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This article offers a geographical study of the culinary heritage of Tunisia, a North African country in the Maghreb region, whose economy is strongly supported by the tourism sector. Thanks to the crossing, on the one hand, of the perimeter of production and development of a culinary culture inked through the succession of civilizations throughout the history of the country and, on the other hand, of the perimeter encompassing the Maghrebis (Tunisians, Algerians, Libyans and the diaspora) who currently consume spicy dishes (which characterize Tunisian cuisine) on a daily basis, the article proposes to determine the Territory of Tunisian Culinary Heritage (TTCH). He The article also suggests studying the link between generic places of consumption (hotels, restaurants, food trucks, snack bar, home, etc.) and the dishes consumed by tourists on vacation. The link thus obtained will be studied in relation to daily consumption practices through cultural, economic, family, etc. dimensions. This reasoning will show that the consumption strategy while on vacation is inevitably linked to daily consumption practices of all the tourists studied, either in a logic of rupture or of continuity. To reach the conclusions proposed in this article, the methodology followed is based on diversified survey tools (quantitative and qualitative) and combined statistical analyses (pivot table and chi-square tests).

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Peer-reviewed article

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The author wishes to express his gratitude to Professor Julia Csergo and to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive and valuable comments which helped to strengthen the paper.

Introduction

1Since 2003, the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) has invited state parties to identify and describe the knowledge, practices and know-how, both traditional and modern, in their territories, in fields as varied as orality, rituals, celebrations, shows and crafts (Chave, 2020). This definition of ICH, although it does not cover all areas of the intangible, underlines a very important link between generational and transmissible learning (and its exercise) and the land of belonging. In general terms, cultural heritage (CH) – both tangible and intangible – is a matching identity or heritage references to that territory and has been demonstrated in several areas such as geography (Di Méo, 1994) and economics (Requier-Desjardins, 2009). This correspondence expresses the authenticity of both the territory and heritage. According to Di Méo (in Requier-Desjardins, 2009), the authenticity of the territory is expressed through three notions of space: living space, linked to practices; a life space (in the sense of representations), linked to performances of such practices; and a social space, linked to nesting places and social relations. Therefore, territory is, according to the author, building a membership or a collective identity. As for the authenticity of heritage, he finds meaning in defining not only Ollagnon (1989) (in Requier-Desjardins, 2009) but also in others (Tunbridge and Ashworth, 1996; Harvey, 2001). They consider that heritage refers not only to inheritance and transmission (over time) but also to the territory (space) to the extent that the territory can be considered an identity space.

2We ventured to explain the concepts of heritage and territory using another notion, that of authenticity, which has been regarded as uniqueness and/or distinctiveness from others (Ashworth, 2013; Bessière, 1998), providing a beneficial and cultural identity of communities (Macdonald, 2004). Moreover, authenticity involves traditions, techniques, spirit, feeling and historical and social dimensions of cultural heritage (Munjeri, 2004), which, taken together, represent a sense of historical and cultural continuity (Bortolotto, 2007). Authenticity is diversely constructed by various stakeholders and by the social and political situations in which they exist (Zhu, 2012) (in Kim et al., 2019). In the same vein, there are two kinds of heritage authenticity: ‘cool authenticity’ and ‘hot authenticity’ (Khanom et al., 2019). The first one emerged to describe CH based on scientific knowledge by a recognized institution or expert (Cohen and Cohen, 2012; Mkono, 2013), as well a form of ‘stage authenticity’ linked to the quality of knowledge associated with the tourist experience and nurtured by museums, (written) guides or even anthropologists (Doquet, 2009; Selwyn, 1996). The second concept arose to describe CH as certified by the local community, based on its existential authenticity and using a performative process that allows for public participation (Cohen and Cohen, 2012.). More concretely, the concept of hot authenticity refers to the main motivation of tourists, which is the search for harmonious and supportive social relations that modern and postmodern life would have destroyed (Doquet, 2009; Selwyn, 1996). Thus, we consider three concepts, namely cool authenticity, authenticity of heritage, and authenticity of the territory, as theoretical support for this article. Together, they evoke human input in constructing CH as presented in Colletis and Pecqueur (1994) as a specific resource that tells the story of a people and the construction of culture and measures the history and evolutionary space occupied during this time. This authentic resource – in a constructivist approach to the term – is a social construct just like tourism (Dormaels, 2014) and heritage in general (Rautenberg, 2003; Munz, 2012). Thus, resorting to the process of tourism development, which assumes the development of heritage centered on the triad of reception infrastructure, tourist, and authority (Kadri et al., 2019), would be an effective solution for promoting tourism in the region (Noyes, 2011).

3Seen from the outside by ordinary people, all countries in the Maghreb region are assumed to have the same cuisine. Political initiatives can make this image more entrenched; an example is the joint project for the inclusion of couscous at a UNESCO World Heritage site by Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. However, to present Maghrebi cuisine in a globalizing image would be a huge mistake, diluting a whole heritage and culinary wealth developed thanks to the succession of several civilizations. Thus, the general idea of ​​this article is to determine, in an approach of authenticity as a social construction of spaces, the geographical dimension of Tunisian cuisine through the analysis of the dietary practices of national and Maghrebian tourists (Algerians, Libyans and the diaspora). Several questions diverge from this idea: What culinary scope does Tunisia have? In a logic of specific resources, how have Tunisian cuisine been built over the course of the country’s history? What dishes of Tunisian cuisine are considered a generic resource, in the sense of Colletis and Pecqueur (1994), among local and Maghrebian tourists during a stay in Tunisia? And in which places do they prefer to consume them? The characteristics of the strong and spicy dishes of Tunisian cuisine (Gagaoua and Boudechicha, 2018) would be the basic criterion to determine the geographical and historical inscription of this territory (perimeter of production, manufacture, use and domestic consumption). First, the article will propose a geographical territory of Tunisian cuisine constructed through the intersection of the demarcation of the historical territory of the country and the current places of consumption of spicy dishes in the Maghreb region. Second, there will be a determination of a typology of generic places (hotel, restaurant, home, etc.) of consumption of Tunisian dishes during a tourist stay with an interpretation of the link with their consumption in situations of daily practices.

I. Material and methods

A. Study context

  • 1 Thus, these food practices refer to popular cuisine which, through its successes, has been able to (...)

4To avoid confusion in regard to understanding, it is necessary to clarify that Tunisian cooking, as presented in this article, is not treated in a context of commodity fetishism according to the theory developed by Marx and explained by Weber (2014), a secret concealed in the commodity itself through: 1) the time and working conditions dedicated to it, 2) through its extorted surplus value, or through 3) the social relations of production, which are not revealed. In the same vein, this article does not sanctify Tunisian dishes and culinary products, as is the case of the history of papaya told by Cook (2004). The product is not treated as an object (Weber, 2014) in an approach requiring a rematerialization of cultural geography (Kirsch and Mitchell, 2004; Whatmore, 2006; Tolia-Kelly, 2012; Kirsch, 2012). It is, rather, a paperless approach to building a heritage object around food practices produced by a human group1. It is in this context of dematerialization that we propose to study Tunisian cooking as intangible culinary heritage inscribed in a geographically defined cultural territory. The immaterial aspect is based on the registration process of the ‘gastronomic meal of the French’ on the UNESCO List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2010. The actual procedure is based on the idea of a popular gastronomic approach, an innovative rather than elitist approach, classic and conservative, as explained by Naulin (2012). This approach meets the definition of P. Ory who considers that gastronomy ‘is not synonymous with high or great cuisine, it is the culture of eating and drinking, with the idea that we can create standards that will constitute criticism or gastronomic theory’ (Ory et al., 2019). In other words, even if the word ‘gastronomy’ traditionally refers to very elaborate and well-presented dishes, it could also represent the dishes that tell the history, practice and culture of a people or human group. The use of the term ‘food’ in the article refers, therefore, to this change of use, for which Csergo (2006) uses the terms ‘regional gastronomies’ and ‘gastronomic traditions’ as opposed to ‘Parisian gastronomy’, thereby underlining the local food and culinary traditions leading to the construction of a process of heritage enhancement of a country, a region, a town or a village around its tables. All in all, the gastronomic tourism that this article proposes to study is based on French literature imbued with ‘the issues of the countryside, local development, terroir and heritage, [unlike] English-speaking literature, which is rather marked by the marketing, management and tourism management, aimed rather at segmenting the global phenomenon’ (Csergo, 2016).

5Cook and Harrison (2007) provided an example of the declassification of ‘ethnic’ foods of the Caribbean as an act that facilitated the penetration and spread of these products in the UK market. The example given in ‘the way of thing: pepper’ joins that of ‘the way of thing: papaya’ (Cook, 2004) to translate a marketing approach to food studies. One approach, at least in these two examples, is based on economies of scale and adapts the product to different consumers to ensure access to markets. It is especially in this sense that Cook and Harrison (2007) speak of ISO, HACCP qualification, calibration and standardization of the product in order to develop export and corollary turnover. From the viewpoint of regional development, it is a neoclassical approach considering the resources  namely food and culinary products to discuss the topic in this article  as data that exist independent of production (Kebir and Crevoisier, 2004). However, this logic becomes meaningless in the context of tourism potential or applied to tourism for at least two reasons. First, unlike a product standardized by globalization and the economy of scale, local tourism potential is a heritage with a social and territorial identity, as is the case of ethnic food (Ting et al., 2017). Second, a product for export must meet a market logic for possible acceptance by consumers, while a local tourist is a potential authentic resource (see the adopted definition of authenticity in the introduction) when the products are consumed locally in its territory, thus encouraging tourists to go there to experience the ‘finished’ product or putting tourism in its geographical and social environment to discover the local expertise of its preparation. Here, the territorial resource is seen in two forms: generic and specific (within the meaning put forth by Colletis and Pecqueur, 1994, 2005). The article is based, therefore, on a constructivist approach of resources (Kebir and Crevoisier, 2004, 2008; Jeannerat and Kebir, 2016), considering them built and resulting from a relationship (Raffestin, 1980, cited in Kebir, 2016) between an actor, a practice (perception/ratio between tourists and tourism products) and material (product or tourism resource). The following will discuss only two of the three elements that comprise this triangular relationship, namely the product (Tunisian culinary dishes) and the practice (the relationships and processes that local and Maghrebian tourists develop with these dishes during a tourist stay).

B. Territorial anchoring of local products in Tunisia: Between the past and present

6Several are local Tunisian products, but we will be content to focus on the two that represent Tunisian cuisine, namely couscous and harissa. Culinary historian L. Bolens speaks of primitive pots of couscous found in tombs dating back to the reign of the Berber King Massinissa, that is to say between 238 and 149 BC, corresponding to the Carthaginian territory; see document n° 4 (Chemache et al., 2018; Samrakandi, 2006). This region of North Africa was particularly prosperous and considered in Byzantine times (see document n° 4) as the ‘granary of Rome’. For its part, the pepper arrived in Tunisia later, following the Colombian exchange during the Spanish occupation between 1535 and 1574 (Marks, 2008), that is to say in the period that coincides with the Ottoman occupation of Tunisia (see document n° 4). Since then and unlike other cuisines from neighboring countries, this ingredient has become an essential condiment, with different variations such as harissa, in Tunisian cuisine. Thanks in part to the migration of Tunisian Jews, several examples of Tunisian cuisine have been found beyond the territory of the country. Harissa, for example, has continued to mark its main place in Tunisian food culture, as described by Bauli (2008) in the case of the Tunisian snack bar sold in Belleville neighbourhood of Paris. Nowadays, the valorization of the Tunisian terroir has begun to emerge timidly. The Tunisian state, with the support of international cooperation, initiated the Project for Market Access of Products of Terroir (PAMPAT) (https://pampat.tn/​) in 2013, currently in its second phase, in order to promote harissa with the Food Quality Label Tunisia and the fig of Djebba with a Protected Designation of Origin as well as on the biennial establishment of the Tunisian Local Products Competition (the second edition of which was organized in 2019). The organizing committee of this event congratulates itself on the growing involvement of women artisans, considered to be more than half of all participants. At the same time, other community efforts have emerged. The Association for the Safeguarding of the City of Nabeul (ASVN), an association with a heritage scope, and the Tunisian Association of Culinary Art Professionals (ATPAC), which brings together the greatest chefs in Tunisia, jointly organize a festivity around harissa and chilis that takes place annually in October in the Nabeul region where most of the chili peppers are produced. During this festivity, several activities take place around the products (workshops, parade of chefs, conferences and debates, cooking shows and tastings, etc.). One of the craftsmen participating in this event is I. Attig, who also chairs the Tunisian Association of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ATPCI). He has integrated his workshop into tourist circuits to enable visitors to discover dishes of local culinary heritage, which, of course, are based on harissa, and to showcase the process of making traditional harissa that it produces and offer them tastings that include its 18 varieties. Attig is also a member of the Slowfood Organization network (www.slowfood.com) and thereby further highlight these products. All initiatives to promote local products in Tunisia are not at the same stage of creativity or even maturity. Couscous, for its part, is promoted by recurring participations in international events via ATPAC. In 2018, Tunisia was elected world couscous champion at the 21st edition of the international Couscous Fest competition.

C. Method establishment

7In order to build its own territory in the Tunisian culinary heritage in a logic of territorial resources in the sense of Colletis and Pecqueur (1994, 2005), the present article is based on mixed methods for the analysis of food practices and local Maghrebian tourists in Tunis. The data collection was carried out as part of our doctoral research (Othmani, 2018). These methods were applied as detailed below.

  • Non-participant observation of local and North African tourists was used on all the beaches of the city of Tunis, including Hammam Chott, Hammam Lif, Rades, La Goulette, El Kram, Carthage, La Marsa, Gammarth and Raoued Beach. This method examines the connections between tourists and Tunisian dishes on the beach. Given ethnic resemblances, visually distinguishing a Tunisian from another Maghrebian and, even less so, from a tourist from the Maghreb is a very difficult task. The selection of beaches as survey sites is, therefore, a solution designed to provide a differentiation, especially by first targeting the car’s licence plates in beach car parks. The analysis of some survey data presented below supports the results provided by this method.

Document n°1: Map of the location of the beaches in the agglomeration of Tunis

Document n°1: Map of the location of the beaches in the agglomeration of Tunis

(Note: yellow dots are the observed beaches; orange areas are the most important tourist destinations in the city of Tunis; and broken lines represent the limits of the metropolis component governorates of Tunis.)

  • A total of 20 semi-structured interviews conducted with actors in the Tunisian tourism industry in various fields such as administration, hotels, restoration, transport, activities around the beach, etc. were asked to give their opinions about the practices of tourists, both Tunisian and Maghrebian, from the perspective of their professions (only two interviewees in the field of restoration are mentioned in annexe n°1 for the purposes of the article). The number of interviews was based on the principle of saturation or redundancy of information. Regarding the respective Moroccan and Mauritanian nationalities, the rarity of the presence of these tourists on the ground results in their being in the minority in the survey (one interview was conducted for each of these nationalities). This was the case despite the diversity of times and places of the surveys (two campaigns in March and August 2016 on the beaches shown in document n° 1, in certain hotels located on these beaches and in neighbourhood cafés including accommodation offered for rent on Airbnb. The quantitative survey discussed next confirms this finding by showing seven Moroccan tourists and no Mauritanian tourists in all the areas that were investigated (document n°2). The Arabic language is used in these exchanges, with a few words in French and hardly any in English. In the transcript of this corpus, which was originally in French and then translated into English, words in French and English have been preserved. Other words, often in Arabic, were translated by the author. This created a methodological obstacle for which a textual analysis has been developed. The profiles presented in the following table (annexe n°1) represent more men than women, except for the example of the diaspora. In the majority of cases where we wanted to interview a married woman, she voluntarily designated a male companion to speak for her or the man designated himself.

8This method describes the experiences of tourists (mostly North African) regarding the tastes and culinary flavours or, more generally, foods of the Tunisian culinary region.

  • A quantitative post-stay survey where the interest is an analysis of the preferably places of consumption of Tunisian food by tourists; the idea here is not to correlate these places with a geographical location in the metropolis of Tunis but, rather, to determine a typology of restoration places at the unit scale. This typology is supported by the measurement of preferences among the tourists surveyed. Some data from this survey are used in the mapping method (detailed below). The 470 Maghrebian respondents in this survey represent the following:

  • 200 surveys administered in the departure lounge area of the Tunis-Carthage Airport with travelers flying to the destinations shown in document n°2. However, the time frame for targeting flights was imposed by the airport’s administration, and we were obliged to be accompanied by the head of communications, a condition that involved spacing surveys of passengers beyond the summer time frame of 9 a.m. to 1:30 p.m. and weekends).

Document n°2: Distribution of interviewees at the Tunis-Carthage Airport by country of residence

Regions

Number of targeted flights’

Country

Maghreb

18

5

Algeria

9

Libya

3

Morocco

1

Mauritania

Western Europe

19

1

Italy

1

Belgium

1

Spain

1

Germany

1

Swiss

14

France

Middle East

2

1

Saudi Arabia

1

United Arab Emirates (UAE)

Author

  • 100 surveys in the Port of La Goulette on four different days from in mid-August, including a Sunday (a heavy travel period), and including four ferry boats vessels belonging to different companies, each with a capacity of 400–600 passengers.

  • 50 surveys at the land-border crossing on the Tunisian-Algerian border of Sakiet Sidi Youssef.

  • 120 surveys at the rest area of the motorway service station linking Tunis to the northwest region of Tunisia. This location was chosen as a backup plan for surveying Algerians returning to Algeria by land because of an administrative problem gaining permission to administer the questionnaires at all land borders of Tunisia’s northwest region.

9A total of 470 respondents in five categories (Tunisians, Algerians, Libyans, Moroccans and the diaspora) are distributed according to the method of quota sampling based on official statistics from the Tunisian national tourist office (ONTT) 2008–2015).

Document n°3: Ratio of total arrivals at hotels by Maghreb nationality to the distribution of the survey sample

Tunisians

TUN

Algerians

DZA

Libyans

LYB

Moroccans*

MAR

Mauritanians

MAUR

Diaspora

Total Mughrabi

ONTT statistics

(2008–2015)

13,813,476

2,206,860

2,429,579

135,228

15,691

253,289 (TRE **)

18,854,123

%

73.27%

11.70%

12.89%

0.72%

0.08%

1.34%

100%

ONTT Statistics (2015)

2,241,208

398,910

386,165

22,098

5,580

53,625

3,107,586

%

72.12%

12.84%

12.43%

0.71%

0.18%

1.73%

100%

Sample

185

100

80

7

0

98 (MRE ***)

470

%

39.36%

21.28%

17.02%

1.49%

0

20.85%

100%

Notes:
* Given the very small sample of Moroccans, the data proposed below will be treated as trends that serve to build hypotheses and not as deep analytical readings from which to draw firm conclusions.
** Tunisians living abroad
*** North Africans living abroad

Author

10The sampling for several categories has been revised upwards without disturbing the overall proportionality of the sample; this results from an adjustment of the various sub-samples mentioned, taking into account the development recorded in the 2018 statistics of flows of Maghrebian tourists. This change is explained by the need to provide additional material for categories with little or no representation studied in the context of our field of study, as is the case with Algerians and Libyans. In addition, the sample diaspora category is oversized as it includes several subcategories as follows:

  • 40% residing in Tunisia

  • 4.21% in Algeria

  • 3.16% in Libya

  • 1.05% in the UAE

  • 1.05% in Oman

  • 31.58% in France

  • 5.26% in Belgium

  • 3.16% in Germany

  • 3.16% in Italy

  • 7.37% in Canada

11Anyone holding dual citizenship, one of which is North African, was considered as belonging to the diaspora population. Thus, in all the article diaspora is used in the sense of migrated people

12Mapping is the fourth method used in this article. It is useful for providing information about the approximate boundaries of the unchanging Tunisian territory throughout the country’s history. As demonstrated by Bessière, Mognard, and Tibère (2016), during a holiday, tourist consumption is determined by the products belonging to the land and local territory. In this logic, dishes as a local culinary resource represent a cultural construct that has received its identity and authenticity from various civilizations that have succeeded and enabled the appropriate host population to tailor its own contributions. In the Tunisian case, this culinary cultural construct results from a succession and blending of several civilisational contributions that include not only Berbers, the original people of North Africa; Carthaginians; Vandals; Byzantines; Aghlabids; Fatimid Zirids; Almohad Hafsids and Ottomans but also Italian, Spanish and French populations. The contemporary history of the country might include intermingling due to other factors such as migration, cultural exchange, professional mobility, etc. Therefore, this method aims to build the commercialization of the Tunisian culinary territory through the following steps:

13First, to materialize this information, we created a map (document n°4) that includes the territories of all the civilisational layers mentioned above to discover the ‘common historical territory’ of the country. This approach provides information about the approximate boundaries of the territories that have had the same cultural heritage, including culinary heritage, throughout the country’s history.

14For question 23 of the previously presented surveys, which reads as follows: ‘In a stay in Tunisia, would you rather eat Tunisian specialties?’ (yes or no), we sought to learn whether the people surveyed (specifically Algerians and Libyans, since the territory of study further includes Tunisia, Algeria and Libya) looked favourably on the consumption of Tunisian dishes during a holiday or not. We based the respondents’ places of residence on the common historical territory found in the first case. In fact, with this second map (document n°5), we confirmed the link between the delimitation of the common territory and the culinary culture of the population that occupies it.

15Finally, through question 24 of the survey (open-ended question), we measured the degree of enthusiasm of Maghrebi nationalities for Tunisian dishes while studying in parallel the relationship between food and generic places of consumption. The places mentioned in the survey are as follows:

  • hotel

  • restaurant (touristic restaurant)

  • food trucks

  • snack bar

  • at home

  • with family (eating with relatives at their homes)

16For places “at the seaside or in nature”, during the processing of data we added several survey questions that asked about eating by the sea or another place in nature. Regarding snack bars and food trucks, these two places have the same meaning for many respondents, and therefore, they evoke a fast-food restaurant.

II. Common land, common food culture

17

Document n° 4 : The settlement strata of Tunisia from the Mediterranean basin, from the Carthaginian period to the present day

Document n° 4 : The settlement strata of Tunisia from the Mediterranean basin, from the Carthaginian period to the present day

Notes: The hatched areas represent the geographical areas of the societies that have occupied North Africa since the Carthaginians. The coloured areas represent a common territory of several successive settlements.

18The map shows four colours that depict four distinct borders of the Tunisian territory. From top to bottom (with respect to information in the legend), these are as follows:

  • Light-green (1) represents territory occupied by all civilizations mentioned on the map (see document n°4), namely the Carthaginian era to the French pre-protectorate era ‒ a period of occupation that began in the year 816 BC and ended in the year 1881, that is to say, a cultural anchoring period lasting approximately 27 centuries.

  • Olive-green (2) represents territory occupied by four civilizations: Carthaginians, Byzantines, Aghlabid and Fatimid. This occupation spans twelve centuries, with a break of almost seven centuries between the period when it was occupied by the Carthaginians and the period when it was occupied by the Byzantines. This territory has experienced a historical distance from the common territory of more than eight centuries.

  • Fluorescent-green (3) represents territory that was occupied by the following civilizations: Carthaginians, Vandals, Byzantines and Aghlabids. This period of occupation covers a little more than 11 centuries, with a break between the Carthaginian and Vandal periods. The separation of the common territory has existed for almost ten centuries.

  • Light-orange (4) represents territory occupied by only two civilizations: the Byzantines and the Aghlabids. This is the shorter span of time in regard to belonging to the common territory, approximately five centuries.

19Following the diachronic study of these four inputs, territory (1) corresponds most to the spatial construction of the Territory of Tunisian culinary heritage (TTCH). This territory is characterized by the strong presence of a diet based on hot (spicy) dishes and character. The following map (see document n°5) shows that the limits of the range of a country’s cultural influence exceed its administrative boundaries. The TTCH could spread to the other three territories discussed earlier: Malta, the language of which includes many expressions of Tunisian origin (see, for example, the Maltese film Simshar released in 2014: https://www.imdb.com/​title/​tt2521700/​ revised), provides a link between the island and the country. Therefore, we find that the cultural influence of the Tunisian territory includes territory (1), the one that capitalises the most on societies that have shared the same spatial and social expanse over the longest period of time and the territory (2), which, through the integration of Malta, has so far incorporated linguistic traces.

Document n° 5 : Area of influence of Tunisian gastronomy

Document n° 5 : Area of influence of Tunisian gastronomy

Notes: The green area, using the territory (1) of the previous map (see document n°4), represents the territory shared by the largest number of civilizations that have occupied Tunisia during its history. Green dots represent respondents who said they preferred eating spicy foods, while those in red indicate respondents who do not enjoy these kinds of dishes.

20The cartography projection of the residential cities of Algerian and Libyan tourists to the survey (see document n°5) on TTCH shows that the number of green dots dominates the number of red dots. This indicates that expressed attraction to and appreciation of Tunisian dishes far exceeds the lack of interest in such dishes.

21In Algeria, tourists coming from the East of the country generally admit to being attracted to Tunisian dishes. This is clear in the response of an Algerian residing in Annaba who was interviewed in the summer of 2016:

‘I like to eat Tunisian [foods]. Here at the hotel, I have not loved the food being offered. I only eat salads or almost. I love all that is traditional Tunisian above what is burning like the Ojja. I eat a lot when I am here in Tunisia.’ (DZA-P8)

22According to the map (see document n°5), Annaba, a city in the northeastern corner of Algeria, has a preponderance of favourable responses to Tunisian spicy dishes. Despite living in the TTCH, there are people who have expressed their rejection of this type of dish (see the red dots on the map). The explanation could be related to the size of the city; it is the fourth-largest city in Algeria, which highlights its cosmopolitan character, and this is reinforced by the presence of a large university. Thus, one could speak of the mobility of individuals from outside the TTCH kept a palate unsuited to hot dishes. This resistance to the flavours of the home territory is due to the adaptation of individuals with inequalities in their ability to tolerate the burning sensation caused by chili peppers (Cook, 2007). In contrast, individuals whose palates are able to tolerate the heat of chilies may encounter difficulty adapting to an area characterized by milder dishes. This is demonstrated in a case reported by Giraud (2010) regarding a Tunisian student living in France. The student retained his national food culture and could not adapt to eating the foods enjoyed by other foreign students living in the same dormitory. Algerian tourists from the West (a region outside the TTCH) have the same resistance, as confirmed by this respondent’s statement: ‘The Tunisian gastronomy is hot, burning. You use chili and turmeric. This is not yellowish like ours. Ours is better, especially that of the East’ (DZA-P10).

23Moreover, this Algerian tourist seems to have an appreciation for Tunisian cuisine because the majority of Tunisian dishes are made with a tomato sauce that is red and not yellow (the colour characterizes only some Tunisian dishes).

24However, there are also opposing views like that of the Algerian tourist quoted above (DZA-P5). During his first stay in Tunisia, he rented a house. He told me that he was content to prepare food, so his diet was somewhat different from the local diet. During his second stay in Tunisia, which was in a hotel, he expressed his desire to discover the tastes and flavours of Tunisian gastronomy in the following comment: ‘I really want to discover the Tunisian dishes by going into restaurants that offer this kind of course’ (DZA-P5). Another Algerian also showed his enthusiasm for Tunisian gastronomy, stating: ‘When [we go] out to eat lunch, we choose each time Tunisian specialties, which are better!’ (DZA-P7). A young Algerian student from a town outside TTCH who lives in Oum El Bouaghi (Algeria) for her studies offers another example of the culinary influence established in a cosmopolitan environment, represented here by the university, stating: ‘For food, I want to discover the local Tunisian products’ (DZA-P9).

25In regard to Libya, the same observations are repeated. A Libyan tourist in Tripoli who we interviewed in 2016 during his third visit to Tunis after the first in 2001 and second in 2009 discussed his culinary experiences in Tunisia:

‘I was with my wife for her first time in Tunisia... I showed her the traditional Tunisian cuisine of ‘lablabi’, ‘frikassé’ and ‘bourek’ [prepared] the Tunisian way.’ (LYB-P2)

26The same tourist, who seems to be open to and accepting of other cultures through his various travel experiences and his social status as a telecom engineer in Libya, talked about the influence of TTCH on Libya:

‘You know, we share many things: history, gastronomy, etc. Already, many of the dishes we prepare in Libya, we know they are of Tunisian origin … for example, ‘mloukhya’. So, we are the only city [Ghadames] in the country that prepares this dish, the ‘Tunisian mloukhya.’ (LYB-P2)

27This part, based on a combination of map data, statistics and other qualitative data (interviews), helped delineate the culinary scope of Tunisia’s TTCH. It capitalized heritage as the result of know-how built in a territory occupied by many cultures in the history of Tunisia. In this sense, one can speak of a specific resource of the country. The next section will provide answers about food practices of local and North African tourists during a tourist stay in Tunisia, namely dish preference and consumption locations.

III. Measuring the relationship between dishes and places of consumption of maghrebi tourists during a stay in tunisia

28Generally speaking, North Africans are most interested in the following Tunisian dishes:

  • Couscous (28.99%);

  • Fish (8.8%);

  • Mechouia salad: roasted vegetables (8.02%);

  • Tagine: a kind of quiche pastry (7.25%);

  • Lablabi: prepared with toast crumbs, chickpeas, garlic, cumin or caraway, olive oil, salt and pepper and harissa (5.87%);

  • Ojjamokh: egg-based dish with sheep brain (5.26%);

  • Mloukhya: a dense and tasty green sauce (4.92%);

  • Tunisian dish: poached egg, harissa, mechouia salad, tomatoes, potatoes, tuna and olive oil (3.88%);

29The full list includes popular Tunisian gastronomy, 28 dishes and local products offered by respondents themselves. Their responses followed an open-ended question they were asked in the survey. There were, therefore, no prior proposals or suggestions for responses that could influence them. Of the 8 popular dishes listed above (classified among Tunisians and popularized by North Africans because of their mobility in Tunisia), four (mechouia salad, lablabi, Ojjamokh and Tunisian dish) were initially consumed by economically disadvantaged segments of Tunisian society because of their affordable ingredients compared to those of other dishes. They are now a craze among other social classes. This changing dietary practice recalls the examples of Mexican tacos (Garcia-Garza, 2012) and pizza (Sanchez, 2016). In general, the choice of food consumption is affected by parameters such as the quality of taste and freshness, as well as ease and speed of preparation (Ting et al., 2017), but this is especially applicable in the case of a popular gastronomy, with its distinguishable spices and flavours (Bell et al., 2011). This parameter describes the dishes in this list mentioned by Maghrebi tourists who were surveyed. The proof is harissa, chili peppers and spices evident in the ingredients of these dishes.

30The data on the favourite dishes of Maghrebi tourists are presented in Document n° 6 below by nationality because of differences in the eating behaviours of each. The dishes used in the analysis correspond to those with 17 answers and more. Meanwhile, preferred eating places for these dishes are those that represent a percentage of responses equivalent to 10% and more. Responses below these thresholds were excluded.

Document n° 6 : Relationship between dishes and places of consumption in regard to Maghrebians during tourist stays

Nationality

Total of answers

%

answers

/

Dish *

Dish

% at

Hotel

% at

Restaurant

% at

Food

trucks

% at

Snack bar

% at home

% at

family home

TUN

584

28.94

Couscous

14.20

32.54

0.59

15.38

36.09

0.59

9.25

Fish

3.70

35.19

0

24.07

37.04

0

8.73

Mechouia Salad

9.80

31.37

0

17.65

39.22

0

7.36

Tagine

9.30

30.23

4.65

25.58

30.23

0

6.34

Lablabi

8.11

35.14

0

21.62

32.43

2.70

6.16

Kafteji / Tastira

19.44

33.33

2.78

13.89

30.56

0

5.99

Mloukhya

22.86

25.71

0

14.29

34.29

2.86

General food appreciation **

13.18

32.55

0.68

17.47

35.62

1.03

DZA

237

35.02

Couscous

30.12

32.53

1.20

21.69

14.46

0

14.77

Ojja

20.00

31.43

5.71

25.71

17.14

0

13.08

Tagine

29.03

32.26

0

22.58

16.13

0

8.02

Kafteji / Tastira

26.32

26.32

15.79

15.79

15.79

0

7.17

Mleoui bread

35.29

23.53

0

23.53

17.65

0

General food appreciation **

29.11

32.48

2.53

21.10

14.77

0

LYB

110

37.27

Couscous

21.95

56.10

0

4.88

17.07

0

24.00

Fish

25.00

50.00

0

4.17

20.83

0

General appreciation foods **

18.18

58.18

0

4.55

19.09

0

Diaspora

228

18.86

Couscous

16.28

32.56

0

16.28

34.88

0

14.91

Mechouia Salad

11.76

26.47

0

23.53

38.24

0

10.96

Lablabi

12.00

32.00

0

24.00

28.00

4.00

9.21

Fish

0

28.57

4.76

23.81

42.86

0

8.33

Mloukhya

21.05

21.05

0

15.79

42.11

0

General food appreciation **

14.04

28.95

0.44

21.49

33.77

1.32

* We chose to present dishes that represent at least 5% of all answers by nationality.

** This is the average general appreciation of Tunisian dishes and products included in the survey (28 in all) per consumption site.

Author

A. Eating behaviour of Tunisians during their tourist stay

31Tunisian’s favourite places to eat their favourite local dishes are at home (34.89%) and at restaurants (32.55%). This indicates that, for local dishes, Tunisians consider an ethnic food that involves, according to Ting, Tan, and John (2017), daily food (eating local food everyday) and eating at home. In contrast, the hotel (12.77%), a venue conducive to a more standardized menu to meet the different tastes of its guests, does not attract Tunisian tourists who want to sample popular Tunisian gastronomy.

32To provide a better link between local food and places of consumption, we propose to apply a statistical analysis via the chi-square test of independence.

Document n° 7 : Chi-square test of independence to examine the association between the most popular local dishes preferred by Tunisians and eating places while on holiday

Couscous

Mechouia salad

Tunisian dish

Tagine

Lablabi

Ojja

Kafteji

/

Tastira

Fish

Mloukhya

Hotel

0232

0178

0605

0409

0.29

0.35

0.31

0005

0068

Restaurant

0084

0604

0194

0.501

0.1

0953

0592

0553

0.39

Food trucks

0371

0421

0.587

0009

0537

0645

0292

0057

0057

Snack bar

0.69

0547

0658

0002

0054

0806

0992

0024

0854

Home

0806

0124

0518

0463

0284

0916

0997

0248

0284

Family residence

0219

0.36

0536

0.451

0397

0133

0466

0349

0397

Seaside or in nature

0523

0032

0773

0726

0744

0807

0735

0633

0744

key:

0,024

Value of chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 5%.

0009

Value of Chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 1%.

Author

33The hotel, as the first venue for tourism consumption, has only one unique link verified statistically with the dishes and/or local products. This relationship is very strong, with up to 1% less risk of error. This confirms statistically the explanations presented above. The relationship also shows that Tunisians enjoy consuming fish at their hotel as it is less accessible in their everyday lives due to its high cost.

34Tagine has a very strong chi-square independence relationship, up to less than 1% and even more, with two places of consumption: the snack bar and the food truck. This dish, although its name may be confused with a dish made in its far more famous international neighbour, Morocco, has a different appearance, preparation, and ingredients and flavours. Although it is a separate dish, the use of an accessible version, due to its ingredients in sandwiches explains its strong relationship with fast-food restaurants.

35Mechouia salad presents a very strong statistical link with the location “at the seaside or in nature”. The non-participating observation of several Tunisian beaches confirms this link (see document n°8). With its smooth texture and ease of transportation, Tunisian women prefer to take it to the beach to spread on bread for sandwiches prepared on-site for their children.

Document n° 8 : Mechouia salad as favourite food on the beach for Tunisians

Document n° 8 : Mechouia salad as favourite food on the beach for Tunisians

Shot taken by the author on Raoued Beach in the northern suburb of Tunis on 20/08/2015.

B. Eating behaviour of Algerians during their tourist stay

36During a holiday in Tunisia, Algerians in large numbers choose a furnished accommodation (Othmani, 2018). This practice does not affect their eating behaviour since eating at home represents only 15.68% of respondents answers. Eating at a fast-food restaurant is a larger percentage (22.16%). This is why three of the five foods listed in Document n° 6 are sandwiches (tagine, kafteji/tastira, mleoui bread) belonging to popular Tunisian gastronomy. The food venues that attract the largest number of Algerian tourists during a holiday in Tunisia are hotels (28.11%) and restaurants (30.81%). However, as shown in the following table (Document n°9), there is no statistical link between consumption of popular Tunisian gastronomy and these venues. This finding leads to the question of the absence of valuation of the country’s culinary heritage in such places. Rafik Tlatli (2000), a leading chef of Tunisian cooking who is famous nationally, responds by asserting that Tunisian leaders have little training and skills for Tunisian specialties and ‘are not confined to couscous’. He adds that this is the case at the national level but that, at the regional level, it is even worse ‘while one hears about this or that regional speciality, but one does not know the recipe.’

Document n°9: Chi-square test of independence to examine the association between the most popular local dishes preferred by Algerians and eating venues during a holiday

Couscous

Tagine

Kafteji

/ Tastira

Ojja

Mleoui

Hotel

0693

0937

0.774

0131

0156

Restaurant

0319

0398

0915

0125

0712

food truck

0944

0535

0.0005

0002

0.67

snack bar

0009

0075

0.66

0002

0097

Home

0094

0157

0259

0034

0146

Family residence

0333

0614

0707

0614

0729

Seaside or in nature

-

-

-

-

-

key:

0,034

Value of of chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 5%.

0009

Value of of chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 1%.

Author

37Couscous has a statistically independent, very strong link with the snack bar at the restaurant as places of consumption (less than 1% risk of error). This interdependence could lead to an economically oriented choice since a snack bar usually costs less.

38Kafteji, also known as Tastira, expresses a strong connection with food truck among Algerians. This is logical since this dish is a popular fast food in the social environment and, therefore, is generally offered in food truck or snack bars.

39Ojja, especially made with mokh (brain) cattle, sheep or goat, is a quick and easy Tunisian dish to prepare. The link with fast-food restaurants (food truck snack bar) is highly significant. We also learned, after analysis of independence, that Algerians like to eat the same dish at home (for those who are renting during their tourist stay). This example is evidence of a form of understanding and ownership of Tunisian culinary heritage.

C. Eating behaviour of Libyans during their tourist stay

40When Libyans visit Tunisia for vacations, they clearly prefer to eat in places like restaurants (53.85%) and hotels (23.08%). This extravagant characteristic is described by two chefs of the Dar Zarrouk Restaurant in Sidi Bou Said, as follows:

‘It [the Libyan client] wants even the entire map on the table, like the customer... Algerian Libyan and Algerian customers do not calculate. You give them the quantity and quality, and they become loyal instead.’ (PRO-P1) ‘You coddle them, you win them as customers.’ (PRO- P2)

Document n° 10 : Chi-square test of independence to examine the association between the most popular local dishes among Libyans and eating venues for a holiday

Couscous

Fish

Hotel

0183

0077

Restaurant

0016

0111

Food truck

0443

0626

Snack bar

0241

0438

Home

0358

0782

Family residence

-

-

Seaside or in nature

-

-

key:

0.016

Value of of chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 5%.

Author

41As Algerians, Libyans demonstrate a strong connection with couscous; the only difference is that they prefer to eat this dish at a restaurant. As a reminder, Algerians prefer to eat the same dish in a fast-food restaurant that gives less importance to the presentation and the welcome of the place (here, we are not talking about the same price in the two places). Thus, the spendthrift character of Libyan tourists is manifested by this practice. In the list of 28 dishes proposed by this study, Libyan tourists are especially attracted to two dishes popular in Tunisian gastronomy, namely couscous and fish. Dining venues, including restaurants and hotels, must therefore capitalize on this Tunisian culinary heritage; Tlatli noted, ‘Just look at restaurant menus, so little Tunisian, so commonplace and especially if unimaginative’ (Tlatli, 2000).

D. Eating behaviour of people of the diaspora during their tourist stay

42Dietary practices and diaspora consumption sites are much like their host practices during a holiday in Tunisia (Othmani, 2018). Much of the diaspora population, especially in Tunisia, have a second home in the country of origin, and therefore they consume there up to 36.62% depending on the respondents’ answers. This is followed by fast-food restaurants (on average, 22% of responses). To preserve family ties, this population spends 0.7% of its meals during a holiday with the family. It is also a form of healing and a way of teaching and integrating their children in traditional culture.

Document n° 11 : Chi-square test of independence to examine the association between the most popular local dishes among people of the diaspora and eating venues during a holiday

Couscous

Mechouia salad

Lablabi

Fish

Mloukhya

Hotel

0.28

0183

0957

0003

0.904

Restaurant

0929

0.64

0298

0572

0097

Food truck

0388

0491

0576

0141

0.6

Snack bar

0927

0058

0.06

0248

0988

Home

0314

0.01

0567

0037

0.05

Family residence

0215

0323

0.512

0421

0.451

Seaside or in nature

-

-

-

-

-

key:

0.01

Value of chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 5%.

0003

Value of chi-squared test of which the risk of error is less than or equal to 1%.

Author

  • 2 The choice of tourist accommodation for the diaspora is explained by other factors developed in (Ot (...)

43Mechouia salad and fish dishes show a statistically independent, very strong link with the place ‘home’ (less than 5% error risk). This interdependence between certain dishes and the preferred places of consumption confirms the observation made earlier. That of a culinary practice of the Tunisian diaspora linked to the choice of its tourist accommodation. In other words, during their tourist stay, the diaspora prefers to go to their second home (for those who have one) to take advantage, among other things2, of easier access to local products.

44In this section, we have identified the consumption practices of domestic and Maghrebi tourists in Tunis in regard to Tunisian culinary dishes. Each nationality surveyed develops its own consumer strategy and is based on the following factors: product accessibility (e.g. Tunisian tourists prefer to eat fish in a hotel rather than elsewhere ); price/quality ratio, which is also a form of product access (e.g. Libyans prefer to eat couscous at restaurants, unlike Algerians, who prefer to eat it in fast-food restaurants at the expense of a venue’s quality); functional aspects of a product (e.g. mechouia salad on a beach to facilitate sandwich preparation); and sociability and the transfer of cultural values that Tunisians of the diaspora want to convey to their children during meals with family members, including grandparents. Although the example of the Tunisian Diaspora and its link to Tunisian culinary dishes may cause confusion, given the existence of a cultural reason, other examples describe Tunisian culinary dishes in a generic resource dimension, treating products in their basic and material dimensions. This holiday consumption practice is inevitably linked to the daily consumption practices of all the tourists studied, either in a logic of rupture or continuity. For the first case, in the absence of prices accessible to all Tunisian budgets, fish remains a luxury product in a coastal country. Thus, thanks to the all-inclusive menu offerings in hotels, some Tunisians can access varieties of fish that are inaccessible for everyday meals. Couscous, for its part, is the ideal example of the logic of continuity between eating practices during holidays and those in everyday practice. On a daily basis, eating this dish with the family is a social practice with strong symbolism. It reflects a source of family and identity cohesion (in the case of the diaspora), as explained by Étien and Tibère (2013), or of cohesion and charity between members of a family and neighbours in the period of mourning following a death (Hirreche Baghdad, 2015), etc. Thus, during a tourist stay with all the members of a family present, this dish continues to play its role in cohesion and sharing.

Conclusion

45Given the paucity of research on preferences and dietary practices of tourists in the MENA region, this study has aimed to generate a thorough understanding of the practices of Maghrebi tourists in a little-studied cultural environment, that of Tunisia.

46Based on the specificity of the strong and spicy dishes of Tunisian cuisine that stand out from the rest of the countries of the Western Mediterranean Basin, we proposed a ‘territory of the Tunisian culinary heritage’ (TTCH) registered within the approximate limits of the borders of different civilizations that have followed throughout the country’s history. The crossing of this territory with statistical data from a survey carried out as part of our thesis work suggests a shared culinary heritage among Tunisians, part of the Algerian population and part of the Libyan population. The TTCH offered by this article is defined by a constructivist approach to resources that highlight the relationships between the products (dishes and foods from Tunisian cuisine) and how they are consumed by Maghrebi tourists (the favourite dishes of each surveyed nationality of tourists and their preferred places of consumption). This relationship has been enriched by comparing the consumption of these tourists in the context of daily practices. To achieve these results and the accompanying understanding, it was necessary to combine data from the quantitative survey, in-depth interviews and non-participant observation. Thus, the use of mixed methods is one characteristic of this article.

47Generic resources are Tunisian dishes and culinary products used in the basic foods. Those specific dimensions are provided by the expertise developed over a lengthy transmitted and appropriate process of collective learning from one civilization to another and passed from one generation to another. If this article plays a role in identifying these resources, it raises questions about the process of their heritage in a tourism development objective and, thereby, creates a territorial specificity contribution.

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Annexe

Annexe

Annexe n° 1: Profiles of interviewees

No.

Nationality(s)

Country of residence

Sex

Marital status

Age

Profession

Experience

Tourism Professionals

PRO-P1

Tunisia

Tunisia

H

Married

Mid 40s

Chef in tourist restaurant

Experienced (Exp.) traveler

PRO-P2

Tunisia

Tunisia

H

Married

Mid 40s

Chef in tourist restaurant

Exp. traveler

Tourists

LYB-P1

Libya

Libya

H

Married

Early 40s

Furniture dealer

Exp. traveler

LYB-P2

Libya

Libya

H

Married

Late 30s

Telecom engineer

Exp. traveler

LYB-P3

Libya / Syria

Syria

H

Married

Late 30s

Trader

Exp. traveler

MAR-P1

Morocco

Morocco

H

Married

Early 30s

Trader

First trip

MAU-P1

Mauritania

Mauritania

H

Married

Early 40s

Car dealer

Exp. traveler

DZA-P1

Algeria

Algeria

H

Married

Late 30s

Administrative

Exp. traveler

DZA-P2

Algeria

Algeria

H

Married

Early 40s

Administrative

First trip

DZA-P3

Algeria

Algeria

H

Single

Early 30s

Teacher

Exp. traveler

DZA-P4

Algeria

Algeria

H

Married

Early 40s

Contractor

Exp. traveler

DZA-P5

Algeria

Algeria

H

Married

Early 30s

Mechanic

Exp. traveler

DZA-P6

Algeria

Algeria

F

Single

Early 20s

Student

Exp. traveler

DZA-P7

Algeria

Algeria

H

Married

Mid 50s

Electrician

First trip

DZA-P8

Algeria

Algeria

H

Married

Mid 40s

Veterinary

Exp. traveler

DZA-P9

Algeria

Algeria

H

Single

Early 20s

Student

Exp. traveler

DZA-P10

Algeria

Algeria

H

Single

Early 20s

Student

Exp. traveler

DZA-P11

Algeria

Algeria

H

Single

Mid 20s

Psychologist

Exp. traveler

TUN-P1

Tunisia

Tunisia

F

Married

Mid 40s

Housewife

Exp. traveler

TUN-P2

Tunisia

Tunisia

H

Married

Mid 50s

Engineer

Exp. traveler

TUN-P3

Tunisia

Tunisia

H

Married

Late 20s

Laboratory technician

Exp. traveler

DIA-P1

Algeria / France

France

H

Single

Mid 40s

Caregiver

First trip

DIA-P2

Tunisia / France

France

F

Married

Early 20s

Housewife

Exp. traveler

DIA-P3

Algeria / France

France

F

Single

Mid 30s

Commercial director

Exp. traveler

DIA-P4

Tunisia / France

France

F

Married

Late 30s

Accounting

Exp. traveler

DIA-P5

Algeria / France

France

F

Married

Mid 40s

Hairdresser

Exp. traveler

DIA-P6

Tunisia

Qatar

H

Single

Late 20s

laborer

Exp. traveler

DIA-P7

Tunisia / France

France

H

Married

Late 40s

Contractor

Exp. traveler

DIA-P8

Tunisia / France

France

H

Married

Mid 30s

Aeronautical engineer

Exp. traveler

Author

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Notes

1 Thus, these food practices refer to popular cuisine which, through its successes, has been able to acquire regional visibility and even enter international gastronomy.

2 The choice of tourist accommodation for the diaspora is explained by other factors developed in (Othmani and Benhacine, 2021)

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Table des illustrations

Titre Document n°1: Map of the location of the beaches in the agglomeration of Tunis
Légende (Note: yellow dots are the observed beaches; orange areas are the most important tourist destinations in the city of Tunis; and broken lines represent the limits of the metropolis component governorates of Tunis.)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/viatourism/docannexe/image/7183/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 2,8M
Titre Document n° 4 : The settlement strata of Tunisia from the Mediterranean basin, from the Carthaginian period to the present day
Légende Notes: The hatched areas represent the geographical areas of the societies that have occupied North Africa since the Carthaginians. The coloured areas represent a common territory of several successive settlements.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/viatourism/docannexe/image/7183/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 4,1M
Titre Document n° 5 : Area of influence of Tunisian gastronomy
Crédits Notes: The green area, using the territory (1) of the previous map (see document n°4), represents the territory shared by the largest number of civilizations that have occupied Tunisia during its history. Green dots represent respondents who said they preferred eating spicy foods, while those in red indicate respondents who do not enjoy these kinds of dishes.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/viatourism/docannexe/image/7183/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,3M
Titre Document n° 8 : Mechouia salad as favourite food on the beach for Tunisians
Légende Shot taken by the author on Raoued Beach in the northern suburb of Tunis on 20/08/2015.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/viatourism/docannexe/image/7183/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,6M
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Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique

Wadie Othmani, « Intangible heritage as a social construction of authenticity: the example of Tunisian cuisine », Via [En ligne], 19 | 2021, mis en ligne le 26 juillet 2021, consulté le 20 octobre 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/viatourism/7183 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/viatourism.7183

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Auteur

Wadie Othmani

Wadiia078@hotmail.fr, Doctor in geography of tourism, University of Angers (France),
Doctor in land use planning, University of Sousse (Tunisia), Affiliated with the UMR CNRS 6590 ESO – site of Angers (University of Angers) and the UR "horticulture, landscape, environment" (University of Sousse). 

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Droits d’auteur

Licence Creative Commons
Via Tourism Review est mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International.

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