2011, p. 46).

8The marketing experts of the tourism business correspond to the individually imagined geographies of the tourists when they occupy and communicate the touristic space with images to such a degree that they allow congruence with the inner images of the tourists. The destination turns out to be the personally formed space of experience of the tourist, the extension of his personality, which is a well-known phenomenon in marketing. Generally products are designed as extensions of the customer’s personality who perceives them as such. That is why brands refer even to categories of personality (see about this also Aaker 1997).

The role of intermediaries in re-enforcing imaginary geography

9Typical values of this space of experience of destination are self-determination, freedom and autonomy of time. The tourist participates in interpreting and defining the touristic space. He becomes a prosumer who consumes and produces at the same time a touristic space. A multiplicity of touristic intermediaries (document 1 shows a selection) re-enforces the imaginary geography of a destination.

Document 1

Document 1

© T. Thimm, 2012

10A touristic intermediary means in this context any mediator between the tourist and the destination which exerts a controlled or chance influence on the imaginary geography of a destination and its image.

11Not only the touristic intermediaries but people visited and hosts are actors of this process of construction. As they know the communicated images of a destination created by intermediaries who, for their part, dispose of knowledge about the imaginary geographies of the tourists, habitants of the destination, as professional tourism businessmen or the population, reproduce those images and the circle is formed (Wöhler 2001, p. 79ff.). MacCannel (1999, p. 91ff.) for example calls the process and result of additional construction and reinforcement of the imaginary geography of a destination by the tourist business and the habitants living in the destination “staged authenticity”.

“I have claimed that the structure of this social space is intimately linked to touristic attitudesand I want to pursue this. The touristic way of getting in with the natives is to enter into a quest for authentic experiences, perceptions and insights. […] Tourists make brave sorties out from their hotels, hoping, perhaps, for an authentic experience, but their paths can be traced in advance over small increments of what is for them increasingly apparent authenticity proffered by tourist settings” (MacCannell 1999, p. 105 f.).

12It is difficult to answer the question what is the cause and what is the effect of imaginary geographies. So far one can describe the touristic construction of images as a circular process with its own reinforcement.

Document 2

Document 2

© T. Thimm, 2012

13Australia can be seen as an example for the kind of imaginary geography which moves within such a circular model. Travel-writers like Bruce Chatwin created with “The Songlines” (1978) an image of Australia which, even being questioned (cf. von Bloch 2000), constructed touristic imaginary geographies with the following content: spiritual world of the aborigines and endlessness or beauty of nature. Until today touristic intermediaries advertise with the culture of the aborigines and the space of nature of the continent. They continue determining the touristic “realites”. Actors in the destinations take up these imaginary geographies within a professional “staged authenticity” (see above) and new films like “Australia” (2008) are created which transform exactly those aspects into (also touristically) powerful images.

14Hudson and Ritchie (2006) as well as Riley et al. (1998) researched and identified relations between film and tourism. Zimmermann (2008, p. 171 ff.) showed with the example of the German ‘Heimatfilm’ that such processes are capable to generate imaginary geographies also within a country, thus having effects also on inland tourism.

15If images from literature and film are put at the beginning of the process chain, this can be represented in a linear model as an alternative to the circular model:

Document 3

Document 3

© T. Thimm, 2012

16Compared to the circular representation (document 2), the linear model (document 3) has a different emphasis in so far as it attributes a certain authenticity to images from literature and film and considers the co-construction of touristic realities as the final result of a process. The reason for this can be seen in the fact that in many cases the creation of images, specially the literary ones, occurs prior to the individual, and even more so to the mass tourist activity. Before individuals have a conscious perception of travels, education and leisure time provide access to texts and films which mark the images of destinations. Before the significant rise of travel activities after World War II – at the beginning in particular by the middle-classes of western industrialized states – there were accounts and images about distant countries.

17Touristic perception then is composed of images from film and literature, the individual imaginary geography and tourist intermediaries’ politics of communication: “They [tourists] take part of the ‘real world’ out of their usual contexts and combine them into a new reality” (translation of Hennig 1995).

18The question is Why? What is the necessity to imagine or mark in advance, by interpretation, touristic spaces? Besides a day-to-day deficit of necessities and desires which are being projected into the touristic space, the individual construction of a touristic space before the travel as such fulfills also the mere function of orientation, of positioning (Wöhler 2011, p. 56). Not rarely this construction leads to clichés and stereotypes which result as well from a simplification of perception. This is, for its part, the result of the fact that the touristic product cannot be seen and examined before the travel. Based on imaginary geographies it is therefore classified in advance (Kleinsteuber andThimm 2008, p. 267 ff.). The marketing corporations of the tourist business can use reinforcing effects by means of its politics of communication because there are imaginations of touristic spaces which are congruent with a majority of customers or they can be associated with homogeneous segments of the market. The popularity of images and/or brands, the brand’s core value of a destination as well as the behavior and streams of demand are permanently monitored by market research in a way that these reinforcing effects might correct possible shifts of image. However, images of destinations normally are slow and the more replacement diverge from the traditional image the costlier they are. This has also to do with the historicity of images created by literature and film, which keep being repeated as reference so that they create a continuum of perception which has a longer duration.

19For the practice of management and marketing of destinations the manipulability of this process is relevant. Under a reductionist view one might have the impression that it would be enough to shoot a blockbuster about a destination or at least with a destination as setting, and flows of tourists would be redirected to that destination. The financial participation of destination management organizations (DMOs) in projects of films and/or in their marketing is not unusual. But the realization of a mass media film project like “Australia” (see above) by a DMO alone exceeds the resources for an individual instrument of communication politics. Apart from that the question arises about the cost-benefit relation. DMOs therefore rely in their communication on touristic intermediaries and their manipulation, which participate in the co-construction of touristic ‘realities’ as reinforcement of images of destinations. Language plays a decisive role in this process:

“The appropriation of world views by language has the effect that we perceive and interpret and move within the world in a quite determined way. […] What language reveals us about the world is nothing else than an illusion. The ‘truths’ about the world apparently revealed to us by language are therefore illusions, only that we have forgotten that they are such, as Nietzsche wrote in the early essay Ueber Wahrheit und Lüge im außermoralischen Sinne, found posthumously in his papers” (translation of Decher 2010, p. 116 and 121).

20Among the numerous touristic intermediaries (s. document 1) we are now going to select and have a closer look at classic and new travel-media.

Classic travel media and imaginary geography

21When travel journalism appeared and in how far it can be distinguished from travel literature will never be clearly defined (Kleinsteuber andThimm 2008, p. 47ff.). Among the classic travel media like print, TV and broadcasting, print is dominant. Besides the ADAC travel magazine, GEO SAISON or Merian – magazines specialized on travel reports – in German speaking countries it is specially the travel part in journals of high circulation (e.g. Brigitte, Stern) or newspapers (e.g. FAZ or Die Zeit), which participate in the medial construction of imaginary geographies of destinations. Apart from the neglected area of broadcasting there are a number of formats on travel in TV whose quality ranges from mere selling programs to high level reports (Kleinsteuber and Thimm 2008, p. 115ff.). Reports as kind of representation dominant in travel journalism are designed in a way that they tell an interesting story, create mental cinema, follow a rather film-like dramaturgy and they represent atmosphere as well as milieu (Kleinsteuber and Thimm 2008, p. 57f.). In travel magazines it is visually supported by introducing and accompanying image streams. This way travel magazines construct imaginary geographies exactly the kind their readers need, thus reinforcing them (see documents 2 and 3). All media trying to position and sell themselves act that way. The themes and destinations selected normally correspond to the dominant travel movements of the readership.

Document 4

Document 4

Front cover GEO SAISON, March 2009

22The utility of classic quality travel mediafor the reader lies, apart from the facts in the information part, particularly in the pleasure of well-written accounts and adequately arranged photo streams which stimulate, form and reinforce their inner imaginary geography.

New travel media and imaginary geography

23In recent years Web 2.0 has become of increasing significance within the communication of touristic contents, besides online versions of print media or forms of online interactive journalism. Here the emphasis lies on the evaluation by users and not on the journalistic content. The credibility of these evaluations is higher than commercially motivated euphemistic reports about popular destinations because they come from real users who have been to the place. In this form

“an actor’s options to decide and to use something depending on the situation merge his role as a user of the internet with that of an actor in the touristic context […]. With the internet a new and independent ‘space of orientation and action within social reality’ (Thiedeke 2004, p. 15) has developed in which actors can anonymously assume new roles. As all contents are dissolved in digital code and social reality transforms itself into virtual reality only by its reconstruction, conditions of reality and likewise the role of actors can be formed by manipulation” (translation of Egger 2010, p. 22 and 24).

24It is evident that the credibility of the representation of touristic contents in Web 2.0 is only an apparent one. This intermediary as well can be integrated into the circular (document 2) or the linear (document 3) scheme. It also reinforces the reader’s imaginary geographies, though it is not based on the need for freedom or idyllic scenes as in the classic travel media, but onthe need for “authenticity”. Hennig (1998) unmasks the authentic as one of the many myths in tourism which the tourist chases, besides the myths of “untouched nature”, “paradise” and the “noble savage”.
The self-referential role of the user-actor-tourist (s. above) leads to a phenomenon described by Kristof (2009) as “The Daily Me”:

“When we go online, each of us is our own editor, our own gatekeeper. We select the kind of news and opinions that we care most about. Nicholas Negroponte of M.I.T. has called this emerging news product The Daily Me. […] That’s because there’s pretty good evidence that we generally don’t truly want good information — but rather information that confirms our prejudices. We may believe intellectually in the clash of opinions, but in practice we like to embed ourselves in the reassuring womb of an echo chamber.”

25In social networks this phenomenon appears very much. People transit in groups and opinion-fields which generate conformity. Similar and individual imaginary geographies are shaped into a collective imagination which then claims authenticity (see document 5).

A case in point – Sevilla

26Sevilla is part of the myth of the south which began, in the (north and middle) European perspective, with Italy passing along the time over to Spain, Dalmatia, the Baleares, the Canary Islands, South Tyrol and the south of France. The south always represented sensuality, sunny and warm climate, laziness, living for the moment, absence of preoccupation, passion, love/erotic and independence. It became the manifestation of a place of yearning (Richter 2009, p. 9, 130, 136, 168 and 181), full of those imaginary geographies mentioned above.

“The south is an idea, we carry it within us (everybody ‘is born with his south’ Jean Paul once wrote). But the south is also a reality, we can go there. The imagined and the real south constantly interact; dream and conquest are the both sides of the same medal” (translation of Richter 2009, p. 10).

27Apart from its participation in the general myth of the south Sevilla has been subject of a special imaginary geography, which changed over the time. During the 19th century the image of Sevilla was also marked by negative associations: a noisy world of gypsies (Spanish Roma, Kalé), beggars, priests and dancing girls in a state of decadence, idleness, even though all this in a pleasant climate, full of joy, colors and light. Travelers like Alejandro Laborde (France), George Borrow (Great Britain), Théophile Gautier (France), Richard Ford (Great Britain), Antonio de Latour (France) described in its writings the town in this way, thus marking the early image of Sevilla (Morales Padrón 1974, p. 459 ff.). Others like Washington Irving (USA), under the influence of romanticism, painted a transfigured image of Spain (Irving 1857). Also images of a profoundly (folk-) religious and catholic Spain outlast by means of mass events involving all Sevilla like the Semana Santa (Mármol 2011, p. 17and Mauersberger 1990, p. 46), which has a high inner and inbound touristic effect. Caused by the increasing appearance of Spanish artists in Paris during the 19th century, another manifestation of an Andalusia/Sevilla image developed, especially in direction to France: danseuses and dancers and more and more gypsies presented boleros with an increasing influence of flamenco elements which transmitted an erotic, passionate and, finally, also romantic image:

“Even being true that by the effect of the romantic ecstasy of the Parisian public (as well as the European in general) the Andalusian mixed with the gypsies and vice versa, one must also take in consideration that it were these dancers from Spain who exploited the enthusiasm of the public throwing oil into the fire, which is to say that they emphasized all that characterized the magic of the Andalusian. It is not surprising that the wild passion was mixed up with the erotic and related to the gypsy and Andalusian women” (Steingress 2006, p. 182, translation of the Spanish original).

28Spain and in particular Andalusia served to a high degree as a projection screen for romanticism: passion, love, death, eroticism, mysticism, fate, nature and freedom made appear, through manifestations like the flamenco, imaginary geographies which last until today. Specially the flamenco, when enacted by gypsies became within this context a major symbol and defines the image of Andalusia or Sevilla until today. Again it were the French, Prosper Mérimée and George Bizet, who created with Carmen probably the most famous figure of Sevilla, who integrated all the attributes of romanticism mentioned above (Haubrich 1990, p. 30 and Papapavlou 2000, p. 13, 17, 18 and 26). Carmen was not the only opera to use Sevilla as a projection screen. The Barber of Sevilla (Rossini), Don Giovanni (Mozart), The Favorite (Donizetti), Fidelio (Beethoven) and Figaro’s Marriage (Mozart) are further examples (Junta de Andalucía et al., n.y.). Not least the popular flamenco film of 1983 “Carmen” by Carlos Saura reinforced this image which had existed before (about the influence of films on the image of Sevilla see Mestre et al. 2008).

29These images were so strong that they did not only represent Sevilla and Andalusia but they expanded into an imaginary geography of Spain as a whole (Hernández Ramírez 2008, p. 151 and 224).

30The above mentioned and in the literature researched images of Sevilla were largely confirmed by the expertinterviews realized between 09/2011 and 12/2011. The evaluation of the attributes mentioned in the interviews showed that the image of Sevilla communicated and perceived inwardly and outwardly consists essentially of the attributes “monuments, flamenco, bull fight, hot climate and (catholic) celebrations” (seeinterviews with Cruces, Domínguez Albanda, García, Grötsch, Hernandez, Iwasaki, Macías, Morales, Moreno, Peral Fernández, Sousa and Steingress).

31During the Franco period the tourist boom in Spain began and the tourist business utilized the existing imaginary geographies, which had been created specially in the 19th century, for its politics of communication. For this purpose the Franco regime claimed the flamenco for itself, used the gypsies’ exoticismand deliberately reinforced the perception that it was an all-Spanish phenomena, in order to place the flamenco as a distinctive touristic characterization for Spain (Bachmann 2009, p. 130, 154 and 258).

32The dependence of the flamenco on tourism is heavier than vice versa.
„Tourism is a co-producer of the flamenco industry, and its survival hinges upon successful staging of authenticity“(Aoyama 2009, p. 98).

33The tourist is to stay in these imaginary geographies, in the front-stage-area of the produced images, while the local population reserves its back-stage-area (MacCannel 1999, p. 101 f.). The interaction of local people with tourists continues either superficial and/or restricted to the professional sphere of the touristic intermediaries:
“Sevilla – the town with the visible and invisible grids. Why can’t you just get into the conversation of those gentlemen with theirfine dark-blue suits? [ ] ‘You always feel excluded. Never within’ a friend once said before he retired to the cosmopolitan Madrid, ‘the Sevillians are a closed clan’” (translation of Mauersberger 1990, p. 45 f.).

34It is only logical that the historically developed imaginary geographies of Sevilla, which until today have not lost any of its force, are being taken over by classic and new travel media.

Document 6

Document 6

Front cover ADAC travel magazine „South of Spainand Madrid“, 2004

35With “Flamenco and the soul of the south” the ADAC travel magazine again takes up the imaginary geographies of the south and the flamenco described above. The official webpage of Sevilla and its facebook-page do the same (see documents 7 and 8).

Document 7

Document 7 [accessed 25.01.12]

36The application of the circular and linear model (see documents 2 and 3) of imaginary geographies to Sevilla would be as shown in documents 9 and 10.

Document 9: Imaginary geographies of Sevilla, circular model

Document 9: Imaginary geographies of Sevilla, circular model

© T. Thimm, 2012

Document 10: Imaginary geographies of Sevilla, linear model

Document 10: Imaginary geographies of Sevilla, linear model

© T. Thimm, 2012

37The two models show mechanisms of touristic processes of perception which intermediaries, like travel media for instance, transport and reinforce. In the case in point Sevilla the circular model describes the self-maintenance and the self-reinforcement, while the linear model considers imaginary geographies as the end point of a process. In both cases the formation process of imaginary geographies powered by images becomes evident. The tourism business acquires concrete possibilities of manipulation forming these images by its proper marketing strategies. With press campaigns it can exert concrete influence on the intermediaries, the travel magazines. The success depends among other things on the relevance of the travel media within the context of other intermediaries and of other issuers of images of destinations. A touristic image of Sevilla may also be spoiltor blotted out by images of the general political situation of Spain, as for instance the economic and financial crisis. In such a case the imaginary geographies might undergo a temporary or permanent modification.


38Christoph Hennig’s concept of “imaginary geography” serves as a plausible explicatory model for processes of touristic perception. It explains how the perception of destinations develops before, during and after the travel and why images of destinations can develop a very high persistence. The understanding of these processes contains aspects relevant for applicability because it must be in the interest of the managers of the destinations to generate, reinforce and cultivate the tourists’ imaginary geographies in order to influence their decision for travel in favor of a destination. That way the destination management achieves a manipulative “Imagineering” (see above). At this point the theoretical approach of “imaginary geography“ gets to its limit: to capture the effectiveness of such an exertion of influence requires empirical analysis. Hennig’s concept does not tell us which intermediaries exert most influence on images of destinations and under what circumstances, and how imaginary geographies are created interacting with the individual tourist.

Conclusion and outlook

39Imaginary geographies of classic and new travel media do not differ very much neither by their respective processes of construction of reality nor by their effect. Only the media and the authors differ, as well as the reader-respective user structure. Classic travel media use predominantly print and the contents are written in the form of travel reports by professional journalists. New travel media, in particular Web 2.0 applications, are made by users or user collectives posting their opinions to the net.They normally do not have any journalist training. Both reinforce imaginary geographies of destinations.

40The example of Sevilla illustrates this process, which can be visualized in linear or circular form. In this case one can observe the strong temporal persistence of historic constructs of images which were created particularly during romanticism and persist until today being touristically transformed into value.

41Further aspects within this context to be examined in the future could be based for instance on the question: what happens if the “reality” of a destination becomes very distant from its imaginary geography, e. g. by negative effects of mass tourism as building-boom, environmental pollution, high tourist/inhabitant relation or natural disasters. Until what degree of tension between imagination and reality imaginary geography could be maintained? Another interesting point would be the question in how far imaginary geographies change in the case of repetitive travelers.

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Cristina Cruces, Universität Sevilla, 20.09.11
Laura Domínguez Albanda, Touristinformation Sevilla, 28.11.11
Santiago García, Touristinformation Sevilla, 15.09.11
Kurt Grötsch, Direktor des Flamencotanzmuseums in Sevilla, 08.09.11
Javier Hernandez, Universität Sevilla, 22.09.11
Fernando Iwasaki, Direktor der Stiftung Cristina Heeren in Sevilla, 07.09.11
Manuel Macías, Leiter des Convention Bureaus in Sevilla, 12.09.11
José Carlos Morales, Leiter des Taller Flamenco in Sevilla, 08.11.11
Isidore Moreno, Universität Sevilla, 27.10.11
David Peral Fernández, Instituto Andaluz de Flamenco in Sevilla, 28.11.11
José Maria Sousa, Bienal de Flamenco, Sevilla, 16.12.11
Gerhard Steingress, Universität Sevilla, 19.09.11

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Titre Document 2
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Titre Document 3
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Titre Document 6
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Titre Document 8
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Titre Document 9: Imaginary geographies of Sevilla, circular model
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Titre Document 10: Imaginary geographies of Sevilla, linear model
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Tatjana Thimm, « Imaginary Geographies of Classic and New Travel Media – Reality-Construction of Touristic Intermediaries with Sevilla as a Case in Point », Via [En ligne], 3 | 2013, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2013, consulté le 06 avril 2020. URL : ; DOI :

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Tatjana Thimm

Professor of Tourism Management at the HTWG Constance.
Teaching and research: Destination Management, Marketing and Sustainable forms of tourism.
Regions: Lake Constance region, India, Spain.
Hochschule für Technik, Wirtschaft und Gestaltung
Brauneggerstr. 55
78462 Konstanz
Tel. +49-7531-206-145
Fax. +49-7531-206-693
e-mail : tthimm[at]

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Guenther Augustin

Former professor of foreign languages at the Federal University of Minas Gerais

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