Introduction

I. Methodology

3This article examines the reinvention of the local place as a tourist destination as part of a continuous place-making process. In order to understand the particular moment of intersection in “the network of social relations and understandings” (Massey, 1994, p. 262), socio-economic as well as political and historical circumstances are taken into account too, and are briefly described in the next section. Furthermore, my own long-term engagement and personal relations with residents of Lashi Hai’s villages have permitted me to gain a deep insight to their everyday lives. This has facilitated a better understanding of certain social processes related to place-making and the reinvention of the local place as presented below (cf. Herbert, 2000).

II. Case Study: Lashi Hai in North-West Yunnan

5One of the options is a day trip to Lashi Hai, my case study site. A visit to Lashi Hai is either part of a pre-booked package with a tour group, or it is arranged via your guesthouse owner or through one of the countless travel agents located in the old town. A typical trip includes transport, conveniently collecting the guest at their hotel in the old town and taking them to one of the innumerable reception centres in Lashi Hai. Once there, the usual activity consists of a horseback jaunt into the hills behind the villages, from where you can glimpse scenic views over the wetlands and lake. The horse ride is followed by a meal of typical local hotpot, some tea and, for those who wish, a boat trip on the lake. Recently, the reception centres in the villages have become more creative in order to satisfy tourists’ needs, often building parks and leisure areas on the shore where visitors can relax and take pictures.

III. Ethnic Minorities in Lashi Hai

7An important aspect of fostering economic development in these areas is the introduction of tourism (Oakes, 1998; Schein, 2000). In Yunnan, in the beginning there were mainly Western tourists, fascinated by the colourful ethnic minority populations and the stunning landscapes, which range from exotic rainforests in the south to rough mountain peaks in the northwest (Notar, 2006, p. 26). Within Chinese society, though, rather negative stigmas have long existed about these borderland regions and their peoples. The locals were seen as barbarian, wild and backward, lacking culture, dirty, some of them even dangerous (Harrell, 1995; Chao, 2012). During the Cultural Revolution most practices related to ethnic cultures – festivals, religious activities, rituals, songs, dances and so on – were prohibited and severely persecuted (Mueggler, 2001; Byrne, 2014). The arrival of tourism led to a definite shift in the government’s attitude towards minority groups. Oakes speaks of the ‘Cultural Turn’ in Chinese policy-making, describing the moment when the potential of cultural elements in the touristic sector, but also as a soft power instrument, was recognised (Oakes, 1998, pp. 58-62).

8Since around the turn of the millennium, folkloristic images of ethnic minority cultures have been pushed hard in the tourism market as well as in national television productions, official shows and the music business (Chio, 2014; Davis, 2005; Harrell, 1995; Notar, 2006; Oakes, 1997; Swain, 2005). So, next to the negative stereotype of backwardness and poverty, another image evolved for ethnic minority people: They are happy, friendly, hospitable, honest folk, living in harmony with each other and with nature. If one believes the countless adverts for ethnic tourism destinations, people in these places are always wearing colourful costumes, dancing and singing in their fields among the blooming flowers. Yet, as Bruner states: “Narratives are not only structures of meaning but structures of power” (Bruner, 2004, p. 21). Considering that this picture is part of a state-led discourse, it tends to reduce entire population groups to folkloristic elements, paired with a sense of the infantile, implying a lack of responsibility and an inability to care and speak for themselves (Harrell, 1995; Coggins and Yeh, 2014; Vasantkumar, 2014).

9Concern over borderland regions inhabited by ethnic minority groups has troubled many emperors who have ruled over the territory (or parts thereof) comprising today’s China (Chio, 2014, p. 25; Harrell, 2012, p. 36). The Communist Party has a strong interest in firmly controlling such areas as well, as these regions are rich in natural resources and key water lines – the Mekong, Yangtze and Salween rivers for example (Davis, 2005, p. 171 citing Mao Tse-tung). Most recently, ethnic minorities and the natural landscapes themselves have turned out to be valuable attractions in the tourism market. At the same time, tourism serves as legitimation for the central government to build roads and railways, going hand in hand with the consolidation of power and control (Swain, 1989; Oakes, 1993; Davis, 2005). With this ‘gift of development’, the government further intends to increase a sense of gratitude among the population (Yeh, 2013). The touristic image, moreover, is used as a soft power instrument to strengthen nation-building and illustrate the idea of a harmonious multinational Chinese state (Chio, 2014, pp. 88-91; Silverman and Blumenfield, 2013, p. 4).

IV. Tourism in Lashi Hai

10In contrast to many other tourist destinations in China, in Lashi Hai tourism has not been officially introduced and implemented by a development company. Quite a common strategy is to ‘open up’ a place for tourism, usually using an official development company which establishes a touristic concept for the place, including branding, naming, planning and constructing infrastructure such as roads, car parks, gates, ticket booths and fences (Nyíri, 2006, p. 49ff). Unfortunately, this has a side-effect that in the end many places look quite similar to each other, as the same rentable concepts are applied to many different places (Davis, 2005, p. 40; Nyíri, 2006, p. 18). So far, in Lashi Hai no such universal concept has been implemented – yet it is probably on the edge of becoming part of a larger touristic development project too. During my fieldwork, I was able to observe the processes of reinventing territories in different ways and by different actors. In order to offer a better understanding of the current situation, I will describe below how the place has been reinvented in the past and how tourism development has found its way to the remote villages of Lashi Hai.

V. Reinventing Representations of the “Local”: Roses and Plastic

14During my field visits I also conducted interviews with tourists. Usually, I only got to ask a set of short, standard questions, to which I generally received rather short, standard answers. It was true that most of the people I met were in something of a hurry – busy enjoying themselves. Regarding my question about whether they were interested in the local culture – to my surprise – most replied that they were not. Rather, they enjoyed the beautiful natural landscapes and the fresh air. All they really wanted was to relax a bit, enjoy themselves and – very importantly – take a lot of pictures.

15This changing attitude among their clientele has been recognised by the local tourism operators and external investment companies as well. The process of reinventing a local destination and adapting it to the changing needs of tourists has, in Lashi Hai, led to a drastic severing from the traditional touristic imaginary of the typical local place. Rather than representing folkloristic ethnic minority culture and archetypes of rural landscapes, there are new sorts of place evolving in Lashi Hai: Agricultural fields have been turned into a “Rose Manor” and huge colourful plastic sculptures have been positioned among the flowers (see document 1). Here, wooden bridges and walkways lead from one platform to another, from where one gets splendid views over the sculptures and the sea of roses. There are plentiful pavilions and benches for the visitors to rest, as well as tea rooms and snack stalls, even massage chairs with a nice outlook. One can further find “styling corners” where visitors may rent fancy dress and are provided with professional make-up and hairstyling – so the pictures taken in the fantasy landscapes become even more fantastical.

16This recently opened attraction enjoys huge success and has swiftly become the most visited

17reception centre in Lashi Hai. In the short time that followed, many other reception centres in Lashi Hai tried to follow the example of the Rose Manor. They have created areas on the shore of the lake, decorated with a lot of phantasy, where people get to relax, drink tea, take pictures, stroll around. Horse riding is still offered to tourists but is now a mere sideshow. Interaction between local residents and visitors has shrunk to a minimum. At best, locals function as service providers in the tourism sector. Residents state that whereas, previously, they were their own bosses and got to decide how to run the business of the cooperatives, today the sector is dominated by external investors and decisions are taken by people who have never actually been to the place, but run their companies from afar. The Rose Manor was designed and built by a company from Shenzhen, which initially had installed such sceneries as backdrops for wedding photo shoots. The concept has now become a popular strategy for designing entire tourism destinations – as it has happened in Lashi Hai.

18For local entrepreneurs it has become very hard to compete with those big players (see also Chio, 2013, p. 154). I was told many stories of young people in Lashi Hai trying to start their own businesses, like their fathers did back in the day, but then failing with huge losses in the face of the new business model. The big outside companies possess everything that local residents lack: huge networks of connections to tourism agencies and government agents as well as private businesses on the national and regional level, in addition to capital, experience and knowhow. For the younger generation, participating in the tourism business has thus become a rather frustrating issue. The only thing left for them is low-payed jobs with low social status and no decision-making power.

19Conversely, many families living in Lashi Hai have profited from tourism over the last two decades and their living standards have increased significantly (Hürlemann, 2014). Among other things, they have been able to afford better and higher education for their children. Today there are many families in Lashi Hai who proudly state that their youngsters are well educated, even graduating from universities. These young adults are far from willing to work as horse guides or in similar service positions in Lashi Hai’s tourism sector. As it is difficult to be successful in that business, they often leave to find better jobs in towns and cities. Meanwhile, the lower status jobs are increasingly taken up by migrant workers and Yi people, who tend to live in even more remote villages high up in the mountains and now find wage labour in Lashi Hai’s tourism industry.

VI. Shifting Desires: Modernity Replacing Nostalgia and Tradition

22However, this not only applies to young visitors to Lashi Hai – younger local people are also after a sense of modernity (see also Schein, 2000, p. 210). The fact that their home areas are being reinvented by professionals with nous and capital limits the possibility of entering the tourism business for some. For others, though, these newly established places represent sites of prestige, modernity and elegance (see also Oakes, 1998, p. 7). In fact, local residents of Lashi Hai’s villages themselves and even residents of Lijiang’s urban new town visit the Rose Manor in their leisure time, strolling among the rose fields and taking selfies in the fantasy plastic sculpture landscape.

23The reinvention observed in Lashi Hai’s tourist places not only reflects a new marketing strategy, nor is it simply an adaptation of touristic offerings to the changing needs of visitors. This reinvention reflects profound social change happening between generations, something that is not bound to this particular place but which is probably occurring in many parts of the country. It concerns the younger generation of visitors and hosts alike. Ethnic categories and stereotypes are pushed into the background by a forward-looking, future-oriented generation. This does not mean that their own traditions and culture are not valued by members of the younger generation. On the contrary, many of the people I encountered in the field are full of interest in local traditions and engage in cultural practices specific to their hometown or village. Yet obviously this is a long way from the folkloristic culture sold on the tourism market. What I observed is that the folkloristic, polished yet simplified, shiny and colourful imaginary of ethnic minority culture is losing its attraction among younger clientele. Recent reinventions of how “local” identity and culture are represented to tourists at Lashi Hai’s Rose Manor reception centre offer one of many potential alternatives to imaginaries based on state-led, stereotypical ethnicity discourses.

Discussion

24The case study of Lashi Hai’s tourism sector offers insights into the social processes that contribute to reinventions of tourist destinations. In this article, I have contended that places visited by tourists are meant to represent local identity and culture. In this sense, the reinvention of tourist destinations is linked to social processes negotiating how – using what kinds of symbolic messages, communicating what sorts of values – local culture and identity should be represented. In ethnic tourism in China, symbolic markers used for the branding and marketing of those destinations were strongly related to dominant government discourses and stereotypes regarding ethnic minority groups. Although in Lashi Hai the tourism business started as a communal project grounded in village cooperatives, today it is increasingly dominated by outside investors. While this makes it more difficult for young local entrepreneurs to successfully enter the tourism business, this new form of development is associated with positive values by many local residents. The previously dominant horse-riding business is a typical ethnic tourism attraction and thus reinforces stereotypes of romantic countryside life but also backwardness, dirtiness and poverty. The recently created parks, on the other hand, present roses instead of maize crops, and plastic sculptures of luxury goods instead of traditional houses as scenic backdrops for fancy touristic photography. This reinvention of the local place uses the language of modernity, displaying symbols of luxury and wealth, creating a landscape of dreams and fantasy in which to escape and enjoy one’s leisure during the touristic experience.

25Those values not only correspond to changing desires among visitors but also represent what younger members of the host population would rather identify with. Whereas colourful decorations made of plastic sculptures and roses might easily be associated with kitsch, Disney Land or even consumerism and capitalism – those symbols are added another dimension when placed into the archetypical landscape of Lashi Hai. Thinking places as “articulated moments in networks of social relations and understandings” (Massey, 1994, p. 262) predominant discourses determining these understanding as well as the specific social relations created at tourist encounters, have to be taken into account. In this case, the recent history of creating ethnic minority cultures as well as touristic products based on them, has shaped many layers of meanings and values painting the landscapes of Lashi Hai’s places. Clearly these paintings never fully reflect people’s diverse approaches to ethnicity and lived cultures – yet they are result of social processes and thus reflect certain aspects of them. In this sense, the reinvention of the destination offers an alternative to both visitors and guests alike, for thinking and experiencing new kinds of ethnic, rural landscapes.